LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 1

A Study of the Documentary Sources of
his Biography, covering the Period of
his Preparation, 1688-1744

ALFRED ACTON, B.Th., M.A., D.Th.
Late Dean of the Theological School
of the Academy of the New Church

Bryn Athyn
Pennsylvania

1958

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Explanatory Foreword

1653-1735 Jesper Swedberg - Notes on his Biography 1
1688 Swedenborg"s Birth, - Early Childhood and Education 3
1700 Swedenborg's first Literary Piece printed 17
1707 Nov. Swedenborg's first Latin Production . . . . 18
1710 March A Festal Applause and other early Poems . . . 32
1710 May 1st FOREIGN JOURNEY: 35

In London on August 3rd . . . . . 35
1712 Jan. In Oxford . . . . . . 51

In Holland . . . . . . . . . 57
1713 May Arrived in Paris . . . . . . . . . . 61
1714 May/June In Hamburg . . . . . . . 64

Swedenborg's Inventions discussed . . . . . . 65

July-Sept. In Rostock . . . . . . . . . . 70

In Greifswalde 70
1715 Camena Borea (Ovidian Fables) described 72

Ludus Heliconius . . . . . . . . 77

Festivus Applausus - described . . . . . . . 78

May Arrived in Sweden . . . . . 86

Oct Daedalus Hyperboreus - Preface . . . .. . 92
1716 Jan. " " - 1st number . . . . . . 96

To Stiernsund - 1st meeting, with Polhem & Family 103

March To Starbo - Prepares copy for DH II . . . . 104

De Causis Rerum . . . . . . 105

April Daedalus Hyperboreus II Described . . . . . . 107

" " III 111

June Death of Swedenborg's brother Eliezer 116

On Certain Kinds of Soil and Mud . . . . . . 117

Daedalus Hyperboreus III - described . . . . . 118

Sept. " " IV - described . . . . . 121

A Flying Machine . . . . . . . . . . . 121

Longitude - see also pp. 173, 179 . . . . . 124

Nov. 3 Points to the King re an Observatory (see p. 111)

and a Mechanical Laboratory (se p.112) . . . . 128

Dec. In Lund - meets Charles XII . . . . . . . 130

Daedalus Hyperboreus V - Preparation for 134
1717 Jan. To Karlskrona with Polhem . . . . . . . . . 138

Feb. In Stiernsund - DH V completed . . . . 142

April Daedalus Hyperboreus V - described . . . . . 145

A Relation concerning Stiernsund's Tinplated ware 147

A new Theory concerning the Stoppage of the Earth

1st draft described . . . . . . . . . . .. 148

Takes seat in Bergskollegium . . . . . . . . 149

A New System of Reckoning - being prepared . . . 154
1718 Jan. " " " " " - described . . . . . . 164

Algebra or Regel-konst - described (see also p. 232) 166

On Air and Water Particles " ( " " " 235). 173

Longitude (see pp. 1799, 237) . . . . . . . . . 173

Height of Water (see pp. 196, 201). . . . . . 174

The Motion and Position of the Earth & Planets . . . 174

Nature of Fire and Colors - described (see p. 196) . 174

Behm property described . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175

1718 Feb. Longitude - described . . . . . . . . . 179

Sluice work - Assistant to Polhem at Wennersborg 181

July Reputed Engagement between S. and Emerentia P.

Sept. Daedalus Hyperboreus VI - described . . . . . . 186

Oct. " " VII, VIII . . . . . 190

Dec. Stoppage of the Earth - described (see also p. 148) 190

1719 Feb. Information on the Dock the Sluice Work, and the Salt Work

described. . . . . 194

At Bergscollegium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196

Height of Water - described (see p. 201). . . . . 197

May Swedberg Family ennobled . . . . . . . . 199

Nov. Swedish Blast Furnaces - described . . . . . . . 202

Swedenborg's earliest Thought re Theological matters 207

Coinage, New Ways of Discovering Mines, described 208

The Falling and Rising of Lake Venner " 210

At Bergscollegium . . . . . . . . . . . . 212
1720 Feb. Acta Literaria Sveciae - 1st number 214

Tremulation - discussed (see pp. 188, 201, 202) 215

June On the increase and degrees of Heat in Bodies according to the

Bullular Hypothesis - described (see also p. 222) 224

Proceedings re Sara Bergia's Will (see also p. 230) . . . 225

July Increase in Salary - application to King . . . . . . 228
1721 May First notice in learned world abroad - letter to a'Melle . 232

June 2nd FOREIGN JOURNEY: 234

Amsterdam (end of July) . . . . . . 235

Oct. Chemistry, Iron and Fire and Longitude published . . . . 235

Nov. Leiden (November) . . . . . . . 239

Dec. Amsterdam . . . . . . . . . 239

Elementary Particles, & etc. described . . . . . . . . . 241

Aix-la-Chapelle, Liege 243

Leipzig . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245
1722 March Miscellaneous Observations IV - described . . . . . . . 248

April de Behm Inheritance Dispute (see also p. 253, 282) . . . . . 250

The Genuine Treatment of Metals, Notice of . . . . . . 252

Medevi. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 252

July Return to Stockholm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255

August 1st Literary Dispute - Answer to Quensel . . . . . 255

Miscellaneous Observations I-III - review of . . . . . . 256

(see also p. 139)

Nov. Exposition of a hydrostatic Law . . . . . . . . . . . 258

Thoughts on the Fall and Rise of the Swedish Coinage

described . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260

At Bergscollegium. . . . . . . . . . . . 261
1723-24 Feb. Collectanea Metallica or lost work on Copper . . 279
1724 May At Bergscollegium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283

Brita Behm Mining Law Process - Report on Lindbohm 288
1725 At Bergscollegium . . . . . . . . . . . 297

iii

1725 April Suit with Brita Behm re Axmar Property

(see also pp. 311, 320) . . . . . . 303
1725-26 In Bergscollegium . . . . . . . . . . . 309
1726 June Axmar Property Dispute continued . . . . . . 311

Oct. At Diet - Hannover Alliance Dispute, Dippel Trial. . . 321
1727 Swedenborg's Income discussed (see pp. 335, 679) . . . . 329
1729 Nov. Swedenborg becomes a Member of Soc. of Sciences . . . . 330
1730 May At Bergscollegium - Swedenborg as Mediator . . . . . . . . 332

Collectanea: "On Gold and Silver" 1727 . . . . . . . 337

"On the Secretion or Separation of Silver from Copper" 1727. . 337

"On Vitriol" end of 1727 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337

"On Sulphur and Pyrites" 1727 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337

"On Common Salt," 1729 (see p. 140) . . . . . . . . . . . . 338

"On Iron" 1729 . . . . . . . . . . . 338
1729 Nov. Principles of Natural Things (see pp. 369, 416) . . . . . 339

Algebra and Geometry (Cod. 86) - described . . . . . . . 340
1730 Declination of the Magnetic Needle - described . . . . . . . 342
1731 Jan. At Diet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 344
1731-32 Principia and The Magnet written (see p. 419) . . . . . . 346
1733 April Motion of the Elements - described . . . . . 348

May 3rd FOREIGN JOURNEY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 349

Stralsund (May 25th) . . . . . . . 351

Greifswalde (May 27th) . . . . . . . . . 352

Neu Brandenburg (May 28-29) . . . . 352

Old Strelitz ( " 30) . . . . . 353

June Berlin (June 2) . . . . . . . . 354

Dresden ( " 7) . . . . . . 358

Principia finished June 20 (see also p. 369) . . . . . 359

July Prague (July 23rd) . . . . . . . 374

"Definition of First Natural Point" (see p. 382) . . . . 374

Prague (July 24th) . . . . . . . 377

August Carlsbad ( " 30th) . . . . . . . 382

Prague (August 19th) . . . . . . . 387

Dresden ( " 25th) . . . . . . . 388

Sat for portrait . . . . . . . . . . 390

Leipzig (Sept. 3rd) . . . . . . . . . . . . 390

Oct. Mechanism of Soul and Body - described . . . . . . 390

Notes on Wolff's Psychologia Empirica - described . . . 403
1734 Jan.-Mar. The Infinite MS. delivered to printer . . . 412

March Halle (March 1st) . . . . . . . . 412

Leipzig . . . . . . . . . . . 414

May Opera Phil. et Mineralia and de Infinito published . .414

The Principia examined (see also pp. 346, 432) . . 416

Iron and Copper examined . . . . . . . . 419

De Infinito examined . . . . . . . 422

July Arrived in Stockholm - Duties at Bergscollegium . . . . . 428

Cod. 88 = Excerpts from Wolff, Dupleix, Newton,

etc. - described . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 433

Title-pages and Plans of Animal Kingdom Series

described (see also pp. 552, 620, 677) . . . 436

1735 Swedenborg's Work as Commissioner in Bergscollegium 440

July Death of Bishop Swedberg . . . . . . . . . 441
1736 March At Bergscollegium . . . . . . . . . . . 443
1736 July 4th FOREIGN JOURNEY: 446

Copenhagen (July 16) . . . . . . . 447

Hamburg ( " 30) . . . . . 451

August Hannover (August 6) . . . . . . . 453

Amsterdam ( " 17) . . . . . . . 454

First of a series of Events culminating in Swedenborg's Admission

to the Spiritual Word - discussed . . . 455

Rotterdam (August 21) . . . . 456

Brussels ( " 25) . . . . 459

Sept. Paris (September 3) . . .. 461

1737 Study of Anatomy - Practices Dissection . . . . . 472
1738 March Lyons (March 17) . . . . . . 475

Turin ( " 31) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 479

April Milan (April 9) . . . . . . . . . . 482

Padua ( " 17) . . . . . . 486

Venice( " 19) . . . . . . 487

The Cerebrum (Cod. 65) written here described

(see also pp. 524, 556) . . . . . . . 489

August Verona, Mantua, Ferrara (Aug. 11,14, 21) . . . . . . 497

Bologna (August 23) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 498

Florence ( " 28) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 499

Sept. Rome (September 25) . . . . . . . 505

1739 Feb. The Cerebrum - further discussed . . . . 524

The Way to a Knowledge of the Soul described . . . . 525

Faith and Good Works described . . . . . 526

Codex 37 Excerpts from Boerhaave, Verheyen, Allen, etc.,

- described . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 527

Florence (Feb. 20) . . . . . . . . 529

March Genoa (March 17) . . . . . . . . 530

Swedenborg's Dreams mentioned in Heirs' Note . . . . . 531

May Paris (early May) . . . . . . . . 532

Political Scene during Swedenborg's Absence . . . . . 532

June Amsterdam (early June) . . . . . . . 534

Swedenborg's Inlaid Marble Table described -

(see also p. 561) . . . . . . 534

Economy of the Animal Kingdom discussed (see p. 592) 535

Description of Swoon experienced at beginning . . . . . 536

Dec. Plans for continuation of Economy Series (Cod. 88) . . 552

Codex 57 - described . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 553

Characteristic & Mathematical Philosophy of

Universals described . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 553

Additions to The Cerebrum described . . . . . . . . 556

Eminent Generation described . . . . . . 560

Inlaid Marble Table arrives in Stockholm (Nov. 1739) . . . 561

March Index of EAK I and study of Leeuwenhoek and Swammerdam

(Cod. 57) - described . . . . . 562

1740 April Economy of the Animal Kingdom II - described;

see also pp. 596, 776 . . . . . . . . . . . . 570

August Reviews of EAK I and II . . . . . . . . . . . . . 592

Autumn Return to Stockholm and Financial Matters . . . . . . 599

1741 Jan. Becomes member of Kungliga Vetenskaps-Societet . . . . . . 602

Reply, re Controversy with Celsius . . . . . . . . . . 602

Feb. In House of Nobles . . . . . . . . . 606

In Bergscollegium - Swedenborg's work in Judicial cases. . . 608

Change of Plans for EAK Series (see p. 552) . . . . . . . 620

A Philosopher's Note Book - reviewed (see pp. 771, 776). . 621

The Fibre - described . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 639

On Divine Providence, Predestination, Fate,

Fortune and Human Prudence (see p. 783) . . . . . 648

Harmony between Soul and Body (see p. 647) discussed . . 648

The Origin and Propagation of the Soul described . . . . . 654

The Animal Spirit - described . . . . . . . 655

Sensation or Passion Of the Body described . . . . . . . 657

Action - described . . . . . . . . . 658

On the Red Blood . . . . . 660
1742 The Soul or Rational Psychology (Cod. 54) discussed . . . 660

Ontology - described . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 672

A Hieroglyphic Key - see pp. 769-71 . . . . . 673

The Brain (Cod. 55) - 1st Draft - described; see pp. 798-805 673

Plan for continuation of EAK Series . . . . . . . . . 677

July The Animal Kingdom (Cod. 53) - commenced; see also

pp. 776, 777 . . . . . . . . . . 681

Periosteum, The Breasts, The Ear and Hearing,

The Eye and Sight (Cod. 53) - discussed. . . . 682

Generation - described . . . . . . . . . 682

Transaction and Induction Series changed to Analytic

- see p. 681 . . . . . . . . . 684

Renewed Studies of Schurig, Leeuwenhoek and

Swammerdam. (Cod. 53) - described . . . . . . . 687

Swedenborg's Comments on the Bee, etc., . . . . . . . 690

August At the House of Nobles . . . . . . . . . 693
1742-43 Animal Kingdom I, II rewritten for publication . . . . 701

1743 July 5th FOREIGN JOURNEY: (Journal changed to record of Dreams) . 704

Ystad (July 27) . . . . . . . . 704

August Stralsund (August 7) . . . . . . . . . . . 705

Hamburg (August 12) . . . . . . 706

Amsterdam (August 25 or 26) . . . . 708

Animal Kingdom MS. rewritten . . . . . 709

First Experience of Preternatural Sleep . . . . . . . 710

Animal Kingdom reviewed . . . . 710
1744 March Journal of Dreams - 1st dated dream, etc. . . . 716

Animal Kingdom II completed - Epilogue examined . . . . . 722

Observations on Steps in opening of Swedenborg's

Spiritual Eyes (see pp. 743-45) . . . . . . . . . 727

Journal of Dreams - description continued . . . . . . 735

1744 April The Hague (April 1 or 2) . . . . . 736

The Lord's Second Appearance to Swedenborg . . . . . . . 740

See First Appearance, p. 718

Journal of Dreams - description continued . . . . . . 743

Most complete and minute description of Spiritual

Temptations in JD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 753

Leiden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 764

Amsterdam (April 24) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 765

The Hague ( " 25) .. . . . . . . . . . . . 766

May Journal of Dreams - description continued . . . . . . . 768

Hieroglyphic Key - described . . . . . . . . . . .769

Study of the Word (Cod. 36) in continuation of HK . . . . . 771

Harrwich (May 4 = May 15 N. S.) see p. 768 . . . 773

London ( " 5 = " 16 " ) . . . . . . . 774

Indices to EAK II and AK I-II (Cod. 38) . . . . . . . 776

June Extracts from The Elements of all Geometry A Musical

Dictionary and A Compleat System of Opticks

copied in A Phil. Note Book (Cod. 36) . . . . 776

The Five Senses (Cod. 58), first draft described;

see also pp. 756, 767 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 777

Journal of Dreams - description continued . . . . . . . 781

Notes on Works by Desaguilier and Robert Smith examined 784

A Course of Experimental Philosophy . . . . . . . 785

A Compleat Course of Opticks . . . . . . . . . . . 785

July Epilogue or last chapter of Five Senses -

described; see p. 805 . . . . . . . . . . . 788

Journal of Dreams - description continued . . . . . 794

The Brain - Additions to (Cod. 58), described . . . 798

Aug. Journal of Dreams - description continued . . . . . . . 805

Sept. Introduction into Spiritual World chiefly during

the writing on the Five Senses . . . . . . . . 810

Oct. The Five Senses finished Oct. 6, marking conclusion

of Physiological Studies and Writings . . . . . . 815

Worship and Love of God commenced Oct. 7 -

described; see p. 830 . . . . . . . . . . 816

Dreams while writing WLG - described . . . . . . . . 816

Worship and Love of God, 3rd Section described . . . 823

Last entry in JD . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . 829

(see p. 813)

The Five Senses, review of . . . . . . . . . . . . . 829

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 831

APPENDIX - Genealogies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 838

EXPLANATORY FOREWORD

The following material is duplicated by a ditto-process in 100 sets of 842 pages each, from a typed copy revised in handwriting by the author, Alfred Acton, B.Th., M.A., D.Th., the late Dean of the Theological School of the Academy of the New Church.

Since the author, who died on April 279 1956, never had the opportunity to complete his work, or to go over the manuscript himself for a final editing, there may be found occasional repetitions and possible errors in the text. How- ever, Dr. Acton's secretary and niece, Miss Beryl G. Briscoe, who has been long associated with his work, has made such editorial adjustments as were necessary, verified questionable references, made up the references into a bibliography, and supplied a table of contents.

In this work, Dr. Acton has sought to record the life of Emanuel Swedenborg from the most original sources available. The record is laid out in chronological order without subdivisions. The references are usually to the original documents, first records, or original editions. So, for instance, references to many of Swedenborg's early letters are to the Opera Quaedam, wherein they are printed in their original languages.

It is to be regretted that Dr. Acton was unable to proceed with his exhaustive research further than up to the year 1744 when he concludes the story of Swedenborg's preparation by a full account of the Journal of Dreams. The transition period of 1743 to 1748 is treated in Dr. Acton's Introduction to the Word Explained (1927). His Letters and Memorials of Emanuel Swedenborg (1948 and 1955) provide a further aid to the study also of Swedenborg's later life so far as this is illustrated from his correspondence; but this work cannot be regarded as a biography, and it must become the task of some later scholar to continue the important research studies which should record the life of the Seer of the Second Advent from 1744 and throughout the period when he was consciously associated with the inhabitants of the spiritual world as well as with men on earth.

For the use of future scholars, the Academy of the New Church possesses a set of loose leaf record books entitled the Academy Collection of Swedenborg Documents (ACSD) but familiarly referred to as "The Green Books." In these are listed chronologically every known reference to documentary evidence touching the life of Swedenborg, including typewritten copies of the original documents and, frequently, available translations.

Hugo Lj. Odhner
Bryn Athyn, Pennsylvania
1958

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 2

[1682

Jesper Swedberg, the father of Emanuel Swedenborg, was born on August 28, 1653., on the estate of his parents, which was known as Sveden. It was situated east of Falun in Store Kopparberg diocese. Jesper was entered in the Westmanland-Dala 'nation' at Upsala University, Nov. 1666, as "Jesper Danielis Swedbergh," the surname being derived from Sveden and from Kopparberg. (Tottie "Jesper Svedbergs Lif och Verksamhet", Upsala 1855, vol. I., pp. 5, 11. This work in two parts, together with Svedberg's own auto-biography, "Lefvernesbeskrifning", constitute full accounts of Bishop Swedberg's life. Tottie's work is fully documented.)

Jesper Swedberg's life shows that he believed in revelations by dreams and visions, and in the reality of the spiritual world and the actual presence of angels and spirits with men.

We may regard this as a preparation for that state with Emanuel Swedenborg which enabled him to have his spiritual eyes opened; but it has been regarded as accounting for a "visionary."

The insanity of Emanuel Swedenborg's maternal grandmother, and the melancholia of his maternal uncle have been adduced to show a state of mental weakness in Emanuel Swedenborg himself; but on examination, this assertion amounts to no more than an effort to account for the prejudged opinion that Emanuel Swedenborg cannot have been mentally sound since he claimed intercourse with the spiritual world.

After receiving his master degree in Upsala, December 12, 1682, Jesper Swedberg was appointed Chaplain of the Lif-regiment, then stationed in Stockholm, and was ordained Feb. 12, 1683, after which he moved to Stockholm.(UUH 2:310; Tottie pp. 20, 29)
Before this, however, he went to Falun in connection with the inheritance of his father's property. (ACSD Al)

He married Sarah Behm, December 16. 1683, and by this means became quite well off.

Of his marriage, Jesper Swedberg writes:

"My wife, Sarah Behm, held me very dear, as I held her. When it was firmly determined that we should become one man, we lovingly came into agreement that she should rule in the house as an intelligent wife and prudent mistress, as she pleased. I should not interfere with her. What money or ought else she called for, she would receive at first request, and more rather than less. But, on the other hand, she also must promise me two things:

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 3

[1684

first, that she would never interfere with my office., and as to this will have no word or direction. If I am called by my God and approved by my superior, I should know how to perform my office. With her prayers, she should indeed help me as I should help her; but, for the rest - nothing. Then, for the second thing, she must promise me that when I sit in convivial and pleasant company and have there my enjoyment and peace without over-drinking, without offense or annoyance to any one, she will then grant me the pleasant peace and enjoyment after my strenuous work and many cares; that then she will by no means ask me to leave. And I believe that Christ's thought was the same when He answered His mother somewhat harshly in the wedding at Cana in Galilee, 'Woman, what have I to do with thee? my time is not yet come.'" (Tottie, I, p. 30f)

He writes also: "From God's gentle hand I received a wife rich in property and money, and, in addition, rich in virtue, the fear of God, seriousness, piety, and industry. I say seriousness, because she never boasted of her wealth, but in mind, speech, manners, and clothing, she was modest and not after the way of the world." (Ibid.)

In the summer of 1684, he visited England, France, Germany, and Holland, returning to Sweden in August 1685. (Tottie, I., 32f)

In connection with this journey we may note his intercourse with the learned orientalist Edzardus, whose son his son Emanuel was to meet 25 years later in London. He was much impressed by Edzardus's habit of daily blessing his children by laying his hands on their head, and in his Auto-biography he writes: "So did the Patriarch Jacob bless his sons Ephraim and Manasseh (Gen. 48:14). So did Christ bless the little children. Happy are those children whose parents thus bless them. Thus did I with my own children when they were little." (Ibid. 41-2)

His last conversation with Edzardus before leaving for Stockholm: To Swedberg's question, In what language would they speak when they came to God's kingdom, Edzardus would give no answer; whereupon, Swedberg expressed himself as follows: "I think it will be angel language. As the angels talk Swedish when they talk with Swedes., German with Germans, English with Englishmen, and so forth, so I will talk Swedish with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and they will answer me in Swedish. They talk with me in Hebrew which I then understand, and I answer them in Hebrew; and so with people of all sorts of tongues. That we shall not talk there, this I do not believe. To talk is a human property. We shall there sing praises to God with loud voices and say Blessed is He who sitteth upon the throne, our God and Lamb; and all the angels worshipped God and said Amen, Praise and honor, etc. Yes, this is their speech. We do not become dumb. God help us thither that we may come to know this and more and more completely." (Ibid. 42)

During his absence, his wife lived with her sister and sister-in-law, Fru Peter Swedberg, in Stockholm, where her firstborn Albrecht was born in November, 1684. (He died in June 1696, ten days after his Mother).

On Jesper Swedberg's return, he moved with his wife and child to a house in Jakob's Parish, Stockholm, and probably to a detached stone house in the aristocratic part of the parish, on a site now numbered 22 (or 18) Regeringsgatan. (N. K. Tid. '14/172, '14/138a)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 4

[1688

This is indicated by the fact, that the second child Anna (born September 19, 1686) was baptized (September 24) in St. Jakob's Church. (Ibid. 138s) The house was bought by Jesper Swedberg in May 30, 1690, for 11,000 Kpmt; but it would appear that he lived there as a tenant before the purchase. It had belonged to a nobleman who died in June 1689, and was willed to 1st Court Preacher Wiraenius who had been appointed Bishop of Vaxjo and would soon leave Stockholm. The house stood on a lot 17 x 47 ells. (Stock. Radh. Arkiv. d. 1692 May 2)

Meanwhile, Jesper Swedberg had added to his family his nephew, John Moraeus, the son of Jesper's sister Barbro who had been left a widow with seven children and in hard circumstances, though in possession of the estate Sweden. On a visit to his birthplace in 1686, Jesper was so charmed with his nephew (E. Swedenborg's future tutor) (14 years old) that he adopted him and took him to Stockholm to his home there, and afterwards to Upsala, even to the time when Jesper left Upsala for Skara, when he furnished Moraeus with money for a long foreign journey. (Sv. Biog. Lex. 2b)

Swedenborg was born at the site on Regeringsgatan on Sunday, January 29, 1688, and baptized in St. Jakob's Church on February 2. 1688 (Candlemas day), as shown by the baptism book of that day, where the names or the six godparents are given. (N.K. Tid. '14/138) Of his naming, his father writes: "My son Emanuel's name signifies God with us (Isa. 7/14, Matt. 1/23). First, that he may ever be reminded of God's presence and of the sufficient, holy and secret union in which we, by faith, stand with our kind and gracious God; that He is with us, in us, and we with Him and in Him. Secondly, God has also even to this moment (1733 May), blessed be His name, surely been with him. May God be also with him hereafter, until he come to be everlastingly with God in His kingdom." (Sw. text N.K. Tid. '15/121.) The law of November 3, 1686, required:

1 That children should be baptized at the latest at 8 days old

2 That the baptism shall be in the church, except for weighty reasons, and on a Sunday or Feast, day when the congregation is present.

3 That he shall have godparents but no more than 3 men and women

4 That the ceremony shall be celebrated by the pastor of the parish where the child is born. (N.K. Tid. '14/170)

In his letter to Hartley, Swedenborg gives the date of his birth as January 29, 1689, and this has caused much discussion (see Int. Rep. 1833/497). Tuxen relates that in 1770 he asked Swedenborg the reason for this and reports: "He told me that he was not born in that year as mentioned but in the preceding one. And on my asking him whether this was a fault in the printing, he answered, 'No, but the reason was this: You may remember in reading my writings to have seen it mentioned in many places that every figure or number in the spiritual. sense has a certain correspondence or signification annexed,' and he added that when he had first put the true year in that letter, an angel present told him that he should write the year now printed as much more suitable to himself than the other; and you know, said the angel, that with us time and space are nothing. 'For this reason it was,' continued he, 'that I wrote it.'" (See n. 5 below) (2 Doc. 436)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 5

[1692

Despite the above, it seems almost certain that Swedenborg wrote the year 1689 simply by error, as would be not unlikely, especially with a man of 80 years old - or even with any one.

1. In the same letter to Hartley, Swedenborg says that he returned to Sweden in 1714, which is an error for 1715. (1 Doc. 7)

2. Excellent reasons are given in the Intellectual Repository (1833, p. 497) for doubting whether an angel would speak as reported by Tuxen., and lead to falsifying a record which was professedly meant as a guide to his friends in case of need. (Ibid. 6)

3. Tuxen, who then knew little of the Writings, was 77 years of age when he wrote the account quoted above in 1790, twenty years after the event.

4. It is probable, and perhaps certain., that he did ask Swedenborg the question as to 1689, but Swedenborg may have taken the occasion to speak of the correspondences of numbers, and Tuxen have mistaken this (20 years later) as an explanation of the figures 1689.

5. It has been supposed that since, at this time, the year in England began with March 1, Swedenborg, who wrote the letter to Hartley in England, desired to translate the date of his birth into the English date, and that by error, instead of writing 1687 (which would have been correct), he wrote 1689.

6. Reference to the autograph shows that 1688 was not "first written." The date 1689 is given by Ferelius in the record of Swedenborg's death, but this is clearly due to the printed letter to Hartley. It is corrected in the margin of the record. (In ANC)

Jesper Swedberg continued in Stockholm until his call, in September 24, 1692, (Tot. 153) to become 3rd Theological Professor in Upsala. He sold his stone house for 11,000 Kr. and was installed in his new position in November 1692, and in the following December was made Rector of the University. (Ib. 157) Elected at the end of November and installed a few days later. But in the following year, Albrecht was entered as a student in the University where he is spoken of as a "promising student." (UUH 2:2:43; Stroh 4)

In 1694 (October 17), Jesper Swedberg was appointed 1st Theological Professor, an office which carried with it the office of Pastor of Upsala, and, in the absence of the Archbishop, head of the Consistory. (Tottie 183, 195) He entered on his new office May 2, 1696, when he commenced lectures on the New Testament., continued yearly, laying special stream on the importance of a Christian life: "Both understanding and will must be amended; and now-a-days, but little attention is paid to the latter. (Ibid. 185-88)

At first, however, he was frequently absent at Stockholm, as a member of the Commission for revising the Swedish Bible, and also as a member of the Diet in 1695. (Ibid. 175-76)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 6

[1694
Oct.

He was also at work on the Swedish Hymn Book, for which he wrote many hymns which are still retained. This work led him to a study of the Swedish language, with the result that he embarked on a lifelong work for the purification of that tongue, which was despised by the learned and the court, and into which many foreign words were brought. (Tottie 178-79)

As pastors he was solicitous in preserving order in church; in holding regular catechisings, wherein he instilled the lessons of the sermon, and which he held as ten times more valuable than the sermon; and in studious preparation of his sermons. Emanuel Swedenborg must have come under his influence as catechiser, and have caught something of the Christian pietism combined with a sociable disposition and sound common sense which distinguished him. (Ibid. 212; cf. 2 Doc. 178)

While no Pietist, Jesper Swedberg had some sympathy with them, and with them was especially opposed to faith alone and the formalisms which were then prevalent. Consequently, he made little of fine doctrinal distinctions, etc., and so seemed to others to be sometimes indifferent to the purity of doctrine. "I am decidedly on the side of those who will forward true Christianity, even though their means may not be the best." (Tottie 189-90)

In addition to public lectures, Jesper Swedberg also gave "colleges" on Proof passages, Swedish Bible, Moral Theology, etc. - which latter subject was not in the course of lectures. (Ibid. 190)

In 1696, he called J. Moraeus (aged 24), who had been with an apothecary in Stockholm, to Upsala, to tutor his son Emanuel. Moraeus had a great love of medicine and was delighted to have this opportunity of studying at Upsala. Moraeus was also interested in mineralogy, as shown by his Disputation in May 1703 De Victriolo. (SBL Mor. 139; ACSD 2b; ALS 1:l8)

"I saw two who were good men - Moraeus and Bierchenius." (SD 4717)

It was between this period and l699 that the earliest known signature belongs, written on a disputation on a medical subject, and probably given to Emanuel by Moraeus who was devoted to medicine.

Previous to this, in February 1696, Jesper Swedberg had bought a lot in the Great or New Square for 6300 Kmt., and built there a stone house, finished in 1698. It would appear that this lot already had a wood house. The building now on this site has above the doorway, on the inner court an iron plate with the inscription: J. S. P. U. 1696 (URA; Tottie 208:2)

Meanwhile, he seems to have lived at Cathedral Square near Rudbeck's house. (ACSD 1b; Stroh 8)

In June 1696, his wife, Sarah Behm, died of a pestilential fever on June 17 at the age of 30 years, (she was 17 when married) leaving behind her eight children, ranging from 9 months to 13 years. But her oldest child, Albrecht, was also smitten with the fever, and after a painful illness of two weeks died ten days after his mother.

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 7

[1696

Both were buried in the Cathedral on July 19, when the Rector,
Professor Schwede issued public invitations to the services. (NCL '09:694)

The picture we have of Sarah Behm shows her at the age of 26, according to the statement at the back. It is now in the Nordiska Museet (formerly in the possession of Baron J. V. V. Knorring of Goteborg). (NCL '07:689)

Of his wife, Jesper Swedborg writes: "Although she was daughter of an Assessor and wife of a Pastor of Upsala, and, in addition, of great riches, she never dressed according to her wealth, beyond what was necessary. When all women at that time wore the sinful and offensive bonnet called a fontage, she was obliged to follow the crowd, and so wore it. But when she heard that a cow in Gottland had, with much pain, agony, and suffering, and with miserable bellowing, brought forth a calf with a fontage, she took her own and her girls' fontages and threw them into the fire, making a promise that she and her children so long as they were under her authority would never wear them again.'" (SBL 16:284)

The birth here spoken of was on February 4, 1696. In a sermon, Swedberg speaks of this and says "our grand women in winter wore fontages ell high." He told Charles XII of it. He preached: "if we preachers remain dumb, God will raise up animals to preach." (Sab. Ro p. 82)

Elsewhere Jesper Swedberg writes: "She was a joy to me and gave me a happy life. I could never have borne the cares, hard work, and responsibilities with which I was overwhelmed unless this pious woman had upheld me. (Tottie 213)

The pious nature of Emanuel Swedenborg's home life is indicated by his statement in Spiritual Diary where, speaking of respiration being in accordance with thought, Swedenborg says it was given him to experience it before he spoke with spirits, "as when in infancy I wished purposely to hold my breath, during morning and evening prayers, also when I wished the alternations of respiration to concord with the alternations of the heart, and so that the intellect began then to vanish, as it were; also afterwards" etc. (3320). Again writing of internal respiration, he says: "I was accustomed so to breathe in infancy when I prayed morning and evening (3464). See D 529 where Swedenborg speaks of changes of the muscles of the face which he could not understand because he had not been initiated into them in infancy. (Intro. to WE pp. 21-22)

Emanuel Swedenborg speaks further of his early home life in a letter to Doctor Beyer, dated November 14, 1769, where he says:

"From my fourth to my tenth year (i.e., 1691-97 - up to and including first year of Moraeus) I have been ever in thoughts concerning God, salvation, and man's passiones spirituales, and have at different times discovered what my father and mother wondered at, and said angels must be talking through me.

"From my sixth to my twelfth year (i. e. 1693-99 - Upsala, before entering University) my delight has been to discuss with priests concerning faith that the life thereof is love, and that the love which gives life is

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 8

[1696

love to one's neighbor; and that God gives faith to one and all; and that only those receive it who practise love. Any other faith I then had no knowledge of, other than that God created nature, sustains it, imparts to man understanding and good disposition., and other such things as immediately follow therefrom. The learned faith, which is, that God the Father imputes His Son's justice to whomsoever He will and when He will, even to those who have done no repentance and improvement, I then knew nothing at; and had I known of it, it would then as also now have been far above my comprehension." (2 Doc. 279-80)

Add to this the statement in True Christian Religion 16: From my infancy I have not been able to admit into my mind any other idea than that of one God."

In the passages from the Diary, we probably have the basis for the oft-repeated story, printed in the Dewdrop, 1853 p. 59, and which was taken "from a recent letter from England." "It is a matter currently related in Sweden, that when Emanuel Swedenborg was a little boy he would propose questions and make remarks so surprising to his parents, on religious subjects, that they would ask him how he came by such ideas, to which he would answer that he had them from the boys who played with him in the garden. The natural inference is, that he was, at that tender age, the subject of angelic visits."

It was in the Spring of this year that there fell on Swedberg, owing to the old age of the Archbishop Swebelius, that charge which resulted in his having - without official appointment - Episcopal appointment over the Swedish Church in Delaware (Tottie II 261 n. 2). The latter had asked for ministers in 1693, but the matter was not taken up until 1696 when in February, Swebelius appointed Rudman, and, at Jesper Swedberg's suggestions, Bjork, with the promise that on their return to Sweden they would receive a pastorate. (Clay. Annals of the Swedes on the Delaware pp. 50-54)

In December 1696, Jesper Swedberg elected Inspector of Westmanland-Dala Nation

December 1697 ditto. of Stockholms Nation

March 1698 ditto. Roslags "

December 1699 ditto. Gottlands "

(Tottie 202-3)

Formerly, the Nations had been forbidden (though in vain), but in 1663, they were recognized under charge of an Inspector. Every student must belong to a nation. (UUH 2:1:84-85, 74; 2:2:398)

At first, inspectors were chosen by the Faculty but later by the students.

The office was much desired because of its influence and because the Nations gave their inspectors expensive gifts every three years. Jesper Swedberg was the second inspector of Westmanland-Dala Nation and the first to be elected by students. (ibid. 399, 400)

There were two curators who were elected from the seniors.

(See CND-V and UUH 3:2:397-98)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 9

[1691
Nov.

The inspectors had to hold two convocations every year, and it was at such a meeting that Swedberg also gave them talks and advice as to their reading; reading of portable Swedish Bible; learning a little Greek, and at least the Hebrew letters; use of Schmidius's Bible. (Tottie 1:203-6)

Jesper Swedberg, left with a family of seven small children, after serious prayer an November 3. 1697 married a second time, his second wife being Sara Bergia, daughter of a Dalacarlian priest. She had twice before been married, namely, to a merchant and to a magistrate (Nordling). (SBL 285)

An amusing account of their first meeting is given by Jesper Swedberg. (Tottie 2:271-72)

Sara Bergia was a wealthy woman with property which consisted in ironworks.

Swedenborg seems to have been her favorite son, and she wished to distinguish him in her will, being especially desirous that he possessed Starbo. (1 Doc. 374)

NOTE here the passage in Spiritual Diary: "Spirits known to me, told me my mothers, related that where they were they had clean residences which they could not show me, lest other spirits should catch an idea of them; they said that they bad been given them and changed, there they were constantly in their occupations; they wished to describe them but could not, except only that they were such, and were constantly given to them, and that they were there in delight. 1749 March 26. (S.D. 4181)

"My mothers said that in the life of the body my father was often absent, and they knew not where, and that he returned always with pleasure. Hence, it was perceived that he is sent by the Lord to various uses with men, now here now there, because his delight consisted in an active life. It was also said that without an active life be could not be in delight; therefore, after such activity he returned in delight. 1749 26 March." (S. D. 4182)

Meanwhile, Jesper Swedberg was building his new house on the new or great Square "a large new stone house and a costly garden". (SBL 256)

In 1698, in the Fall, this house was completed and dedicated by inviting all the poor people in the hospital to a meal. "I, my wife and children waited on and entertained them," and the entertainment was concluded with songs, prayers, thanksgiving, and mutual blessing. (Tottie 213)

Emanuel was at this time nearly ten years of age.

Of Swedenborg's home life at this time, we got some suggestions from the Dream Book, where early memories seem again to be awakened.

On April 15, he writes: "It seemed to me I was racing downstairs, touched each step only a little, came safely all the way down without danger. Then came a voice from my dear father, Thou makest so much noise Emanuel. He was said to be angry with me, but it would pass over."

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 10

[1698
Fall

On the same day he writes: "Doctor Moraeus seemed to be courting a pretty girl; got her 'yes'; had her permission to take her where he would. I joked with her that she said 'yes' with pleasure, etc. She was a pretty girl; became taller and more beautiful."

On October 12 he writes: "My sister Caisa, (Catharine, who was 5 years younger than Swedenborg) was seen, who let on she was sick, and then lay down and screamed. When our mother came, she put on a different face and speech."

On October 27 he says: "In the A.M. there was seen to me in a vision the market, which was a disting* in my father's house in Upsala in the room upstairs (ofwanfore), in the entrance, or elsewhere all over."

* An annual market held in Upsala at the beginning of February and which dates its origin to heathen times.

In June 1699, Swedenborg entered the University, having first, as a necessary preliminary, been made a member of the Westmanland-Dala Nation. (Moraeus vent to Holland 1703)

In entering, the novitiate was first examined by the dean of the faculty under whom he would study, and be entered in the Academy's Album of Students, having first given proof that he had the first elements of rhetoric and Latin. (En.VDN 7)

A student entering the university was required (with three fingers on the Bible - U.U. Hist. 2/2/137) to take an oath of obedience to the rector, of willing obedience to the statutes of the academy, the decrees of the Consistory whether these concern the direction of studies or censure of conduct not to avenge either secretly or openly any injuries inflicted on him but in these and other sad cases to obey the Consistory; not to leave the Academy without the Rector's consent, nor run away if detained or arrested, nor carry off goods from the city without having first satisfied his creditors and to go to wherever the Academy appoints him. So help me God.

Those of tender years were excused this oath.

The Nations were 22 in number in 1700 and 25 in 1710; their members were Novitiates, Juniors and Seniors. Their private meetings were festal with eating, drinking, and smoking. (UUH 2:2:399 seq.)

They existed not only to enliven the student's life but for mutual encouragement to advance in studies. At the instance of their inspectors, they held exercises and orations to which were added disputations of two hours' long. The language used was usually Latin, and the disputations were appointed by the inspector (Constit. XXVI). (UUH 403, see also 121-2)

There was also very serious hazing, when the young students were in purgatory, sometimes for a year, though generally three months, as servants to an older who handled them roughly and sometimes shockingly - deemed necessary, that new students lay off their country ways and boastfulness and vanity contracted in small schools. (Constit. XVII; En.VDN 27)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 11

[1700

Emanuel gave the usual contribution of 30 ore yearly from 1700-9 pro felici reditu. These were voluntary contributions for the poor fund. (CND-V 20: Constit. V)

The records of the Nation enter him as a "junior," from 1700-8, and as a "senior" 1709. (ACSD 10A)

He became senior in November 30, 1708, when with thirteen other Juniors he was elected to fill the vacancies caused by seniors who were leaving the University. (CND-V 20)

Something of Emanuel Swedenborg's life, as a member of his Nation, is recorded in its Transactions. Thus: (CND-V 1s) He was present at the convocation May 10, 1700, presided over by his father, when the Nation adopted its constitution, and was one of the over 160 members who signed that document. Among other signatures were some who were closely associated with Swedenborg then and in later years, namely:

John Moraeus - his former tutor and probably continuing as such.

Eric Alstrin - afterwards Bishop whom he met in England

A. Swab (Swedenborg's stepbrother)

Peter Aroselius - with whom be conversed on Botany (see work on Generation)

John Hesselius - his companion on his journey in 1721. (step cousin)

1702, May 15-16, came the great fire in Upsala, when Jesper Swedberg's two houses (wood and stone) were destroyed; though his Hymn books in the Cathedral were uninjured. In this fire, the whole Westmanland-Dala Nation assembled to help Swedberg. (UUH 2:1:350 seq., 288n seq.; Tottie 136-37. I 208; ACSD 13A)

Jesper Swedberg appealed to Ulrice Eleonora., that the fire was the fruit of the people's sins.

On May 21, he was appointed Bishop of Skara. (Tottie 2: 14)

May 1, 1703, Swedberg took leave of Westmanland-Dala Nation, and a few days later, May 25, he received from the Nation two silver candlesticks valued at 400 d. and with inscription, carried to him by the two curators, one of whom was Moraeus. (CND-V 12; ACSD 15)

May 3, 1703, Jasper Swedberg ordained Bishop, when he delivered his farewell sermon, and in July he left for Brunsbo, being missed by all. (Tottie 2: 16)

Having first entered Eliezer and Jesper in the "university city, and as "novitiates in the Westmanland-Dala Nation." (ACSD 10A)

The date of his leaving was likewise determined by the date of the marriage of his daughter Anne, to the rising librarian and literateur, Eric Benzelius, which was celebrated on June 16. It was with this couple that Emanuel now made his home during the remainder of his stay in Upsala. (DH 4) ACSD

Probably they lived in a house belonging to Bishop Swedberg. See L 39.

On entering the University proper (S. perhaps in 1702), [six yews were required for the "Phil. grad.," and, therefore, Swedenborg was probably in some preparatory department.] the student had to undergo a deposition, so called, from his being considered as the pecus campi cui . . . cornua deponenda

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 12

[1702-3

(Enest. W.D.N. 2), to get his rawness knocked out - a mock examination, with questions designed to show his ignorance and certain ceremonies. Dean of Phil. Faculty was present to moderate and to limit attendance. Previous to this, the candidate was examined by the dean to determine his courses and then taken to the Inspector to be enrolled, at fee of 2 dl Smt. (UUH 1:219-21; 2:2:135; En.VDN 2 seq., 21)

Cost:
Dean, 2 marks or half a dollar; beadle, 2 marks for wine and six pennies for himself. Depositor 2 marks, retained in constitution of 1655. Must be in a public room; without masks; and without needless expense. The deposition could be avoided by a cash payment (En.WDN. 22), and so likewise the service in the Nation (Ibid. 26). (En. VDN 2:1:25)

See Enest. Westmanland-Dala Nation pp. 3-4, where a deposition in 1700 is described by an eye witness.

The number of students in 1703 was 1046. (UUH 2:2: 391-92)

The average number of entrances during Charles XII's reign was 219, and since the average stay was five years, this would make about 1,100. (Ibid. 353)

The average entrances for 1700-3 were about 230, which gives an average of 1150 students.

Swedenborg is entered in the University's Album of Students as "optimae indolis"; little exact information, however, is known concerning his studies. A recent Swedish writer [unintelligible word added to text] states that his bent for scientific studies was first wakened by Moraeus or by his father's neighbor Rudbeck. The probability is, he continues "that he was first interested in theology at home in the classics, and later in mathematics, astronomy and other sciences at the university, to which his own mind and E. Benzelius's counsel led him. He also came in contact with the Cartesian controversy. (CND-V 17, 18)

Concerning his specific studies little is known beyond:

(a) The Curricula of the University, where he was entered under the department of philosophy

(b) The professors he mentions in his correspondence

The lectures were from 8 to 11 o'clock, in the summer, 7 to 11 and 1 to 4 on Monday, Tuesday, Thursday and Friday, each professor lecturing four times a week. Many were held in professors' houses. But the professors sometimes seem to have been remiss in Lectures, sometimes lecturing "no more then 30 times in 1/2 a year" (2 Bioz. Lex 82) UUH 2.2:106-7)

Library was opened only on Wednesday and Saturday, from 1 to 4 p.m. (Ibid. 332)

Latin was the study which took most time, and the students were required to speak and write in that tongue. The lectures were all in Latin (until 1749), and most of them involved Latin textbooks, (Ibid. 163-4, 277)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 13

[1703

The time Emanuel Swedenborg was in the university was its Golden Age of Latin. (UUH 2:2: 278)

The courses were: (Catalogus 1699-1708 [Eng. trans. in ANC])

History of Greece and Rome. Only Greek and Latin textbooks permitted.

The History of Sweden and neighboring countries was taught in Colleges.

In 1700, Professor Lund wrote in a preface to a translation of ancient Swedish Law, that the latter antedated and was the source of the ancient attic laws an the 12 tables. (UUH 2:2:207-8)

Philosophy Theor. Metaphysics and Logic. Texts: Aristotle, Stahl, Clauberg Frommius.

The analytics were sometimes directed against the Catholics and in general the lectures were designed as supports to Theology.

Phylosophy Practical. Ethics and Government. Texts: Aristotle, Cicero, Puffendorf, Grotius. (Ibid. 316)

This course was specially applied to Swedish government. (Ibid. 253-4)

Mathesis,* Mathematics (Euclidian). Arithmetic, Geometry (Euclid). (UUh 2:1:20)

* In the first Constitution of Upsala University, Mathesis was divided into three branches, Euclidean (Mathesis), Archimedean (Physics, optics, mechanics), and Ptomelaic (astronomy, building), I U.U. Hist. 222, 244. In the new Constitution of 1655, these were combined into two, the Euclidean and Ptomelaic (Ibid. 2/1/20). The word [Greek] properly signifies science, study, or discipline.

Vallerius. Trigonometry, Statics, and Mechanics and Optics Music.

The professor was held by the Constitution, to use as application, surveying, fortification, building, etc. (Ibid. 312)

The air pump, barometer, and thermometer were introduced into Sweden in 1683, and Newton's Principia was brought to Sweden in 1708. (Ibid. 323)

Mathesis or Mathematics (Ptomelaic). Astronomy (Ibid. 231)

Elvius's Astronomy. The calendars', Trigonometry applied to Astronomy, Geography, ancient and modern. Planets, Comets, Sundials.

J. Upmark. Eloquence and Politics. Texts: Cicero, Pliny, Sallust, Tacitus, etc., and Lipsius, Politica. Also Grotius and Puffendorf.

Eloquence: Texts. 2 Curtius., Cicero, etc.

Poetry: " Horace, Virgil, Ovid

Greek: " Herodianus, Homer, Demosthenes, Aristophanes. New Testament. (Ibid. pp. 13, 14)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 14

[1703

It was in the study of Latin and Greek that Swedenborg learned to appreciate the learning of Isaac Casaubon, who likewise was admired by Eric Benzelius for his edition of Theophrastus.

Oriental Languages: Hebrew, Chaldee, Rabin.

That Swedenborg studied something of Hebrew in Upsala (or at home) is indicated by his father's words in a letter written in 1715: "My son Emanuel is accomplished in oriental languages." (3 Doc. 742)

There were also masters in Dancing, Fencing, French, Italian, German, Spanish. (UUH 2:2:89. 346)

Each student was required to attend two lecture courses, one in Theology and one in Philosophy; absence being punished by one day in prison. (En. VDN 9)

In addition, there were many "Colleges" held by the professors for personal and more detailed instruction.

Among these may be included a course given by Librarian Eric Benzelius from 1704-9, on the History or Literature, including Hebrew and even a little Arabic. This was given in the library. It may be mentioned also that Eric Benzelius, Swedenborg's "second father," was specially diligent in encouraging the students to become proficient in mathematics. Compare Swedenborg's first letter to Benzelius, July 13, 1709. We have also Benzelius's testimony to the same effect where, in a brief autobiography, he says: "While it was my care to lead the young students who were under my inspection, I drew out their inclination to Mathesis, so also their private preceptors procured themselves a better insight into that subject; and the study of mathematics began to lift up its head." (UUH 2:2:263; SBL 81, 83; Benz. Brefw. XXII; IM pp. 2-7)

There were also Colleges giving more particular instruction in Mathematics and Geography (Elfvius and Vallerius); Art of Disputation, Swedish History (Torner); Sacred and Universal History; New Testament and Beginner's Greek; Duties of the Citizen (1703 by Castovius who taught that laws should receive the consent of the people); and versemaking.

It should be noted that Swedenborg, under the advice of Eric Benzelius, gave his special attention to Mathesis. (1 OQ 211)

Of the Professors mentioned by Swedenborg and with whom he seems to have been more or less intimate are:

John Upmarck (Rosenadler) his cousin-in-law, who was professor of Elocution and Poetry. From 1702-7, he lectured on Lipsius.

A brilliant professor - Jesper Swedberg's colleague and nephew and lifelong friend.

Per Elfvius, professor of Ptolemaic Mathematics, a skillful astronomer and a clever mechanic. Swedenborg appears to have heard lectures on the lunar eclipse which Elfvius observed on October 11. 1706. (U.U.Hist. 2/2/320

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 15

[1704

1 O.Q. 210) Judging from the many references he makes to him in his letters to Benzelius, Swedenborg seems to have had much love for and appreciation of Elfvius. (Letters 23-34)

Harald Valerius, professor of Euclidean Mathematics who also taught theoretical Music.

Lars Roberg, professor of Medicine, teaching Theories or Medicine, Chemistry, and Anatomy. Without dissections. A Cartesian. One can hardly avoid the conclusion that Swedenborg attended anatomical lectures see p. 278. (UUH 2:2:237; Alving. Genom sek. Upsala p.102)

L. Norrman (d. 1703), professor of Theology. (Sel. sent.)

In addition to these should be mentioned Fabianus Torner, professor of theoretical philosophy from 1704 on, who presided at Swedenborg's final disputation. He lectured on Logic with textbooks Aurvillius, Stahl, Fromvius, Aristotle, and Descartes. His lectures in Swedenborg's last year were a contrast of the Cartesian and Peripetetic Doctrine.

In 1704, F. Torner gave colleges an History of Swea.-Gothia. (UUH 2:2:266)

F. Torner was a lively, not very deep, but very tolerant man; an eclectic in philosophy. (Ibid. 313-4)

Swedenborg also must have taken music, perhaps from Prof. Vallerius; for his father was an enthusiastic cultivator of church singing. (Ibid. 356)

The course of the lectures is thus described by Enestrom in Constitutions of the Westmanland-Dala Nation, p. 7.

"The lectures began at 6 a.m. (7 in winter) and up to 7 Rhetoric or Latin was lectured; at 7 came Logic and Mathematics or Arithmetic and Geometry; 9-10 Theology.

"After dinner Theology from 1-2; Astronomy, 2-3; Physics, 3-4; Greek and Hebrew, 4-5

"Saturdays: Disputations 7-10 a.m., whenever there were no public disputations."

A picture of studies in Upsala during Swedenborg's time is given in a Roster set up for de la Gardie's 15-year old grandson., Count Oxenstierna by his tutor: (UUH 2:2:162)

"After morning prayer and reading of a chapter in the Bible, Hafenreffer's well-known textbook of dogma was read, the young man being required not only to repeat the principal definitions and divisions from memory but also, as against heretical sects, to confirm the main truths of the Christian by passages from Scripture.

"After breakfast, Julius Caesar was read, in which lesson not only was the language treated etymologically and syntactically but also the map was studied. As was always the custom at that time in the study of

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 16

[1704

Latin, authors' political and moral considerations were blended with the reading. The remaining time before dinner was used for chronology, i.e., historical tables.

"After dinner, the Count exercised his hand in fine writing and then went to hear old Olaf Rudbeck lecture on Fortification. After this, he wrote exercises in style for which Scheffer's work on Style served as a guide. Further, he repeated what he had read in Caesar and, moreover, read a piece from Curtius. The time remaining till supper was used in geography guided by the directions found in Hubner and possibly going on to Cellarius' Nova Hist. After supper the Count gave a summary relation of what he had done during the day. Wednesdays and Saturdays were occupied with Hafenreffer's Dogmatics, Sacred History, and Ecclesiastical Affairs according to Boxhorrius, also Arithmetic. On suitable occasions, the Count himself went through Puffendorf's Introduction to History and likewise his History of the Kings of Sweden," (Read NP '31: 435s, '32: 25, '33:164)

This perhaps reflects Swedenborg's courses, since he was probably under Moraeus as informatur until 1703 when the latter left for his travels. (See Biog. Lex. 82) Probably after 1703 when Moraeus left he was tutored by E. Benzelius or at any rate E. Benzelius directed the choice of his studies with his "counsel of assent". (Swed. to Benzelius July 13, 1709; see SBL 82) And we can well believe that Swedenborg's future appeal to experience and reality as against mere speculation was fostered or at any rate not discouraged by the learned librarian who held that a good understanding and the love of erudition were often more than being long at the University yea, much more than being lettered without civil experience (Anec. Benz. 84).

Indications of his studies are also given in some books known to have been his during this period:

Greek Lexicon Stephanus Sep. 14, 1700. This indicates that he could read Latin at this time.

A copy of Suetonius, stamped E.S. 1703 (Oct. 20)

Diodorus Siculus, Oct. 12, 1705, indicates advanced study of Greek.

Plotinus, 1705, indicates study of Philosophy. A gift from Er. Benzelius in 1705 on 2 - 12 (?Feb. 12 near Swedenborg's birthday, or Dec. 2)

1707 He possessed a book called "Via Devia; the by-way: misleading the weaker and unstable into dangerous paths of error by colourable shewas of apocryphal scriptures, unwritten traditions, doubtful fathers, ambiguous councells, and preden ad Catholike church. Discovered by Humphrey Lynde Knight London 1630." (ACSD 29A)

(A defense of Protestantism and an attack on Catholicism)

The signature (Em. Swedberg 1707) is on the flyleaf of this thick 12 mo vol. Its whereabouts is unknown.

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 17

[1704

Indicates both E. Swedenborg's studies in English and against the Catholics.

(Sir H. Lynde 1579-1636 puritan controversialist. Severe enemy to papists. The above was a companion volume to Via Tuta - to the true ancient and Catholic faith (of the Church of England) 1628 replied to by a Jesuit in Via Tuta (1631) and by another in A Pair of Spectacles for Sir H. L. to see his ways withal (1631). (Dictionary of National Biography)

It may be noted that in a fatherly letter to the Westmanland-Dala Nation which Jesper Swedberg sent from Brunsbo, November 1703, he advises the young men "to learn the English language ...it has a close relation with our tongue and so is soon learned." (CND-V 14)

Swedenborg must also have read much in Isaac Casanbon. (OQ I:207)

Of his scholastic life in the Westmanland-Dala Nation, we learn that he sometimes took part as opponent or respondent in private disputations.

These theses or disputations were submitted to the dean eight, days before delivery and then announced on the door of the college. Those absent at the disputation were noted. (En.VDN 7)

Jesper Swedberg established these disputations in 1697, when he became Inspector, on which occasion he stated that owing to the many occupations he could entertain none but theological subjects since he was familiar with these; in 1699, however, it was decided to have also disputations on moral alternating with the theological disputations and this continued until many years after Swedberg left the University. (Ibid. 52-3)

The custom was that the subject of the disputations should be taken in order, chapter by chapter, from a theological and moral textbook in common use. The textbook for the theological disputation was Matthias Hafenreffer (1561-1619) Loci Theologici seu Compendium Theologiae Coelestis (Tub. l601) - the textbook used by one of the theological professors (N.Phil. 1931. 438). The second reading of this was commenced by the Westmanland-Dala Nation in 1703 and continued to 1720 (first reading 1697-1703). The textbook for the disputations on Morals was Samuel Puffendorf's two books De Officiis hominis et civis 1673, the first reading of which occupied 1699 to 1717.

The procedure was that the president and one of the seniors defended a chapter or paragraph which was then spoken to by the opponents. The meetings began with an oration and were ended with a prayer. The speeches, of course, were all in Latin.

1704 Nov. 4, Swedenborg was appointed opponens in a disputation on the Providence of God from Hafenreffer, which took place on March 18, 1705. This is the only theological disputation Swedenborg engaged in - and it is on a subject which afterwards greatly interested him. (CND-V 20; ACSD 20; NCL '03:531)

Cf. his dream of June 20, X 21, 1744, wherein his father tells him the small treatise he had written on Providence was the best. (R.P. p. 317 note) (2 U.U. Hist. 363 - Note on Promotion day, June 1, 1705, Jesper S. made D Th in absentia)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 18

[1704-6

1706, April 7, he is Respondens in a disputation on Puffendorf's chapter on Conjugal Duties lib 2/2. (NCL '03:531)

In this chapter, we find sentiments uttered by Swedenborg many years later in his work on Generation and in Conjugial Love. See Puffendorf 2/2 S2 p. 474, S4, 477, S6, 484.

1706, October 31, he was opponens extraord. in a disputation on Puffendorf's chapter 3, lib. 2, On the duties of Parents and Children. See Puffendorf 2/3/S10 p. 507, as to children asking father's consent to Marriage.

After the disputation, the minutes of the Nation record that on the same day His Magnificence (Rector Palmroot) stated that Herr Emanuel Swedenborg had offered to take the part of praeses at the next disputation which is to be on The Law of Nature (? fin Puffendorf Lit. - I. c. iii), which offer his Magnificence favored, but for the rest left it to the consent and approval of the members. It was asked whether it had formerly been customary that any of the juniors had been praeses; it was answered that there were one or two examples of this. But since some thought that this would be something too close to the seniors who, according to the Constitution, alone were eligible, and, moreover, some disorder would thereby be established in that many of the juniors would want to take the office, nothing was done but Peter Aroselius was elected Praeses. (CND-V 20)

NOTE: According to the Constitution, there could be only

24 seniors who were elected. They were to be praeses at

disputations and were elected from among the juniors less for

the time they had been students than for their good conduct,

advance in studies and their age. (Ibid. Constit. II. XXVI;

En. V-DN 24)

On the present occasion, Swedenborg's friend Peter Aroselius was appointed president for the next disputation.

1707 October 31, E. S. was an extraordinary opponent at a disputation on Jus Naturae based on Puffendorf's chapter on conjugal duties. Aroselius did not preside at this meeting. (ACSD 28a)

In 1700, Swedenborg's first literary piece was printed, being a marriage ode on the occasion of the marriage of John Kolmodin, Pastor of Nysatia to Beata Hesselia, May 27, 1700. (photo in ANC) (ML '02:298. tr.183)

Kolmodin was the son of Israel Kolmodin (1643-1709) who had co-operated with Jesper Swedberg in the Hymn Book. (April 1700)

Beata Hesselius - Swedenborg's cousin.

Andrew Bergius

Sarah m. Mary Bergius m.

Jesper S. ------------Hesselius

(stepmother of E.S.)

John. Beata etc.

b. 1687

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 19

[1707

Nov. 27

November 17, 1700, Swedenborg's verses to Nottman in his published disputation on the beginning of Christianity in Livonia. (OP 3; tr. ACSD 12)

How of old, Livonia found God's grace

Is told by Nottman in this learned work.

But how from wrath of God it may be saved

--Ah! here needs greater art;

God save our King

(In October 1700 Charles XII had sailed for Livonia preparatory to his victory at Narva over the Russians who had attacked Estland.)

On November 27, 1707, we have Swedenborg's first Latin production, being a congratulatory verse to Benedict Bredberg - printed in the latter's Disputation on Astronomy: (Copy in ANC) (OP 4)

"Friend Benedict, why leavest thou the earth, to fix thy sight

Upon the stars sublime? thy gaze upon the planets?

Perchance the love of camps ethereal doth draw thee on

To search with quickened mood the shining stars;

To mete with cunning skill the Olymphian field.

Then prosper, friend, born 'neath a happy star,

In work so well commenced. And lighten

With the clear gaze of thy mind, the starry pole.

As flames need not the lume of fiery light,

So those who dare the stars, which pay their votary in

Heaven's rich coin

Need not our pious prayers. Yet this I pray:

The image of a brighter pole gladden thine eyes

When God at last doth raise thee

To regions high above the stars."

"With hearty congratulations

Em. Swedberg"

Benedict M. Bredberg was the son of Skara pastor. He dedicated his Disputation to Archbishop Benzelius and Jesper Swedberg as "Maecenas and patrolis."

In 1709 he published a Latin poem: Patriae planctus et Lacrimae, etc. The Groans and Tears of the Country at the funeral of Eric Benzelius (father of Swedenborg's brother-in-law) Archbishop and Prochancellor, who was buried in Upsala Cathedral 1709, May 18.

The publication was anonymous, but a copy in the Royal Library is signed "Em. Swedberg" in the writing of Dan Tilas, a contemporary of Swedenborg and a great bibliophile. Then there is the fact that it was published in Skara, 1709. (ACSD 37)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 20

[1709

PATRIAE

The Groans and Tears

of the country at the funeral or a man once in the great confidence of his Sacred Majesty, namely, the most Reverend and most excellent Doct. Eric Benzelius, the most eminent Archbishop of the Kingdom of Sweden and Prochancellor of the Royal. Academy of Upsala, when, with the groans of all good men his funeral took place in the Cathedral temple of Upsala on the day of St. Eric,* 1709.

* May 18

Woe me! Whither Benzelius? Loved father, who in thyself

Wert like a chariot and a mounted host.
Ah thou, erstwhile so great, where art thou? Alone are left libations,

Tears, sobs, groan, kisses, due rites, the last farewell.
I, who was proud of the Prince of sacred rites,

Now shower his tomb with my tears.
Follow then the sombre bier, ye sorrowing Camenae,

Follow, with wands reversed, ye pious Muses.
But thou, Upsala, more than others, grieve o'er a loss so great,

O'er both thine own calamity mingled with mine and, over mine.
Where 'er piety is found, pour forth your mourning tears;

The Prince of Muses hath gone before his day:
Gone before his day! I do not blame you, sisters

Ye have spun the threads, I know - I love them not thus short.
Yet premature had seemed this death,

Else his long day had reached beyond Pylian Nestor's
Woe me! where now are Benzelius's palms, outstretched to heaven?

With these had he stayed the great deeds of the Father.*
And as the King's sacred youth, he helped with lore and counsel

So helped he with his prayers, the arms, the MAN.**
What merit lies in me? No marble needs, nor tablets;

Thy merit's monuments are men where e'er they live.
On thee, now dead, myself shall scatter lillies, flowers;

To thee, myself shall be the mourner, pyramid and monument
Before mine eyes e'er present will - remain thine image,

Those hoary locks, that countenance, those eyes, that life.
Ah! brought to the grave is that comeliness, that stately form,

Those flashing eyes, that life.
Brought to the grave thy spotless breast, that sacred fane

The common tryst of Virtues, Graces, Muses of the Sicilean choir.
And in that grave are likewise buried many hopes,

But, oh! Let not my hope, I pray, be buried with them.
-----------

* Namely, Charles XI.
** Namely, Charles XI in his battles.
*** Benzelius was the tutor of Charles XII, in theology and Church History.

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 21

[1709

Anxious, I turn my weeping eyes now here, now there,

From whence shall grief like mine at lest be assuaged?
Would that I might lay me down, and one like Him rise up,

From whom a cure might be expected for this ill!
And now in short, it but remains to seal the tombstone with a verse.,

And so I long would cry, with groaning voice: Farewell.

Here lies Benzelius, cased in a narrow urn,

Than whom, in things divine, Sweden hath none so great.
Dost ask his titles? Reaching all honors

He, by his name, hath passed all eulogies.
Dost seek his virtues? Ever was he free from miry stain;

And of his age, the star, the norm, the gem.

It has frequently been asserted that Swedenborg took a degree, but this is not the case. The end of the course in Philosophy seems to have been perhaps a licentiate (Phul. Cand. UUH 2/2/l35) - the B.A. degree is not mentioned in Upsala University History - meaning that the student is qualified to try for a Master's degree which required three or more years' study. But the latter, and also the Doctor's degree was given only to those who were going into professional life and only after a "Preliminary Theological" examination. (NJMag- 1884:597; UUH 2:1:32; 2:132-33)

Yearly examinations were required by the University's Constitution but were generally not given except to stipendiaries. The final examination was more or less informal as suited the professors. We have the following account of an examination in 1706: (UUH 2:2:132)

After he had written privately for three professors and had been passed by them, he, with eight others, was called by the dean to be proved in the presence of seven professors. After an hour, he was treated by the professors with sugar and Rhine wine from 4 to 7 p.m., while the others were being examined. Three days later he was called to a "rigorous examination" before all ten professors when he did a little bit of poetry for one (because he had not attended that professor's colleges on Poetry and the latter had threatened he'd not forget this in the examination.) The examination lasted two hours with five other professors and four professors passed him without examining. This examination was for the degree of Master. (Ibid. 2:2:136)

Another account in 1715 says of the "rigorous examinations": After hearing a speech on Metaphysics from one professor, he was asked by another as to the definition and division of universal history and the duration of the Roman Empire. A third asked whether ethics and politics (in Aristotle) were the same; to define Politics, the analytic method, the highest good, moral virtue, and to give the number of the moral and intellectual virtues; to define Law in general, the law of nature, duty. A fourth asked, What are the branches of Mathematics. What are pure and mixed Mathematics. The difference between Astronomy and Astrology? The object of Astronomy. The number of the planets and of the fixed stars,

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 22

[1709 June

and why so called. The names of the more important astronomical systems and which is the best. The solar and lunar year, the sun's a cycle and the moon's. The epacts, and how known. The Julian period, and when it ended. A fifth professor, handing him Virgil, asked him to open Book I and answer: What is the argument of the book? What kind of verse, and what is the subject; whether epic and heroic poetry are the same, and why they are so called: How many are the better Caesuras (the candidate could look at the book with its notes). A sixth professor had him explain grammatically and philologically the Greek text of the first verses of Acts 27, and the Hebrew text of Genesis 3 and a bit from the Psalm. The dean passed him without examination and two professors were absent. At the end he was passed. This was also for a degree. (UUH 2:2:136-7)

As a part of the examination, there was a Disputation on a subject chosen by the student and which was to be publicly defended by the student under the presidency of a professor of the Faculty under whom the student had studied. (Ibid. 2:1:23)

The disputations commenced at 7 or 8 a.m. and must not last over four hours. The President opened the disputation with a few words and then the opponents were allowed an hour each, first the ordinary and then the extraordinary - usually professors. (Ibid. 2:2:130)

As to the nature of the disputations, they seem to have been in effect examinations by the opponents.

In Swedenborg's case, the opponents were Ryselius, and Unge (who married Swedenborg's sister Catharine). The extraordinary Opponent was

"his father the Bishop J. Swedberg". (Copy of Disputation in Upsala Lib.)

The disputations must be printed at the student's cost. According to the recorded cost of a disputation in 1707, 106 pages at 400 d.K. mt (-133 S.mt) Swedenborg's (62 pages) must have cost over 200 K.zt. Consider in this connection that a professor's yearly salary was 2,100 K. mt; and student's board was about 4-1/2 K.mt. a week. (Ibid. 2:2:128)

Moreover, after the disputation, the author or respondent must invite his comrades to a feast, called "Disputation-ol." It is probable, however, that Swedenborg's feast was held at his home where his father was then visiting, and where, but a few days previously, the Westmanland-Dala Nation had met to listen to a talk by their late beloved Inspector. (Stroh 111: 39)

Swedenborg chose for his disputation a commentary on certain maxims by Seneca and Publius Syrus, the actor, and perhaps others. The full title of the printed disputation is:

Q B V (Quod bene vertat) (May success attend it). "Select

Sentences by L. Annaeus Seneca and Publius Syrus the Mime,

and perhaps also of others, with the annotations of Erasmus

and the Greek version of Jos. Scaliger, Illustrated by notes,

which Emanuel Swedberg, with the consent of the Faculty of

Philosophy, modestly submits to public examination under the

presidency of Fabian Torner, Professor Regius and Ordinarius

of Theoretical Philosophy: In the large Gustavian Auditorium

(Wed) June 1, 1709" (Ed: 1 orig: 2 Tafel 1841; 3 Facsim.

1910). (NCL '10:844)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 23

[1709
June

It has been denied that Swedenborg is the author of this disputation, but falsely; see Upsala University History 2/2/124-5.

In choosing this style of Disputation - an extremely rare one, as the disputation usually assumed to be learned treatises on scientific or other subjects - Swedenborg followed the example of his father whose first disputation, in 1681, was a Comment on Cato's De Moribus, and whose graduation disputation, in 1682, was The Similitudes of Demophilus and his Pythagorean sentences with the version and notes of Holsten, and with moral observations by Jasper Swedberg. This fact, and also his father's presence at the disputation, Swedenborg refers to in the opening words of his disputation, namely, in the dedication "to my well beloved father."

INTRODUCTION

"To my dearly loved father, Jesper Swedberg, Doctor of Sacred Theology and renowned Bishop of the dioceses of Skara, ever prosecuting his work with devotion of mind and with every observance of duty.

"Just as, in common life, nothing is more sacred, nothing more delightful than not only to revere the footprints of our ancestors and parents, but also, so far as possible, with grateful imitation to follow them, especially when they lead us along the path of virtue, so, from this work which has lately been enjoined on me, I feel no little emotion and pleasure, arising chiefly from the fact that I am permitted to compose these first fruits, the commencements of ingenuity, in the image of my father's work; to progress from my first age to the deeds of the author of my being; and to resemble thee, my Father, in writings as well as in mind. To recognize this gladness born in my breast and heart, no more opportune occasion could be desired by me, on which to appear in public than a time when thou couldest be present and be witness of the genius and the footprints which of old were thine, and which now are freshened in thy son; a time when thou who art both beloved and gracious may be present at the rehearsal of studies which in thy embrace and in thy bosom have grown up and am daily cherished and continually mature. Receive, therefore, with benign, countenance, this, the determination of my mind, and the due tribute of my respectful obedience; receive this offering, begotten, as it were, of thine own good deeds, an offering which can take its merit only from thee, beloved Father, and which here gratefully points to thee and reveres thee as its author and composer. Would that there were space to satisfy my desire to expatiate on thy gracious deeds, beloved author of my being, then surely there would be no sparing of the praise that I would expend on thy merits, no sparing of labors on the praises, and in the labor no sparing of nightly toil. But since thou wouldst choose rather that thy gracious deeds be recognized by thy son's tacit veneration and respect than that they be proclaimed by public voice and herald's trumpet, in this also will I bow down to thee and will take refuge in that which alone is left me, - prayers and the pious supplications and outpourings of my mouth, and this with the greater ardor in that it can scarce ever more behoove me to approach the threshold of heaven with supplications, ant lowly to draw near to the knees of the Almighty, then when it concerns thy business, sweet Father, and thy prosperity. First, then, give humble thanks to God, thrice most High, that

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 24

[1709
June

He has graciously and happily prolonged for us thy years even to the present point of time;* that He has mercifully given thee the use of light, and us the use of thy light; and finally, since thy years with rapid strides are now verging to advanced age, I and many others do commit and entrust to the care and protection of that same High God thy old age, the unchanging ripeness of thy days and the token of grave years, thy snow-white locks, thy wrinkled brow. Live then long and happy according to our prayers, nay, above all our prayers and extend thy years beyond our own days. It remains only to say with the Romans:

* Bishop Swedberg was then 56 years old.

"Jupiter increase thy years at the expense of ours" [cf. Ovid, Fast I, 613]711

Dearest Father

Thy most obedient Son.

EMANUEL SWEDENBORG

(He was then 56 years old)

After this follows a Greek poem by "Rhyzeliades," presumably A. O. Rhyselius. This Rhyselius, the future bishop and author, was Swedenborg's senior by eleven years. As a boy he had studied in Skara and later in Upsala, where in 1704-5, he lodged in Eric Benzelius's house together Emanuel Swedenborg. He was evidently on terms of intimacy with the Swedberg family, for when he received his master's degree, his master's cap of gold-colored moire was made and presented to him by Emanuel Swedberg's younger sister Hedwig, then seventeen years old, who later married her brother-in-law's brother, Lars Benzelius. (J. Helander, Bishop A.O. Rhyzelius, pp. 38, 49)

"An Eudekasyllabus"* to Herr Emanuel Swedenborg, a youth of surpassing genius, conspicuous by the highness of his birth and the glory of his learning, when he comments in a public dissertation on the mimes of Publius Syrus: (See Intellectual Repository 1842:149.)

* Each line of R's Greek poem is composed of 11 syllables. It is written in Doric.

O youthful offspring of a noble sire

Ripe branch of the muses of music

Famed when thou followest thy father's steps

And new commencement of the men of old.

Rightly to interpret their lettered works

To shed on them a good and pleasing light.

And thou I am persuaded will become a skilful man

An everlasting ornament to thy land

And of Christ. And the sacred muses

Ever give golden hope of thee; e'en in the meanest trickery

The mimes of Publius Syrus's keen wit

Are now revealed, made plain in thine

And coming forth from thy comments

In these first-fruits is active

A better fruit, more glorious joy

The firm desire of life, even of bitter fate

Be thou nightly carried on, according to custom

The high-throned king of all

Desires thy labors to be ever present

Thus, O Swedberg, so aspiring,

I wish thee well.

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 25

[1709
June

The notes give evidence of a great familiarity with the classics and their various learned commentators and of a knowledge of Greek and Roman History and Mythology, Swedish History, the Bible, and a good and clear perception of moral truths. Among the hundreds of authors quoted, we note the Jewish writer Philo, the Christian Fathers, Augustine, Jerome, and Lactantius, the scholars Erasmus, Grotius and Lipsius, and the Frenchman Rabelais.

We may note in this connection that Swedenborg in all his reading in Upsala made it his practice to make classified notes having in view the use of his reading in future studies. (OQ 201)

The following excerpts will give an idea of the work:

"Since these theatrical witticisms captured the favor and applause not only of the Caesars but also of a distinguished people, my mind is in no doubt but that, for the same reason and in no less degree, you also, dear Readers, will not only give assent to my endeavors but will also give them your favor. Nor shall I be indignant if to some, my work is displeasing; for there are many persons who are like those little animals which open their mouth and bring forth bile, and this without any exciting cause but from mere habit; and, therefore, that man is deservedly praised who is unpleasing to such face-makers. In a word, "To him who walketh toward things honorable all contempt is itself to be condemned" (Seneca, Epis. 76) [Ed. 1707 p. 52; Bohn p. 251]."

On the maxim "From a lover thou wilt redeem anger with tears," he writes: "The quarrels of lovers are aptly compared to the sparks which a drop of water will extinguish ... But flee from the blandishments of those who are sedulous plotters, and of young women who pursue after men, and you will escape both anger and grief and their attendant ills" (n. 3).

He ends his reflection on the maxim "Any rumor looking to calamity prevails" by observing: "Certainly we mortals are the more prone to believe things unworthy because we ourselves are evil and are deserving of evils" (n. 5).

On "A little money makes a debtor, a large sum an enemy," he writes: "A debt of a small sum of money is a testimony to the creditor not only of an unbroken and complete friendship but also of good feeling. On the other hand, those who are too heavily indebted, being unable to pay, labor to elude the debt by various arts, by repudiation, dissimulation, concealment; and, in any event, by depreciating it and putting off payment; and, if they cannot manage matters thus, you will find them your greatest enemies. The same sentiment is thus put forth by Tacitus: 'Benefits are delightful so long as it seems possible to make a return, but when they go much beyond this, then hatred is the return instead of thanks' [Annals iv. 18] We may also here adduce the saying of Plautus: 'With a talent I bought me an enemy and sold a friend."'

On "Another's possessions are more pleasing to us; ours to others" he writes: "The soldier finds pleasure in the dress of the citizen; the citizen, in the coat of the soldier; the great frequently execrate their own burdens; pedlars complain of the doubtful hazards of business and of the cheapness of their wares; and, speaking generally, we all admire and revere the manners, the wit, the wars of the ancients, and 'all things merged in black obscurity';

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 26

[1709
June

if, for instance, we should come across some remains of ancient record, stones half eaten away, tablets roughened by mold and age, musty and worm eaten manuscripts; if we should come across a coin of Codrus, a Bellenian tunic, slimy ruins, and things more ancient than chaos and the Saturnian ages; or if we should hear of such things in conversation; how much, I ask, would we esteem, revere, and desire such things? And yet; new things not only dispute excellence with the ancient but frequently carry off the prize. Nevertheless, I think the Fates will so revolve that the next age will on the other hand become the worshipper of ours."

"Thou shalt love thy father, if he is just; if not, thou shalt bear with him." "Publius says: 'just' meaning kind and human, oh, how piously, truly, greatly! Would not the theater resound with applause at so beautiful a precept? Deserve then goodness of thy parents by sober piety, love and respect, for to them thou owest life and thy very self. As the gods ought they to be worshipped, according to Philo's mind, as expressed in his book on the Decalogue at Exod. XX: 12, so shouldest thou see in thy parents something godly; hence, Grotius calls those [text unintelligible] as it were, gods. Aristotle attributes to parents divine honor. If thou hast had parents, yet revere them, yield to them, bear them; indeed, uprightness, the obligation of the children increases; it does not make it. Those who have studied Latin know that in the Latial speech emperors and others were worshiped under the named Parent."

On "It is not proper to injure a friend, even in fun," he writes: "Here the comic poet is at issue with both tragedians and comedians. He justly criticizes the license of those who think that witticisms; and jokes without sincerity against a friend are allowable, and yet in friendship nothing is more hoary and ancient than a sincere countenance, candor of speech, and gracious feelings ever bared, as it were. To the devil, then, with those jocular wranglings, that eloquence vomiting poison and bane, wherewith certain artful men of the utmost urbanity exercise their biting and pointed wit, and seek friendship. The late Norrmann of blessed memory speaks more fully: 'Witticism should not be filled with ambiguous and biting figures or with spite and envy.' Confer if you will Morrhof; also 'To be malignant is not fun' in the fragment subjoined to Seneca. Add, I pray, the notes of my loved Parent in Dist. Cato 2.2 and Camerarius Med. Hist. I.92: Let us sweetly mingle duties and admit friends with our whole heart, for 'it is germane to the beauty of speech to present oneself ever affable, ever friendly, easy and accessible to all' - to use the words of the great Upmarck whom we revere as the light of our Athens."

To the mime "When a woman is openly evil, then at last she is good," Swedenborg first quotes the meaning of this mime as interpreted by Erasmus, namely: "Woman is a painted and deceitful creature, and she is least harmful when openly evil. Thus, he shows that no woman is good." Swedenborg continues: "The feminine sex was ill-reputed by many of the ancients on account of cunning and deceitful arts; nor is this unknown in public places. One knows also that the office of our actor was sometimes to make pleasantry by reviling, and to capture the applause of the theater with his scattered witticisms. Meanwhile, it is plain that secret snares and supressed hatreds are more injurious than those that are professed."

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 27

[1709
June

"He is twice slain who perishes by his own weapons. There is nothing more witty in our author's pantomime. The mime is confirmed by the examples of Pompey, Caesar, Darius, Cicero, etc., who gave their neck to their proteges... This sharp wit seems to be borrowed from the Aesopian apology concerning the eagle, which, when pierced in the breast, examined the wound and, as it discerned the feathered arrow, 'Strange,' it said, 'my own wing has given me to destruction.' Or of the countryman who cherished the torpid serpent to his bosom. Or of the horse to his rider who was driving him to his destruction. Or of the ax that chopped the wood: 'I perish,' said the wood, I am the cause of danger to myself.'"

"He twice conquers who in victory conquers himself. Our Goths deserved the praise of the ancients for this double victory; as from Augustine in The City of God, and from John Loccenius in his Swedish History; likewise in the Swedish History of Gustavus Adolphus. The Romans felt different as to themselves; as Seneca feels concerning Caesar, Pompey, Marius. 'Marius (he says) led an army, ambition led Marius.'"

"When one spares the evil he injures the good." "That the connivance of a prince is more injurious than his severity is manifest from the fact that by reason of it both the evil and the good are incited to evils as by a stimulus. 'The greatest allurement to sin is the hope of impunity,' says Cicero. Therefore, Sallust urges 'that ye destroy not the good by excusing the evil.'"

"To imitate the words of goodness is greater than malice. Such smooth and honeyed speakers, who speak, however, in accordance with the injurious words of parasitical, double-dealing, and crafty men, is denounced as Erebus itself and the jaws of Avernus by no few number of authors; for such men are most like those who, while flattering their enemy, offer him a poisoned cup. Of Nero, the most wicked Phaethon of the world and of men, we read that he flattered his mother to the end that he might cover his matricide by decent and fine words. Similar frauds are found in Tiberius, the Gracchi; hence, they are called "Pelasgian" and 'Tiberian arts. 'Let then our lips be in harmony with our mind and not crafty, and insidious; let them be without paint, a veil, covers, and let them not imitate (as our author finely puts it) the words of goodness."

"A good mind, when injured, is more seriously angered. Cicero says that it is a characteristic of good men to be somewhat irascible. It is justly provided by the Deity, that the anger of the upright should be sharper, lest innocence and simplicity be troubled by the unrighteous. Their anger is more serious because under it lies a juster cause, and it does not rage unless it has been long stirred up. Yet it subsides and falls back more quickly than it has become fired, as our author has just pointed out."

"We bear with accustomed vices and do not reprove them. We are not accustomed to attach punishment to public and general crimes. When vices are turned into custom, there ceases to be room for remedies; for, as Seneca observes: 'When error has become public, it holds the place of righteousness among us.' Therefore, no punishment is publicly proclaimed against the haughty, the luxuriant, the sordid, the imperious, the spiteful, hypocrites, talebearers, the passionate; lest, more frequently than is just, revenge be exercised on faults which common error has made familiar."

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 28

[1709
Jun-July

"Do not speak ill of an enemy but think ill. To conceal plots against enemies is a matter of prudence - an act which Livy praises in the Sabines, to wit, that they did not reveal their plans until war had been brought in. Here we are reminded by the gentiles, that we injure not our enemies by curses if we are unable to obtain reprisal; but the holier philosophy of Christ rises higher, teaching that we should not think ill."

Swedenborg did not finish the work, though from the catchword on the last page, and from a statement in his introduction, it appears that he contemplated finishing it; probably intending to publish a book of the size of his father's graduating Disputation.

An extended review of this work was published in 1842 when the writer compared Swedenborg's earliest work expounding the obscure sentences of Latin authors to his later theological expositions. (I.Rep. 1842; 61, 147)

After defending his Disputation, Swedenborg returned to his father's house in Brunsbo. Here he prepared for a foreign journey in continuation of his studies, his father having applied for a passport while he was in Stockholm (May 22, 1709) and which presumably was granted. It was doubtless at this time that Swedenborg had printed at the Skara Printshop his lines to Archbishop Benzelius. The Skara Printshop had been established by Bishop Swedberg shortly after his arrival in Skara. (ACSD 38; 3 Doc. 129-30)

Probably at the same time Jesper Swedberg published the sermon which he had preached to the students of the university on his last appearance in the pulpit of the cathedral before taking up the office of Bishop of Skara. The preface of the published book is dated "Brunsbo, July 18, 1709." The title of the sermon was "The Rule of Youth and the Mirror of Old Age," the text being Ecclesiastes XII "Remember thy Creator now in the days of thy youth." Swedenborg had been one of the large audience of students who listened to this sermon, and it was doubtless with a revival of pious and filial remembrances that he wrote a Latin translation of the Swedish poem by his father which prefaced the printed sermon. This translation, while included as a part of the Bishop's printed volume, had yet its own title page: "The Swedish song written by my beloved Parent, Jesper Swedberg, Doctor and Bishop of Skara, and entitled Ungdoms, Regal och Alderdoms Spegel, from Ecclesiastes C.XII- Set forth in Latin verse by his son Emanuel Swedberg, Skara, 1709.

The translation was preceded by an original verse by the translator:

Draw near, ye men; draw near ye youths and children fair;

Draw near O thou who fain wouldst know the time to come;

And ye, with whom the years are well-nigh spent, draw also near;

So likewise ye whom bowing age has not yet pressed with heaviness.

Hushed be the changing fates, the birds of heaven, the oracles of men and strife.

Here, from a greater Deity, doth Solomon declare the fates.

During his first weeks at home, besides these literary amusements, Swedenborg displayed that mechanical bent which indicates his practical nature, and which had so much influence on the firm mechanical side of his deep philosophy.

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 29

[1709
July

Within less then six weeks, he had so far learned from the bookbinder at Skara that he was able to bind three volumes in leather. His general curiosity had led him to the possession of an old coin, which he looks upon with suspicion because though in Eric's time, was inscribed "Sanctus Ericus" whereas Eric was canonized after his death.

For the rest, however, his thoughts are occupied mainly with his preparation for the expected foreign journey. Thus, in a letter to Eric Benzelius., dated July 13, he reminds his "dear Brother" of his offer to give him suggestions with regard to this journey. He then continues:

[NOTE: For text of letter, see IM pp. 2-5. Original in

Benzelius's Brefw. XXII]

"Were there also some letters to dear Brother's acquaintances in England or other kind offices, I would greatly desire them of dear Brother now, since I am not likely to remain here more than 14 days, and this for the purpose of waiting for dear Brother's answer concerning this my journey. It would also be my wish, through dear Brother's recommendation, to become acquainted with some of those who are in the Collegio Anglicano (the Royal Society) wherein there are said to be 21 assessores, that I might thereby profitera (make advance) somewhat in mathesis; or, which is said to be their chief pursuit, in Physica and Historia naturali.* Since I have always wished to obtain some use and improvement in the studier (studies) which I chose with dear Brother's advice and approval, therefore, I have also thought it advisable early to choose for myself some certain purpose which, in time, one will achieve; to this, one could also bring in a large part of that which one observerar (observes) and reads in other countries; I have therefore done this in all the reading that I have done thus far. And now, at my departure, I have first undertaken a certain collection (in all that concerns Mathesis,) in order gradually to increase and perfect it; to wit, de novis inventis et inveniendis Mathematicis (concerning new things discovered and to be discovered in Mathematics) or, what is almost the same thing, de incrementis Matheseos intra unum vel duo secula (concerning the additions made to mathesis within one or two centuries) which will extend to all partes Matheseos;** this, moreover, is likely to be of advantage to me during my journey, since I can bring into it all that I shall become observerande (observant of) in mathesis. . . .This therefore being my purpose, if it does not displease dear Brother, I ought to expect great help and support therein from dear Brother; and also that he will at least write to me what dear Brother finds in this connection. It would be very useful to me if some one urged Director Polhammar to communicate his inventions before anything fatal happens to him; the mechaniken (mechanics) there would certainly be an adornment in materien (to the matter in hand). I have good subsidia (resources) in Morhofvii opera Posthuma*** and a good guide to authors."

* Namely, Astronomy, Optics, Physics, Statics, etc.

** The Royal Society governing council consisted of 21 members. Sw. uses the word assessores in the Swedish sense as meaning those entitled to a seat in a collegium or commission. (Hatton, A New View of London, 1708)

*** The posthumous work referred to is Polyhistor Literarium, Philosophicum et Practicum, Lubecae, 1708. The work, therefore, had come but recently to Swedenborg's attention. It is in effect a guide to authors and books in the different fields of learning, and gives special attention to the collection.

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 30

[1709
July

Later, in the same letter, he adds:

"If there should be any one to succedera (succeed) me in my room, then I would most respectfully beg dear Brother that the papers which were left there might be gathered together and laid for keeping in the vault, for among them lie some which I assembled for Publium Syrum and which I worked hard enough on."

Read Letters and Memorials of E.S., pp. 1-5.

Despite his anticipations for an early journey to England, Swedenborg was doomed to disappointment.

The battle of Pultava, in which Charles XII was so severely defeated by the Russians, was fought on June 28, 1709, the very time when Swedenborg was rejoicing in his school honors, but it was not until a month later that distorted news of the disaster reached Sweden, and it may be presumed that this news reached Skara soon after Swedenborg had despatched his letter to Eric Benzelius. (Fryx. 23:181; 24:62)

The country was seething with all sorts of rumors, but it was not until August that it was known that the King had escaped to Turkey, and that Chancellor Piper was a Russian prisoner. (Ibid. 63)

The greatest confusion reigned, for the government was without a head. Two parties developed, one wishing the government to be headed by Karl Frederick of Holstein (son of Charles XI's older daughter), and the other, that it be headed by Ulric Eleonora (Charles XI's younger daughter) for whom was planned a marriage with Prince Karl of Denmark. Neither party dared act without hearing from the King. (Ibid. 64)

Added to this Denmark, egged on by Russia, now prepared to recover the province of Skane. Despite all past privations, new soldiers drilled, new war funds were raised, new taxes laid, forced contributions of money and grain; distillery was forbidden, and even part of the church tythes were seized by the government. And all this was gradually leading to the growth and strengthening of a party opposed to autocracy. (Ibid. 67-74s)

Under these circumstances, Swedenborg's journey to England was out of the question.

The Governor of Skane was Magnus Stenbok, loved of all the people because of his protection of them against official oppression. Influenced by the rumors of war with Denmark, Stenbok began preparations in the fall of 1709. He himself went around to the villages and addressed the people. It was impossible to prevent the Danes landing, but Stenbok laid up money and ammunition to meet them. The Danes landed near Malmo in November 1709 and were soon in Helsingborg, from which city they made successful advances to the opposite coast. The Swedish army consisted largely of Saxon prisoners who had taken Swedish service, and most of them went over to the enemy; also many of the Swedes, oppressed by their heavy burdens. By January, however, Stenbok had assembled at Vaxjo an army of 8,000 men, ill-clad and untrained. He called for more but except the three regiments ordered by King Charles, the people refused to join. (Ibid. 77-81)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 31

[1710
Feb.

In the middle of February 1710, Stenbok broke camp and on February 28, he attacked Helsingborg with 14,000 men and won a glorious victory. Skane was saved.

Swedes lost 800 killed and 2,000 prisoners

Danes " 4,000 killed and 3,000 prisoners

(Fryx. 24:82; La[text unintelligible] for Hemmet, 1899)

Despite Stenbok's victory, the Danes still persisted in their plans and Stenbok was obliged to go to Stockholm to raise new troops. In this, the government helped him, but to the displeasure of the King who wished the best troops sent to Pomerania. Charles's motto was "To be broken not to be bent" but the people were more concerned in the safety of the kingdom than in the prestige of the king. (Fryx. 24:95, 7, 152)

What with the consequent conscription, taxes law, exchange, and the conviction that the king, far from coming home or willing peace, was seeking Turkey's help to enter into a new war with Poland, the state of the country was truly miserable. Indeed, it may be wondered how a country could live through such terrible times. Certainly, Charles XII gave abundant proof of that extraordinary obstinacy which distinguished him in the other world; see Spiritual Diary 4741, where he is spoken of as "the most obstinate mortal on the face of the earth."

Swedenborg, while impatiently waiting for his foreign Journey, occupied himself as best he might - in bookbinding, music, and the varied occupations of an active and curious mind ambitious for knowledge.

He had undoubtedly learned to play the organ while in Upsala; for professor Vallerius was a noted musician and "director of music" in the University, and Bishop Swedberg himself was exceedingly fond of music. At any rate, by March 1710 Emanuel Swedenborg had so far progressed that he had been able to take the organist's place at the Cathedral. (UUH 2:2:78; 2 Tottie 270; OQ 1:203)

Another thing that greatly stirred his interest was the examination of the bones of a supposed giant which he found kept in the Cathedral.

His old tutor, John Moraeus, had commenced his foreign journey in 1703. In France he took the degree of M.D. and when he returned to Sweden in 1705, by the influence of Bishop Swedberg, was appointed Provincial Physician of Skara, and until 1709 lived with his uncle at Brunsbo. (SBL)

Soon after his arrival in Skara, he heard of some giant bones that had been turned up during an excavation for a well in Wanga Parish about 20 kilometers (15 miles) south west of Skara. Moraeus at once went to Wanga to inspect the excavations which were still going on, and in a letter to Eric Benzelius he describes the "ossa gigantes" that had already been dug up, and adds that when the work is finished all the bones would be sent to Skara. (ACSD 2b; Lilljeborg, Ofversigt 61)

It was here that Swedenborg saw them, in the Fall of 1709; but to Swedenborg, fresh from his university studies, it at once occurred that their proper place was the University Museum. So, in February they were duly sent to Upsala where, after Examination by Professor Roberg, they were pronounced to be the bones of a whale.

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 32

[1710
Mar.

Some years later, in 1719, Swedenborg refers to these bones as one of the proofs that formerly the flood covered Sweden. (H. of W. XII)

It may be added that in l823, Major L. Gyllenhaal sent to the Kungliga Vetenskapsakademien at Stockholm a vertebrae of another whale which he found in the same neighborhood, and it was he who identified the place where the "Swedenborg whale" had been found, namely, Glattestorp. (Lilljeborg, 62; KVA Handl. 373)

These bones, 51 in number, are now preserved in the Upsala

Zoological Museum. They are known as "The Swedenborg Whale"

and have been the subject of several learned brochures.

Photos of them are given in Lilljborg's Two Subfossil

Whales (Upsala 1867) and in Aurwillius, Der Wal.

Swedenborg's, Stockholm 1883. (LM p.9)

About the same time that these bones were being sent off, the immense distress in the country manifested itself in a small rebellion which came under Swedenborg's notice and which he describes in a letter to his brother-in-law of March 6, 1710. "Here, some time ago (he says), all the people were called up, and when the time came, the Wadsbo* people came to be gathered in a crowd,** where an unheard of excess (outrage) was committed on their own bailiff (Wahrenberg) whom they first handled roughly and then killed, and shot some 100 shots at him as a target, so that hardly anything whole was left of him. Afterwards, they would have had the pigs eat him up had not the pastor, Ericus Hago. Lundgren (1661-1715) the co-minister in Horn reprimanded them. Magister Johannez Faegraeus interfered but was threatened with the same fate if he would not hold his peace. Two peasants and one woman who expressed pity over this were also killed. The magistrate, Aurell, took flight to the above- mentioned Horn's rectory and in a dark room, in the cellar, but the place was surrounded and was searched in every corner; but they had to go back with their purpose unaccomplished. "Part of them have stationed themselves at Billingen (about 15 kilometers [5-1/2 miles] west of Skara) and have threatened with death those who will go further (i.e. to Skara); for the provincial judge, (Baron Gustav Soop [Soop blamed the clergy]) was compelled to give them all home leave, for they are heard to say that they had intended to treat all their officers whom they might have on the march in the same way. God grant there be no disturbance here of which, as it seems, there is much likelihood and cause." (OQ I: 203; 2 Tottie 53, 54; Sk. stifts Herda. 2:110)

* A place about 35 Kil. (22 miles) north west of Skara.

** This was at Binneberg, a village close to Horn.

This rebellion is noted by Fryxell who says that the murdered bailiff was known as an evil man and a bribetaker. But Fryxell wrongly puts the date as winter instead of spring. The mustering which occasioned the outbreak was for assistance for Stenbok but the men would go no further than their fathers, i.e., to Gotas Alf. They were later punished. (Fryx. 24: 154-55)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 33

[1710
March

Poetry also occupied Swedenborg's time. In March 1710,* fired by the deeds of Stenbok's ragged army, he had printed in Skara four pages in folio form with the title "A Festal Applause for the Signal Victory which, by the grace and favor of God Most High; in the name and under the auspices of Charles XII, the Monarch of our North: by the prudence of most illustrious comrades, senators of his Sacred Majesty, Magnus Stenbok, Governor of the Province of Skane, won from the Danes at Helsingborg on 28th of February 1710."

* The date is indicated by the poem itself at the end.

This poem is said to be the best as it is one of the longest of Swedenborg's poems. It opens with a note of joy but not unmixed with a suggestion of battles that are yet to come. (I.Rap. 1842:81; OP. p. 43).

The voice of strife is stilled and in a measure war and weapons;

And plaudits take their place with praise and prayer and sound of joyous lyre.

High to the stars the exultant voices rise

And every place doth glow with fervor at the sound:

. . . . .

Charles is exalted equally with Stenbok:

Charles by his gaze, Stenbok by leadership scattered the foes

One by his arm, one by the terror of his name.

. . . . .

Great Victor, mount the chariot and the triumph lead

Let palms be scattered, let the Muse chant her song.

Ah! mighty Warrior, had the men of old possessed thee

They would, methinks, have set thee in heaven, a shining light.

. . . . .

The officers also receive their need of praise:

And ye, great leaders of the Swedes who were his stay, Your names shall not in humbler tones be sung.

Names which if writ on lasting tablet

How great would be that tablet, fraught with such great glory.

. . . . .

Of the Danes he sings:

But lately left he Denmark's shore, a mighty host

And now returns with but a few.

Soldiers and leaders, ill reliable

Followed by fear and dread and with the dread comes flight.

. . . . .

He then turns to Charles in Turkey, around whom the hopes and fears of all Sweden centered:

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 34

[1710
March

The moon has nine times hid her face, and nine times come again

Since Turkey's Lune received the Boreal sun.*

Then with diminished light, O Caesar, shone thy moon.

And now it shines again, though with a borrowed light.

When he is absent from our land, our Sun has made provision that we wander not in shade

And so has given many stars to our loved land.

. . . . .

After the laudation of these lesser military stars, the poem ends with an appeal to Charles XII to return to his native land:

O Charles, hope of the Swedes! The Muses and thy land require thee.

Our shrines, our orators, our priests cry loud this prayer:

Thy sister, the mother of thy father, the guardians of thy land

All three do call thee back, and we would taste the fruit of this trine love.

Well known art thou, O Charles! From India's land to Afric's sunny shore.

And yet by face scarce known to thine own land

Which stretches forth its arms thy form to enfold.

And Caesars too shall comrade thee.

The ready sea will smooth for thee a bridge

And quiet down her waves for thy return.

Phoebus will burst the clouds and give her light

Rejoicing in her privilege of favoring thee:

And then the Muses new will sing, Ah! cometh our Apollo glorious!

Ah! 'tis my prayer that your Apollo cometh soon;

O Charles, the month that sends thee here to be in person in thy native land,

Let that month be a festal day, a sacred day forever.**

* i.e., Since Charles had fled to Turkey in July 1709.

** A paraphrase of this poem is reprinted in 3 Doc. 1266s.

About the same time (March 10, 1710), Swedenborg wrote a short congratulatory poem to be printed in the thesis which his future brother-in-law Unge*** was going to Upsala to dispute. Jonas Unge was then Lector of Poetry and Eloquence in the Skara Gymnasium, and his purpose in going to Upsala was to obtain a magister's degree and so become competent for a theological lectorship. In this he succeeded. (SSH. 1:548-49)

*** Jonas Unge, 1681-1755. Unge was seven years older than Swedberg.

If haply I might mount on chariot swift,

Unchecked by bending knee and lagging foot:

Then quickly would I flee these empty halls.

These fields bereaved of groaning countrymen, these

Westgothian vales,

And would anew before Upsala's Muses stand,

And in the Maeonian Choir take lowly part.

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 35

[1710
April

Then, Comrade, when thou walkest to the speaker's dais,

I would be with thee to swell the plaudits with a willing hand.

When thou dost bare the holy shrine, the Sacred Tablets,

Thy auditors are gladdened, and with joy give ear.

When thy tongue sets forth the inner treasures of thy mind,

It loud proclaims that thou hast climbed Parnassus' Heights.

The fable runs that from the brain of Jove, Minerva came,

But thou from holy Writ hast brought to light a greater work.

'Twas but a while ago that Gothland sent to Upsala the great limbs of a giant

Which, lacking brain, lacked human ingenuity.

And now our fertile land sends forth another child.

This strong in mental power, that strong in limb.

And now a happy guest, thou dost anew approach the Muses of

Upsala's halls.

And I do prophesy they lend their favor to thy gifts of mind.

With thee, I cannot be, and yet, though absent, shall be at thy side.

And in the city's midst be with thee, thy comrade.

Brunsbo, March 7

1710

EMAN. SWEDBERG (OP. 20- 21)

It is of interest to note that the subject of Unge's Disputation thesis was "The Consummation of the World." This he defines as being "the end of the world," or, according to the Greek, the "fullness of the Age" when there will be no longer an earth, and when the good will be in heaven, and the evil will burn in hell but without being burned up. The world will be destroyed not orivitively by the cessation of Divine "influx" but positively by fire though without leaving any ashes. The kind of fire is unknown. It cannot be elementary fire, for the elements themselves are to burn and therefore would be consumed. The new heaven and earth will not have corporeal place but will be "a certain spiritual spaceless and uncreated pu: nor will it be created but already is."

The "consummation of the age" also had place even before the Fall, for as men then went to the spiritual life without the intervention of death, so the world will pass away without conflagration, though in the judgment day conflagration will appear before the wicked as a type of infernal fire.*

* The Disputation was held on April 2d, and Rhyzelius was opponens. (Rhyzelius 56)

There will be noticed in Swedenborg's poem to Unge a certain note of longing to return to the old academic sphere, with the stimulating presence of the professors his friends, and especially of Eric Benzelius, his "second father."

The continued postponement of his journey, the lack of intellectual stimulus in the little town of Skara, probably also the lack of modern works on the natural sciences was keenly felt, and it was with some hope of relief

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 36

[1710
May

that Swedenborg at last heard of the possibility of studying mechanics with the great Polhem who, in 1698, had been appointed Director of Bersmechanica (without salary), a position which he retained till his death. (Bring, Polhem, p. 35)

Polhem, in addition, had private manufacturing works at Stiernsund, about forty miles southwest of Falun, and here he was in the habit of receiving a few pupils. Polhem and his wealthy partner Stierncrona from whom the place was named, had settled here in 1700, and Charles XI gave them privileges for the manufacture of household utensils, clocks, looks, machines, iron tubes, bolts, nuts, etc., etc. (Ibid. p.105)

Swedenborg felt that at Skara he was wasting his time, and he longed for some change. The Bishop, therefore, led by Swedenborg's decided bent for mathematical mechanics, wrote to Polhem inquiring whether he would receive Swedenborg in his house as a student. (OQ. I:205)

Polhem answered in the negative. The Bishop seems then to have got his son-in-law Eric Benzelius, who knew Polhem personally, to write to Magister Troilius of Husby (about ten miles from Stiernsund), Polhem's pastor and friend,who saw Polhem on Sunday, May 29th, when Polhem finally agreed to board and teach Emanuel Swedenborg for 4 Rixdala a week - there was no inn in the place. Polhem, himself also wrote to Benzelius on July 16th. Polhem at that time had five children, from Margaret the oldest aged twelve to the youngest aged three. (Bring, Polhem p. 101; ACSD 43A; Rosman, Polhems Slakt 55-6)

While those arrangements were going one, the subject of them had gone off, for he was in London on August 3d.

His departure from Sweden seems to have been very sudden and was perhaps due to a favorable opportunity of passage offering itself; for there were no regular passenger vessels to London, and opportunity must be taken when it offered. Doubtless also, if not mainly, it was due to Swedenborg's unwillingness to go to Polhem as a substitute for a foreign journey, for in his first London letter to Benzelius, dated October 13, 1710, he apologizes for not having obeyed his brother's counsel as to Polhem, and assures him that he "has not entirely renounced" the idea of going to the Director,

It must be remembered also that Swedenborg seems to himself, in part, have defrayed the expenses of his journey; but see Swedenborg's own account of this journey as contained in his letters to Benzelius and in a brief journal entry which he penned some twenty-five years later as an introduction to his Journal of his travels in 1736. He there says that "on the way to London, I was four times in danger of my life:
1. At an English sandbank in a dark fog, when all thought they would be lost because the ship's, keel was only 1 quateer from the bank.
2. From privateers who boarded us, and though one supposed they were Danes, they represented themselves as French.
3. From an English guard ship which on the next evening, from a report, supposed in the darkness that we were the same privateer vessel, and so a whole broadside was sharply-fired at us, but yet without special damage.
4. In London, right afterwards, I came into a still greater danger in that

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[1710
London

some Swedes arrived at the ship in a yacht,* and they talked me into going with them to the city, when yet all on the ship were ordered to stay there for six weeks, for they had already learned that the plague had begun in Sweden. But since I had taken myself off from the quaremtin that had been ordered, I was sought after; yet I was let off from the rope, though with the reservation that no one else afterwards would escape if he ventured to the same thing." (NCL 1896:152, S. to King, 7/9/1720; Resebesk. 3; Cod. 88 p. 502)

* Swedenborg spells it jakt.

The fact of friends meeting Swedenborg would seem to indicate that he was expected and that his journey had been long arranged. However, it is not improbable that the yacht did not come specially to meet Swedenborg but on business with the ship. Jonas Alstrom, the future great manufacturer, was a shipbroker in London, and very probably it was his yacht on which Swedenborg got to land.

One can imagine the feelings of the young Swede, whose experience of city life had been confined to Upsala, on arriving at a city of three-quarters of a million inhabitants, whose territory covered 7-1/2 x 2-1/2 miles - over eighteen square miles. A cousin of Swedenborg who had a similar background of experience thus expresses himself on his first visit to London some months after Swedenborg's arrival:

"On this famous city, the largest and most populous in the

whole Christian world, no remarks are needed here, it being a

subject too extensive to write about, and which cannot be

sufficiently described either by books or by travelers'

accounts. But I will say that one who wishes to see all the

races, riches, magnificence and glory of all the world in

miniature, can see it in London at the Royal Exchange and

Custom House, not to speak of innumerable occasions and

places where a stranger can never satisfy his curiosity."

(Chamberlayne, Mag. Brit. not. 1710 p. 220; Hatton, p.

111s, 118; Hesselius Dagbok Dec. 8, 1711)

Another admiring statement is made by a German physician who visited London in 1707 after visiting in Hamburg and Amsterdam:

"A stranger cannot without wonder gaze upon this prodigious

city which is certainly the largest in Christendom. In its

length, together with the suburbs, which is hard to

distinguish from the city, it is seven English miles. . . In

the great streets and public places of resort, there are at

all times such a concourse of people that nobody can avoid

the crowd that walks afoot, to say nothing of the eminent

danger from the perpetual hurry of their publick coaches."

(A Relation of a Journey into England and Holland, p. 26)

Here in London, Swedenborg saw for the first time the use of coal, of clogs, and probably of tobacco used as snuff. As to the use of clogs, we have the impressions of Swedenborg's cousin Hesselius when he saw them for the first time in Harwich in December 1711: "Here as elsewhere in the towns, the people go on the streets with 'iron clogs,' that is, iron shoes on their

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 38

[1710

Fall

feet, which clatter on the streets like our horses' shoes" (Dagbok).

His attention was perforce called to the Sacheverell disturbance. The previous Fall, Sacheverell had preached two violent sermons against the Presbyterians or Whigs who were then in power. On March 23, 1710, Parliament sentenced him to three years' expulsion from office, and his sermons were to be burned by the public hangman. Excitement ran so high that a mob broke into Presbyterian churches and carried off and burned furniture. Much of this was before Swedenborg arrived in London. And now the period of pamphleteering was going on.

What must have amazed Swedenborg most, and have awakened enthusiasm in his bosom was the contrast between the freedom of speech in England - as shown in this matter. His friend, Eric Alstyn, refers to this freedom in a letter to his uncle, Professor Upmarck, dated London, September 1710:

"Sacheverell has caused inward unrest here. The country is

divided into two parties, High Church and Low Church. So many

publications are issued by both parties about the royal power

over the subject, and the subject's duty to the king, that I

think this would be possible nowhere else than here. In other

places one has not such great freedom to write and talk what

he will. The Queen has full authority to consent to

Sacheverell's condemnation, but it is thought that she will

dissolve Parliament and have a new election because of

complaint against against parliament in this matter." (Berg,

Saml. III:658)

He went sightseeing of course. Indeed, on October 13th he writes to his brother-in-law that he had "seen all that was worth seeing", mentions particularly the "magnificent temple of St. Paul" which "was finished in all its parts a few days ago" - referring probably to the final act when the son of Sir Christopher Wren laid with his own hands the last stone, thirty years after the first stone had been laid.* (OQ. 207; Chamberlayne p. 276; London Past and P. 46)

* The exact day of this ceremony was not recorded (Bumpus, p. 97)

The whispering gallery particularly attracted Swedenborg's attention as illustrating the laws of sound and the motions in the air; and he refers to it later in 1716, in the first number of the Daedalus Hyperboreus, in an article entitled "Experiments on Sound which can be carried on in our land": "If a man in a vaulted room talks near the wall, a second man can hear his words at the other side; as is observed in St. Paul's Church in London up in the round gallery." (DH. I p. 11)

At Westminster Hall, while examining the Royal Monuments, he suddenly, in the Poet's Corner, came across a wall tablet engraved in gilt letters with the name of Isaac Casaubon: "I was carried away with such great love of this literary hero that I gave my kisses to his tomb; and to his remains, lying under the marble, I dedicated the following verses: (OP p. 22)

Why beautify the tomb with marble, verse, and gold

When yet these perish, while thyself survives.

But still methinks the marble and the gold themselves acclaim thee;

And take with joy the kisses of the passerby.

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[1710
October

"Or in this way:

This urn contains thy ashes, God and the stars thy soul,

Writings contain thy genius, the world thy name;

Death has dissolved thee into these remains,

But for thyself, thou liv'st unharmed within our hearts." (LA p.14)

Swedenborg seemed at this time to have been fond of exercising himself in Latin verse, for he did a good deal of this while on this his first foreign journey; and one of the qualifications pointed out in his favor by Bishop Swedberg in a letter to the Government soliciting a position for him, was "an adept at poetry." Eric Benzelius had written him that Urban Hjarne intended to publish a complete collection of the poems of Sophia Elizabeth Brenner (1659-1730), and suggested that Swedenborg contribute a verse in celebration of the publication and the poetess. (ACSD 82)

Brenner's work is mainly fugitive verses (sometimes in German, French, Latin or Italian), written on festive occasions. By her contemporaries she was regarded as the sappho of her age, but a later age has not agreed. A learned woman was a rarity in Sweden, and Fru Brenner was both learned and domestic (15 children), but her estimate of herself was very modest. Confer CL 175. (BL pp. 65, 66)

Swedenborg wrote for his book the following lines which are perhaps the most stilted and certainly the poorest of all his verse; it is hardly to be wondered at that he asks his brother-in-law "if you find anything in them which should be corrected, you will take it on you to amend it, and communicate the amendations to her" (To E. Benzelius, Oct. 1710). See CL 175.

To Sophia Elizabeth Brenner, the sole poetess of our age, when she would sing her songs anew. (OP. p. 23)

The Muses of old revered by Rome or Greece

Came each from a prophet's brain

The Pierian muse revered in Swea's land

Was born of a brain her own.

The Muses owe name and life to poet-bards

But she to herself and her songs

And 'tis to Sophia, Brenner owes his fame, owes song to Sophia, the muse.

Thus she is Phoenix to the Muse, and to herself and to her man.

When her fingers touch the lyre

Such songs are joined to strings that I do swear

That Camena so sweet has never yet been.

As light excels the darkness, or the frame the shade:

So thou, Elizabeth, the muses of Apollo.

With laurel wreath and ivy, the Swedes shall crown but thee;

To them, the first of learned Dames - perhaps the last.

Had Naso and the Homerian bard told but of thee

Thou wouldst have been alone, instead of all the Muses,

And the Age to come, methinks, will so revere thee,

That it will worship thee as muse and semi-deity.

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[1710
October

The noble part of thee will flee the last shades, the fire, the ash,

And ne'er will know it death.

And so, with pardon, I do prophesy for thee such death

That future men will deem thee as the Goddess Sophia.

Then not to brazen plate nor cypress shade commit thyself

Nor yet to marble or to wood thy name:

That name will reach an age more distant,

And when the marble's gone, the Goddess still remains.

(LM. p.15))

This poem was duly printed in Hjarne's edition, Stockholm 1713, which included a preface by Fru Brenner and thirty-six pages of poetic congratulations.

Swedenborg did not lose sight of his main purpose, which was to make his journey a means for cultivating and widening his mind, especially on the subject of Mathesis.

He visits the shops of booksellers and instrument makers, and thus gathers a "small stock of books on Mathesis" together with various instruments such as a tube, quadrants, prisms, microscopes, artificial scales, and a camera obscura. Indeed, he hopes to have money enough to buy an air pump, (OQ. I:207)

Among the books were Vitalis, Lexicon Mathesis, bought in August. Probably also Newton's Principia.

He occupies himself in learning English and, meanwhile, "reads Newton daily" in Latin.* Indeed, Newton must have made a profound impression on the young student's mind, and it would seem this redounded also to Sweden's learned world. Newton's Principia was published in 1685, but the first known mention of his law of gravitation in Upsala is a Disputation under Elfvius in 1703, and the next mention is in 1716 also under Elfvius. The latter was somewhat skeptical about Newton's discovery, which he termed "a pure abstraction." Indeed, "it was first through Swedenborg's visit to England, his correspondence and work, that the new views came to be adopted" in Sweden. (UUH 2:2:323-24)

* The Optica had been published in Latin in 1706, and the Quadratures in 1704.

Another writer says: "It seems to have been first through Polhem* and then through Swedenborg that Newton's discovery came into general knowledge."
(Bring, Polhem, p. 62)

* Polhem first read Newton in 1712, and found it very obscure (Bring, Polhem P. 62).

Until Swedenborg knew English better, he will not consult the men of skill in Mathesis, but he hopes to meet the great Newton.* (Read LM pp. 18-23)

* Newton was then the Master of the Royal Mint, and was living next door to the Orange Street Chapel in St. Martin's Street, Leicester Square. In 1710, he was sixty-eight years old (D. of NB p. 390).

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London

Here, then, we see the beginning of that long period of which Swedenborg speaks when he says in a letter to Oetinger, in November 1766: "I was introduced by the Lord first into the natural sciences, and thus prepared; and, indeed, from the year 1710 to 1744 when heaven was opened to me" (Doc. 2: 257)

Thus it was in England, not in Sweden, that Swedenborg commenced his scientific preparation; in the sphere of the freedom fostered by the Royal Society, and not the theological-bound University of Upsala; under the influence of Newton, and not of Descartes.

As for Swedenborg's associates at this time, the nucleus of them were the members of the Swedish Church in London. Here Swedenborg, for the first time, made the acquaintance of Jonas Alstrom, who subsequently became so valuable for the commercial development of Sweden. He was but three years Swedenborg's senior, and had only just started as a shipbroker. Arriving in England in 1707, Alstrom had made rapid progress, and in 1710, when he started business for himself, he was able to send for his two sisters, the older Brita to be his housekeeper, and the younger Maria as his bookkeeper cashier. This year also he became a naturalized Englishman. He seems to have become intimate enough with Swedenborg to appreciate his ability and industry. Another member of the Church Council with whom he came into contact was Jonas Alberg, a London merchant to whom Swedenborg sent his letters to be forwarded to Sweden. (Carlson p.161; OQ 1:218; see Doc. 1:342)

Swedenborg's position as the son of a Bishop would also bring him into the company of Count Carl Gyllenborg, the Swedish Resident at the English Court since April. Swedenborg's taste for learning would also draw him to Gyllenborg who, in 1712, was elected a member of the Royal Society. Swedenborg, moreover, speaks of visiting Gyllenborg. (OQ. 1:211)

A more intimate friend would be Eric Alstrin,the future bishop, who for two years had been residing at the home of the oriental scholar, Joh. Esdras Edzardus, as tutor to his sons. Doctor Edzardus was the son of the Hamburg Edzardus with whom Jesper Swedberg had spoken about angelic speech, and who had been pastor of the German Church in London for twenty-eight years.

Eric Alstrin was nephew and adopted son to Professor Upmarck with whom he had lived during his studies in Upsala from 1697-1706. He was five years Swedenborg's senior. (BL. p. 143)

Dr. Edzardus lived at Fulham, a beautiful village about five miles from London (2s. by river), and had a fine garden. A few doors away lived the exile Beverland, and likewise in Fulham was the official residence of Dr. Compton, Bishop of London, who held open house on certain days, and who invited Alstrin and his friends to come and eat with him sometimes - confer Hesselius' Dagbok, February 4, 5. (Hatton. p. 796; Berg, Saml. III:658)

It is probable also that Swedenborg carried letters of introduction to the bishops who resided in London. For, owing to his administration of the Swedish Church in Delaware, Bishop Swedberg was in high favor among the dignitaries of the Anglican Church. Since the beginning of his charge in America, he had counseled friendly and even cordial cooperation with the

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London

English churches; and the fruit of this counsel was seen many years later when the Swedish Church in Wilmington merged into the Holy Trinity Church. Moreover, Eric Benzelius had entered into personal relations of friendship with Archbishop Tennison in Canterbury, besides Bishop Barnet and other bishops. (Dalin, p. 12; Brefwax. p. xvii)

One bishop with whom he certainly had come into friendly relations was the Bishop of Ely, Doctor John Moore, whose palace was conveniently situated in Holborn (Ely House), and who was one of the more wealthy of the Anglican bishops. (Chamberlayne, 3, 475)

Dr. Moore (1646-1714), first the Bishop of Norwich and then of Ely, was of a democratic nature and a low churchman. When he entered into occupation of Ely House [Holborn, between Farringdon Street and Hatton Garden], he immediately began rebuilding and repairing. His library "was famous throughout Europe," consisting of about 29,000 books and nearly 1,800 MSS, and "he was never happier than when he could show a visitor to London the treasures of his library." His books and treasures were at the free disposal of scholars, both English and foreign. After his death, in 1715, his library was bought by the King for six thousand pounds sterling. (D. of NB. pp. 807-8; NZ 1715: 501)

It is probable also that he came into contact with John Robinson, the Bishop of Bristol. Robinson (1650-1723), who lived at Somerset House and to whom Bishop Swedberg had written a letter in December 1710 (perhaps delivered by Emanuel Swedenborg) had been representative of his country, first as Chaplain and later as Minister Resident at the Swedish Court from 1680 to 1709 though five of these years, 1702-7, he was in Poland and Saxony). He spoke Swedish fluently, indeed, he was Swedish in his appearance, he was also a friend of Bishop Swedberg who wrote him a letter about the Skane girl who went without food. (New Mag. of Knowl. 1791: 368; D. of NB pp. 24-5; Mem. of L. 1: 256)

In 1694, an interesting "Account of Sweden" was published in London without the consent of the author, who was John Robinson. John Robinson was a great favorite of Charles XII. (D. of NB.)

Then, of course, Swedenborg came into contact with other members of the Swedish Church in London, sometimes mentioned in his letters; as, for instance, Alber (OQ 1:218), Brander (ib. 223), Nordberg, who had been ordained by his father in Skara in 1710 and at once sent to London as Adjunct Pastor and Schoolmaster, and perhaps also John Spieker, Swedenborg's future banker who arrived to settle in England in 1712. (Carlson, 145, 167, 174)

At the time of Swedenborg's arrival in May 1710, a movement was commencing among the London Swedes, of which Swedenborg as the son of his father must frequently have heard, and indeed as a highly interested hearer.

In 1673, the Swedes in London had received the privilege of building a Lutheran Church, but owing to their small number, they turned this over to the Germans with whom those of them who understood German worshiped. (Palmin. Nig. Minnesbl. 61)

In 1673, the Swedes in London had built a church in Trinity Lane near St. Paul's, which was called both the Swedish and the German Church; German being the native tongue of many Swedes. In 1696, when the Danish

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London

Government built a Danish-Norwegian Church in Welclose Square, most of the Swedes worshiped there. But after the battle of Pultava, these Swedes, not caring to hear prayers for their enemies, went back to the German Church which was then under the pastorate of Doctor Ezardus. (Sv. i Eng. pp. 111-12)

On March 1st, the day after Stenbock's victory, 1710, the Swedish residents in London agreed to contribute to the building of a Swedish Church, hoping for support from the Swedish King. Jonas Alstrom was probably the driving force in this. Swedenborg's contribution of fifteen shillings, on May 10th, was for this building fund; the records show that he gave another fifteen shillings in July, and five shillings in 1713 - perhaps sent from France. (Sv. i. Eng. p. 113; Carlson, p.174; NCMag. 1908:548)

The church was not built until 1728, but a meeting house was rented on Ratcliffe Highway near Princes Square, and on March 19, 1710, from two candidates nominated by Dr. Ezardus, namely, Alstrin and Hegardt - both living with Dr. Ezardus - Hegardt was elected pastor, soon afterwards ordained by Dr.
Ezardus. (Sv. i. Eng. p.120; Carlson, p. 7-8; Palmen. 62)

Probably Swedenborg met this Regardt, who was three years his senior, some years afterwards when Charles XII was for two years a guest at his house in Lund. (SBL p. 90; Carlson pp. 143-44)

On May 16th, the pastor and council asked Bishop Swedberg to take charge of them, and in July, Bishop Swedberg accepted. (Carlson pp. 9, 182-3)

His first London letter to Benzelius speaks of the affection he feels for his second father: If you were to inquire about myself, dearest Brother, I know myself to be alive but not happy; for I long for you and home. If I chance to see a letter from you, you carry me back, as it were, to my fatherland, for I love and revere you not only more than my brothers but even as a parent" (To E.Benzelius, October 1710).

Meanwhile, in Upsala the plague had so spread that on November 8, 1710, the University decided to stop all lectures; the professors being thus unoccupied, Benzelius invited a number of them to meet with him in the Library or in his home once or twice a week for the discussion of scientific subjects.

According to his own words, he was led to this step from his desire to promote that study of mathematics in which he had encouraged Swedenborg. (DH 1910, p. 6; Prosperin, 9; Brefwaxling xxii)

The choice of members of this Collegium Curiosorum is significant of Eric Benzelius's attitude to learning. They were Professor Harald Wallerius (Math.) and his sons John (Adjunt) and Joran. Professors Elfvius (Astronomy), Roberg, and Rudbeck Jr. (Medicine), and Upmarck (Eloquence and Poetry) the only representative of the humanities - all from the medical and philosophical faculties. (UUH II:417-18; DH 21)

The objects of the Collegium were purely in the natural sciences. "Questions concerning the investigation of the principles of natural things (says a contemporary) by a new and now frequently received method, namely, by means of mechanical rules, by numbers. and the comparison of forces. Here various hypotheses and axioms of the philosophers which the world adores as oracles are called under examination, even as are the

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[1711
England

elements; here is discussed the equilibrium of the weighing of the earth and planets floating in the ether; concerning their situation in respect to each other and their varied motions; the remarkable and as yet not well observed force of heat and cold; the forces of the air which surround all things; the compression of the air and its elastic force, the equilibrium of air and water with respect to the gravity of each, and their mutual operations as these are to be measured in the upper regions or in the depths of the earth; the weight of different metals compared with fluid and fine bodies in respect to its relation to their solidity and exact weight, as computed by their cube and square roots, etc." (Glas, Esssai)

The pest was allayed by the Spring of 1731, and without a single loss among the professors. (Berg, III:665)

Eric Benzelius himself says: "In order always to have materiam discursuum, correspondence was entered into with Director Polhammar who, from his inexhaustible store in mathematics and physics answered questions and propounded problems, and also gave copies of his many mathematical charts. Specimens of these conferences and correspondence may be found in my brother-in-law Assessor Swedenborg's Daedalus Hyperboreus which came out some years later." Pictures of members to be found in Daedalus Hyperboreus reprint (SBL p. 82; Brefwaxling xxii-iii)

When the pest stopped in 1711, the meetings continued and ultimately became the present Vetenskape Societeten i Upsala.

Doubtless Eric Benzelius wrote to Swedenborg about this Society; at any rate, he wrote him asking him to inquire about and purchase books and instruments - commissions which Swedenborg duly fulfills, adding also recommendations of his own, not only of books but of astronomical and other instruments which he examines at Marshalls; and he recommends an air pump. Among other books, he recommends the Philosophical Transactions which was too dear for him. (OQ. 1:214, 218)

Prof. Vallerius also writes, making a similar request - a great mark of confidence in a young student.

But Benzelius did not send money, and Swedenborg has to pay out money at any rate for the books, and therefore in April he writes to his brother asking him "to appoint a merchant from whom Marshall may receive payment (for his microscopes), since I must set my appetite according to my store, and it is not allowed me to buy on credit, neither will our Swedish merchants give it to me unless they have leave to draw exchange therefor to Sweden, which generally amounts to 33-34 a pound instead of 26-27 from Sweden."

But with all his studies, he managed to find time to read some of the books he is buying for the Library, and on these he sometimes comments.

He now reads English with ease, his reading including "Reflections upon the Conduct of Human Life with reference to the study of Learning and Knowledge," by John Norris, the English representative of Malebranche.

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[1711
England

On this work, which he read "right through," Swedenborg makes the very just comment that the author uses so many bypaths that he continually holds the reader in suspense as to what he wishes to say. Another English book he read was "Reflections upon Learning, wherein is shown the insufficiency thereof in its several particulars, in order to evince the usefulness and necessity of Revelation," by Thomas Baker, the Scholar and Antiquarian. Swedenborg read this work "with the greatest delight"; indeed, he read it three times, which is somewhat surprising in view of his comment that "the author approves of nothing, but makes all that has been found out and written, incomplete and undeserving of his esteem; which . . . might redound to his own injury," since he himself is among those he refutes. But the author is also an enemy to the conceit of the learned. After giving a little poke at Descartes' ideas, he says: "However we may be puffed up with vain conceits . . . and fancy there is little hid from the profound search and accurate inquiries of so learned an age, to me it seem we are yet much in the dark . . . that the state of learning is so far from perfection . . . that it ought to teach us modesty and keep us humble" (pp. 6-7). (OQ. 1:209)

Swedenborg, we imagine, would find pleasure in this thought - a thought which is so often repeated in his own works. Baker speaks in a similar vein as to doubts - referring, of course, to Descartes' famous sentence dubito ergo sum: "The old way of proceeding upon allowed principles seems to me more rational than this method of questioning everything till we have unsettled the first grounds and foundations of truth; and, however useful doubting may be in philosophical inquiries, it ought always to suppose a ground, for a groundless doubt is so far irrational" (p. 127). Descartes, he continues, after he "done with doubting and has proved to us our own existence, brings us at last to the Being of a God." Baker is unwilling to weaken any proof in this respect, but he does note that Descarte's "Proof from the idea is the abstrusest and the least conclusive argument that has been brought forward; it is neither clear nor the most conclusive" (pp. 127-28).

He is equally severe against Malebranche and his most recent defender John Norris, whose doctrine of ideas, he says, is "so like the inward light of a new sect of men as not to make it over reputable" (p. 130). They agree also with the Quakers, in that they "have too low a value for human learning" either as it lies in books or in nature, as compared with "that light which displays itself from the ideal world. Experience and deduction have been formerly esteemed useful, but in this compendious way to knowledge . . . there needs little more than application and attention" (p. 131).

The professed subject of Norris's book is to show that no profit lies in the cultivation of the intellect by learning, but that the sole object of our desire should be to learn to be good. The object of Baker's book is to show the necessity of revelation by showing how very little the learned world knows despite its boastings.

Other books that attracted Swedenborg's particular attention were Bishop Wilkins' works, which he found "very ingenious" and which undoubtedly suggested some of his mechanical inventions - to which we shall refer later - and Derham's Miscellanea Curiosa which contains the latest fruits of the work of the Royal Society. (OQ. 1:214)

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Swedenborg now more fully devotes his attention to the Study of Astronomy and its accompanying mathematics. "I am now working through Algebra and subtil Geometry," he writes, "intending here to make an advance which, in time, will enable me to continue Polhem's inventions. "The particular inventions he now has in mind are concerned with the improvement of scientific and especially astronomical instruments. (OQ. 1:215)

Of Astronomy he writes that he has so far mastered it that "I have discovered a great many things which I think will be useful to that study, though in the beginning I had much brainwracking. Yet long speculations do not come hard to me now."

Here we note the initiament to habits of deep thought.

What more particularly draws his attention is the solution of that problem of finding the longitude at sea which would prove of such benefit to all nations and particularly seafaring peoples, for which both Holland and England had offered liberal rewards.

"I have weighed the plans of all in regard to the finding of the terrestrial longitude," writes Swedenborg in October 1711, "but found they would not serve. I have, therefore, thought up a method which is infallible, by means of the moon; of which I am sure that it is the best that can be given, intending in a short time to inform the Royal Society that I have a plan. . . If I find the gentlemen are favorable, I will publish it here or else in France." He adds that he has "hit upon" a "lot of" new methods in connection with astronomical observations, and these also he intends to publish.

Swedenborg did not apparently wait upon the Royal Society at that time; nor does he seem to have written his method of finding the longitude for publication until some years later; but it is interesting to note that in 1769 he did wait on the Royal Society, and with the very publication which he had in mind fifty-eight years earlier.

Meanwhile, Swedenborg is increasing his circle of acquaintances.

"I visit daily the best mathematicians here," he writes in April 1711; yet his statement needs some limitation for in the same letter he desires to have Polhammar's inventions communicated to him as soon as they come out, since they will "insinuera" him to some mathematicians whose acquaintance he desires to make. (OQ. 1: 210)

His studies in astronomy lead him to make the acquaintance of John Flamsteed, the first Astronomer Royal of England, visiting him at Greenwich, a village some nine miles from London.

John Flamsteed was by this time a man of sixty-five years old, and his choleric disposition had become embittered by his disputes with Newton and Halley. He had been appointed "Astronomical Observator" in 1676, his immediate work being to make exact observations with a view of making possible the finding of the longitude by sea. Greenwich Observatory was built for him. His salary was very small, and he was obliged to take

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London

private pupils, and perhaps it was in some such position that Swedenborg met him so frequently - probably went by river, fare 1s 6d. (D of NB. 9. 241. 243; Some Part. relat. to Long. 7; NV of Lond. 796)

Here Swedenborg received that interest in finding the longitude which remained with him till almost the end of his life. For his own pleasure, he calculates all the solar and lunar eclipses from 1712-21. These he offered to his university which accepted them; and, meanwhile, he contemplates still further calculations, for which he asks his brother-in-law to order a quadrant for him of Polhem's son Gabriel for which he thought his father would not refuse to pay. (OQ. 1:211; DH. p. 67)

Meanwhile, the Collegium Curiosorum which up to now had occupied itself mainly with the discussion of Polhem's ideas, at its meeting of July tenth 1711, "Resolved that 'Emanuel Swedberg go to Flamsteed and thoroughly examine the instruments how they are made, the divisions, in what way the minutes are taken, whether he uses a telescope instead of diopters, as on other instruments and how they are moved with the apparatus; also how he makes use of the instruments in the dark, if it is done in the light," etc. (DH 1910, pp. 66-67)

These inquiries Prof. Elfvius promised to make. The Minutes also note:

"That Emanuel Swedberg observes the way and manner in which the instruments are distinguished, and how they are examined; further, what they cost according to size.

"What the latest globes cost, and in what esteem are they held by the learned; item, whether one could get the paper for them sent to be put together here."

According to what tables had he reckoned his eclipses, and to send his calculations on.

He is encouraged in his effort to facilitate the calculation of eclipses.

That the Philosophical Transactions be bought for the library.

"Young Polhammar is not capable of correctly marking a quadrant; the one he made for the late Spole was not accurate. Instead of this, he should become advised what such a quadrant costs in London; item, whether they are made in Hook's manner with a screw in the board,"

Eric Benzelius promised to make these communications.

Elfvius wrote to Swedenborg a few days later as to observing Flamsteed's instruments and methods. He, at the same time, asked him, "What the learned mathematicians think of Newton's Principia of the Motions of the Planets, since they seem to be pure abstractions and not physical, and what tables of the lunar and solar eclipses are held to be the best." (OQ. 1: 211-13)

The Professor also complies with Swedenborg's request, and copies out his observations of the solar eclipse of 1706 together with other observations made at the same time at Bologne.

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 48

[1711 London

He also takes the occasion to recommend to his erstwhile student to add glass grinding, "even in its least details," to his other manual trades; this he writes in connection with Swedenborg's statement, that he lodged with journeymen, and changed his lodgings often in order to steal their trade. Thus, he had lodged at a watchmaker and cabinetmaker, and from the Spring to the Fall of 1711, he is lodging at a mathematical instrument maker and has made such progress that he writes in October; "I have made a large number of brass instruments for my own needs; were I in Sweden," he adds, "I would not apply to any one to make the meridians for the globes." (OQ. 1: 210)

From the cabinetmaker, he had learned to mount his instruments, and from the watchmaker, to engrave. The latter accomplishment he is quite proud of: "I have already so far acquired the art," he writes, "that I think myself competent in it," and he dutifully sends a first specimen of his work to his father, as well as a more ambitious "pricking" for Prof. Elfvius.* His object in learning these trades is very practical: he hopes actually to practice and introduce them into his own country. No engraver could be found in Sweden, and the quadrants then in use were all of iron or wood with only the periphery in brass.

* Many years later (April 1744), this art of engraving is brought again to his mind when in a dream, "there were those who admired my copper-plates which were well done, and wished to see my drafts (JD p. 194).

It is a high honor that the capable Prof. Elfvius should write to one who but two years previously had been an undergraduate in his classes; but Swedenborg had evidently stood high as a student, for Elfvius concludes his letter by alluding to "Swedenborg's fine curiostet to find out things both with the learned and with other workers in London. An apparently insatiable desire to learn facts, experience, as distinguished from abstract principles or classical niceties, seems to have been characteristic of Swedenborg as a young man. "That my Brother encourages me in Mathesis," he writes to Benzelius, "is a matter I should rather be discouraged in, since I have an immoderate desire thereto with- out this, and especially to astronomy and mechanics." Then he adds: "Here are also grand English poets who are worth reading through if only for their inventions, such as Dryden, Spencer, Waller, Milton, Cowley, Beaumont and Fletcher, Shakespeare, Johnson Ben, Oldham, Benham, Phillip and Smith" referring perhaps to the folio volume of poetry published about that time. (OQ. 1:210, 213; LM. p. 28)

Swedenborg's answers to the Upsala inquiries are contained in his letter to his brother-in-law, written in the latter part of August, 1711, after he had been nearly sixteen months in England. He will attend to all commission, or has already done so. He is also sending a microscope and "a list of all accessories belonging to the air" in the inventor's own handwriting. As to the globes, "to get the paper for them is almost impossible for they are afraid they would be copied." But since the finished globes are so expensive, he sends an engraving which he has himself made. (LM. p. 28)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 49

[1711
London

He had visited Flamsteed early in August, and had taken him Prof. Elfvius' Lunar Tables, "which he at once in Swedenborg's presence compared with his own observations." In his latter to Benzelius, Swedenborg describes Flamsteed's work in some detail, and what he has published - including his editing of the Posthumous Works of Horrocks, the English Astronomer (d. 1641), and he refers to his observations in folio (published by Newton and Halley), though without any reference to Flamsteed's objections to this work; but he adds: "Flamsteed told me that he had under press Constellationes Caelestes as they are found in Hipparchus" - evidently referring to the first volume of Flamsteed's own work which came out in three volumes after his death. (Doc. 1: 574)

"Prof. Elfvius," he further observes, "asks the judgment of

Englishmen concerning Newton's Principia; but in this

matter may no Englishman be consulted for he is blind when it

concerns his own; and it were a crime to bring these

Principia into doubt." (LM. p. 33)

When in this letter Swedenborg promises to send a list of accessories to the air pump, he adds: "Of this list I have the Author's original. It was written out by him and set up in a quarto tract." (LM. p. 28)

The author referred to, is the famous Francis Hauksbee, experimentalist in natural science and fellow of the Royal Society. The fact that Swedenborg received from him an autograph of the description of his famous air pump, indicates an intimate acquaintanceship between the two men. Certain it is that Swedenborg would be greatly attracted by this advanced experimenter and sound thinker. In 1709 he published his Physica-mechanical Experiments, which Swedenborg bought for the Upsala Library, and which he himself undoubtedly read. The Preface to this work opens with words which must have met Swedenborg's approval:

"The learned world" says Hauksbee, "is now almost generally

convinced that instead of amusing themselves with vain

hypotheses which seem to differ little from romances, there

is no other way of improving natural philosophy but by

demonstration and conclusions founded upon experiments

judiciously and accurately made."

In this work, Hauksbee brings out many hitherto unknown things, particularly in respect to electricity. He showed that light was due to friction of amber, glass, etc., and this he attributed to a new force which he called electricity, comparing the resultant light to the crackling and flashing of lightning. (D of NB. p.171)

Swedenborg must have followed these experiments that opened an entirely new field to investigation with intense interest, and who shall say what gems of ideas then entered into his mind on the contemplation of the harnessing of this interior force called electricity?

In Hauksbee's book, which though small (22 pages quarto) was

so rich in facts, Swedenborg also read many experiments as to

water creeping up narrow tubes, between smooth plates, etc.

a matter to which he very often refers in his works. (see

Fib. 335, Cer.)

Swedenborg's admiration of Hauksbee is indicated in the fact that he writes to his brother-in-law, the Librarian, in respect to the "autograph" list, that "it may either be put by for my use, or bespoke for the Library." (OQ. 1: 214)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 50

[1711
London

Benzelius had evidently asked Swedenborg to inquire as to the status of his Vitis Aquilonea (Northern Vine, containing the lives of the Swedish saints from 813 to 1525. by John Vastovius) which Benzelius had edited and published in 1708, and a number of copies of which he had sent to London in 1709 for distribution among his friends. The books were held up in the Custom House, and Swedenborg, apparently filled with deep respect for English law, hesitates to inquire for these Catholic books. "There is great hazard in me inquiring after them," he writes, "since the work is both Catholic and superstitious, and the importation of such books is severely penalized," (ACSD 55B; OQ. 1:211)

Benzelius evidently did not like this characterization of his

author, which he very justly regarded as an historical rather

than religious work; and so he protests, and asks that Bishop

More, his literary friend, see to the releasing of the books

from the Customs.

In his letter of October 1711, Swedenborg promises to inquire of the Bishop who, at the time, was on visitation, but he also returns to the attack on the "Catholic and superstitious book": "My Brother must not take it amiss" he writes, "that Vastovius is called superstitious, which can no more detract from the esteem one ought to have for the use he has performed in ecclesiastical history than if Virgil should be called a heathen"; and then he makes a Latin Syllogism which he thinks "cannot be controverted," to wit. "All Catholics are worshippers of the saints and the pope; all worshippers of the saints are superstitious"; and then he goes on: "Religion never deprives a writer of his fame in history. Were my Brother's little dalklipping carelessly to be called a little rusty bit of copper, the intrinsic value which it has in itself is not thereby decreased." (LM. p. 31)

These copies of Vastovius had been sent by Benzelius for distribution among his friends and acquaintances as early as 1709, and Swedenborg was probably to have distributed them if he could get them out of customs; at any rate, he was to have taken one to Doctor Hudson of Oxford. The delivery was not made, however, and as late as September 22nd, they had not yet got out of customs. (ACSD 55B)

This was some disappointment to Swedenborg as he thereby missed the opportunity of meeting some of the learned by means of these books. (OQ 1:218)

But Swedenborg is now feeling the want of money. He had been supplied by his father with 200 Riksdaler (L50), but this is all gone, and now he is left in London though wanting to go to Oxford where, naturally, he expected to find great stimulus to his thought.

He had visited the small library in Zion's College In London Wall.*

* Now pulled down. Its position is shown as follows:

[A DIAGRAM DRAWN HERE]

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 51

[1711-12
London

"I long to see the Bodleyian Library since we have been

through the small one that is in Sion's College. I am left

here in want of money, I am surprised that my father has not

taken more thought of me instead of letting me live on 200

Riksdalers* for what will soon be sixteen months, when he

knows that I promised him by letter not to burden him by any

drawing of a bill on home. The iron does not arrive here for

three or four months hence. It is hard to live like the wench

in Skane without food or drink." (LM. p. 33)

* 200 Riksdaler = about L50.

The annual salary of the Swedish Pastor was L40 plus three

collections; of the Astronomer Royal, L100. (Carlson p.182)

The reference to the iron probably refers to the export of

iron from Swedenborg's stepmother's furnace at Husby, and on

which he could draw. See Documents 1; 376.

The reference to the Skane wench is to a servant girl, Esther

Johanna, living near Malmo, who was reported to have gone

without food for six years, and without drink for eight.

Bishop Swedberg himself visited the girl, and Swedenborg

refers to this in his Animal Kingdom (Vol- 2 n. 509 n. XX).

(Mottraye, pp. 172-74)

In 1710, Bishop Swedberg published a book on this girl

about whom he wrote to Bishop Robinson (p. 41) - which in

June 1711, was published in London in English translation (22

pages 8vo), perhaps by the Bishop of Bristol, and of course

had been read by Emanuel Swedenborg. (M. of L. p. 256;

LM. p.17)

For an account of this girl and of Bishop Swedberg's letter

to the Bishop of Bristol, see Memoirs of Literature, 1711

p. 256; also New Magazine of Knowledge 1791 p. 368

Meanwhile, on June 15th, 1711, Swedenborg's father was made a member of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospels in Foreign parts. He was proposed by the former Ambassador, John Robinson, now the Lord Bishop of Bristol, and was the second Swede to be a member of this Society, the first being Bishop Bilberg of Strangnas. (ACSD 52:1)

According to his son Jesper, Bishop Swedberg was undoubtedly

elected "because of the expenditure and care he is giving for

the Swedish children in America." (Cf. Then Sidste Basun

ofwer Tyskland.)

This Society was established by Royal Letters patent in 1701,

and its President is ex officio the Archbishop of Canterbury.

It was to this Society that any money accruing for the sale

of the Arcana Coelestia was to be given. The Society is

still in active existence but no trace could be found in its

books of money received from Swedenborg or his publisher.

In December 1711, while still awaiting an opportunity to go Oxford, Swedenborg was pleasantly surprised by a visit from

his cousin, Pastor Andreas Hasselius, who had been sent out

by Bishop Swedberg to serve as

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 52

[1712
Oxford

Pastor of the Swedish Church in Wilmington. Andreas was accompanied by his brother Gustaf, the painter. They arrived on December 8th, 1711, and undoubtedly Swedenborg went round with them. (Hassel. Dagbok; LM. p. 34)

On January 14th, 1712, he walked on Fleet Street, and was struck with the movements and crowds. He notes also seeing a glassblower who in half-an-hour span one thousand yards of glass fine as hair. (Dagbok) On the next day he was probably with Emanuel Swedenborg, and they both note the remarkable clock which they saw at the Royal Watchmaker Antram's: "A rare and clever piece of work which went only when the light was lit and set on the work, and as soon as the light was put out, it stopped." Hesselius regards the clock as merely a curiosity, but Swedenborg, who probably saw it at the same time, shows himself more scientifically curious. To quote his own quaint English, in a letter to his brother-in-law, dated October 16, 1712: "It was a clock which was still and without motion. On the top of it was a candle, on which, when he put fire, the clock presently did go and kept its true time. . . On the top and near the candle was nothing that could be heated by the flame or fire and set the clock in motion. He did show me the inward parts which were wholly different from other clocks. He told me that nobody yet has found the causes, how it comes by the candle so often has in wil in motion." (LM. p. 43)

Perhaps Hesselius brought the long waited-for remittances from the Bishop. At any rate, on the morning of Wednesday, January 16, a month after Hesselius's arrival in London, Swedenborg takes the coach to Oxford - a ride of fifty-five miles. (New Descript. of Pres. Roads p. 44; Dagbok)

Of Swedenborg's life in Oxford hardly anything is known. On February first, his application to use the Bodleian Library, "for the purpose of making greater advance in his studies," was granted, and on the same day he signed his name on the list of foreigners using the Library. (ACSD 54:1)

Doctor John Hudson (1662-1719), the Greek Scholar and Bodleian Librarian, was a friend of Swedenborg's brother--in-law, and undoubtedly was of service to Swedenborg. At any rate, he sent a message and greeting by him to Benzelius. It is not unlikely that here also Swedenborg came into contact with Thomas Hearne (1678-1735), the Antiquarian, who was then Hudson's Assistant Librarian.

Certainly he met the Savillian Professor of Mathematics, Edmond Halley (30 years his senior), Flamsteed's future successor as Astronomer Royal. He talked with Halley more particularly about what was increasingly occupying his attention, namely, his discovery as to finding the longitude at sea. (OQ 1:219)

Halley (1656-1742) had been active in endeavoring to provide

the means for the solution of the longitude problem by

securing accurate observations of the heavens, and for this

purpose made two extended voyages (1676-78, 1698-1700) to the

southern hemisphere. It would seem, from what Swedenborg

writes, that Dr. Halley himself had devised a method of

finding the longitude, but no such plan was ever published.

It is probable that he outlined a plan orally, adding that no

plan can be successful until accurate observations are

available; and this is confirmed by Swedenborg's observation

in his dedication of his Longitude, in 1718, that Halley

"communicated a way as to how the east and west longitude

might be found by the eclipse of the larger stars by the

moon." (Ibid. 284)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 53

[1712
Oxford

Swedenborg very naturally discussed with Halley his theory of finding the longitude, but it would appear that Halley, who by virtue of his office of Savillian Professor was a member of the Longitude Commission, saw some weakness in it. At any rate, we learn from Swedenborg's Preface to his Longitude, published in 1718, that Halley showed "how the east and west longitude might be found by the eclipse of the large stars by the moon." Even so, Swedenborg privately thinks no solution will be found better than his own, "and least of all Doctor Halley's," and, he adds, "This he admitted to me orally." Read N.P.1933: 169. (OQ. 1: 219)

Halley also talked with Swedenborg about his astronomical expeditions, telling him among other things that he, Halley, was the first to observe the variation of the pendulum at the equator, although he had never published the fact. Doubtless also they talked together about comets, Halley's book on which had been published in London 1705. (OQ. 1: 223; Long. p. 11)

Swedenborg's dealings with Halley on this subject led to the former dedicating to the latter his first published work on Finding the Longitude (Upsala l718). Dedicated "till Herr Edmund Halley, Prof. Savill. i Oxford i England."

It was Halley who edited the three volumes of the

Miscellania Curiosa which contained for the most part his

own papers and travels he recorded in Philosophical

Transactions. (D. of NB 993)

Of Swedenborg's literary labors in Oxford, we have a somewhat lengthy poem entitled "Lusus Extemporalis ad Amicum, qvendam Oxoniae 1712," which he published some time later in his Ludus Heliconius, and whose words indicate that he was in Oxford in May and probably in June. (OP. p. 53)

Also his verse entitled "Delia in nive ambulans," which is a translation of a verse by William Strode (1602-45) "On Chloris walking in the Snow." In the Sloane MS, in the British Museum, however, "Delia" is read instead of "Chloris," which perhaps indicates that the poem was written in London, and even that Swedenborg met Sir Hans Sloane. (Ibid. p. 65) (NCMag. 1895:10, 113)

It is probable that Swedenborg attended the University at Oxford, as was the custom of foreign students. Certainly he must have visited the Museum containing a collection of Roman antiquities; the newly established Clarendon Printing House (est. 1711); the large Physick Garden with its fire gates, It would seem also that he saw something of English country life as displayed at the Oxford annual fair on May 24th. (New Descript. of Pres. Roads, pp. 48-49; see Geograph. Data, Oxford)

When Swedenborg returned from Oxford - where it is probable that he had been joined by his friend Eric Alstryn - he at once busied himself about getting Benzelius's books out of the Custom House. But the only success he had was to procure a form with indications of the information that would have to be filed before the books could be released. Swedenborg could not stay to attend to the matter himself for he had to leave for Holland and France. (OQ. 1: 220)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 54

[1712
London

He was fortunate enough to secure the friendship and

assistance of a man of great experience in London, namely

John Chamberlayne (1666-1723), a member of a good English

family, F.R.S., and a member of the Society for the

Propagation of the Gospel. He is said to have known sixteen

languages. He was the son of the Founder of the Year Book,

"The Present State of Great Britain, with divers remarks upon

the Ancient State thereof," - a work first published by his

father in 1667 and which continued to its 36th edition

published in 1755. The book was doubtless of some use to

Swedenborg.

Chamberlayne, whom Swedenborg was "well acquainted with," promised to attend to all Custom House matters for Benzelius. It is not improbable, however, that the latter preferred to send fresh books rather than go through red tape. Swedenborg notes, however, with regard to it, that this will prevent him using the books of the learned Librarian as a means of introducing himself to the learned. (OQ. 1: 219)

At this time, namely, in 1712, Swedenborg made the acquaintance of Doctor John Woodward (1665-1728), who was far more of a Geologist than of a Physician.

Dr. Woodward, who was a F.R.S., published, in 1695, a work

"New History of the Earth," which sought to support

revelation by science, and which caused considerable

interest. But the work for which he is best known is his work

on Fossils. He had a very large collection of these, and his

writings on the subject bring up cases of masts, anchors,

shells, fossils of fishes, even whole ships, being found in

high places and far inland.

We may suppose that this was a subject of conversation between Woodward and the young Swedish student; but the conclusions which the two drew from the facts were very different. Both concluded that these fossil remains were due to a primitive flood; but Woodward went on to surmise that this flood mixed all things up, and that then they sank down to different depths according to the law of gravity. Swedenborg, on the other hand, was content with the evidence afforded by the fossils, that the land had been formerly covered by the sea.

Dr, Woodward recommended Swedenborg to read and to procure for the Library Lowthorp's digest of the Philosophical Transactions (3 vols.), in which the articles were not only abridged but also classified under the headings such as Mathematics, Optics, Astronomy, Mechanics, Physiology, Mineralogy, Magnets, Anatomy, Chemistry, Voyages. It seems that Swedenborg bought the work (for 50s.) for the Library, but on his own responsibility, as well as other books and two glasses for Prof. Vallerius. At any rate, he notes that Benzelius owed him for them in 1716. (OQ. 1:246)

Swedenborg read through the three volumes - a considerable undertaking for a foreigner - and regrets that it is not translated into Latin.

Woodward was particularly nice to the young Swede. "He was so civil to me," he wrote in October, "that he took me to some of the learned and the men of the Royal Society."

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 55

[1712
London

Swedenborg might possibly have met Sir Isaac Newton and Sir Hans Sloane, both Presidents of the Royal Society - especially the latter who was a friend of Eric Benzelius. At any rate, at the time of which we now write, Sloane and Woodward were open enemies. (Dalin, p. 12)

Woodward also recommends The Memoirs of Literature: "in the literatur history, in folio, etc., and several other books, who, methinks have not escaped your, Sir! knoledge." (OQ 1: 220)

Another work which Swedenborg admired and which he purchased for the Upsala Library was Harris's Lexicon of the Sciences and Arts, 12 vols. folio. 1708-10, "where," as he remarks, is also contained great deal of Mathematiks," This is the forerunner of the modern encyclopedia, and in its day was a notable work. (Ibid.)

Besides books, Swedenborg also bought for the Library, scientific instruments, and among them was to have been the latest type of microscope but the cost was L4 4s., and this was too high a sum to expend without specific instructions. This microscope was a new invention by the Royal Instrument Maker, Marshal, and Swedenborg writes that "it shows the motion in fishes very lively. It has a glas under it with a candle, which made the thing and object lighter: so that any could se the swiftnes of the blood in fishes like smal rivulets, which flowed in that manner and fastnes." (OQ. 1:221)

True to his resolve, Swedenborg had devoted himself during his stay in England exclusively to mathematics, including what is now called experimental and natural philosophy, and by October 1712 he had sent a list of his inventioner or discoveries in this field to Prof. Elfvius. What this particular list was, we do not know, but doubtless it concerned astronomical matters. But there seems no doubt, that it was in London that Swedenborg worked out most if not all of the inventions of which he subsequently sent a list to his brother-in-law. Of these we shall speak later. (Ibid. 218-19)

As to his invention in respect to finding the longitude, he is convinced that he has solved the problem - at any rate, so far as is possible in the absence of exact tables.

"As concerns my invention on Finding the Longitude by the

Moon," he writes to Benzelius, shortly before his departure

from England, "I am sure that it is the only one that can be

given, and the easiest, and wholly correct method. The only

thing that can be objected against it," he adds, "is the fact

that the moon is not altogether reduced to its orbit by lunar

tables; but Flamsteed promises these, and it is known to me

that he has done so well that they will correspond in every

way and without error to the moon's orbit. If this is true, I

have won the whole game, and I make bold to say (after I have

sufficiently weighed the matter), that none of the others who

aim to find the longitude by means of the moon have won it. I

will merely suppose that were the motions of the moon

rectified, even then, not one of the methods that have been

projected by others could be used better than this, and least

of all Doctor Halley's - this he admitted to me orally."

(Ibid. 219; LM. p. 39)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 56

[1712
August

However, despite his high hopes, Swedenborg far from having his treatise considered by the Royal Society, was not even encouraged by his friends - perhaps thinking that where Englishmen had not succeeded, it would be folly to expect success from a Swedish student of twenty-four years old. After all his hopes, Swedenborg was justly disappointed. Shortly before he left England, and just after expressing the utmost confidence in his "invention," he writes:

"But since here in England, with this civil, proud people, I have not found much encouragement, I have therefore laid it

aside for other lands. When I tell them that I have a project

in regard to the longitude, it is received by them as

something which is quite impossible; and so I will not talk

of it here"; and then he suggests that Benzelius send a

sketch of his scheme to the Abbe Bignon in France. (Ibid.)

Thus repulsed and discouraged, Swedenborg at last takes a rest from his prolonged studies; and this the more so since, as he himself says:

"My speculations have made me for a time not so sociable as

was serviceable and useful for me, and my liveliness had become somewhat spent; therefore I have, for a little time,

taken up the study of poetry in order thereby to freshen

myself up; in this I think to make myself somewhat renowned

this year - of which, on another occasion; and I hope to have

advanced therein so far as can be expected of me."

He evidently has in mind the gathering together of his various poems and publishing them in book form - which, however, he did not do until he came to Griefswald some two or three years later. The letter continues:

"Yet I think to take up Mathesis again though after some

time, although I also pursue it now; and if I become

encouraged therein, I mean to make more discoveries therein

than any one in our age; but without encouragement this were

to torment oneself and 'to plough the seashore with

stationary oxen.'" (Ibid.; IM. p. 40)

By the beginning of August 1712, he had already shipped to Sweden most of his books and instruments, sending them in the same boxes with the library books. They were taken by Eric Alstryn who was leaving England for good, to be kept by his brother-in-law until his own homecoming. He expected to be in France by the beginning of September. (OQ. 1:219, 221; ACSD 44B p. 3)

But it seems that on August 15th he was waiting for money from his father, and he is grateful to his brother-in-law because the latter has written to the Bishop on his account.

"Your great kindness and favour" writes Swedenborg in

English, "that I so many times have had proof of, makes me to

believe that your advices and writings to my father, wil

occasion him to be favourable in sending me what is necessary

to a journy, and what wil give me new spirits to make further

steps in what my busines is. Believe that I more wish and

endeavour to be an honour to my father's and your's house,

than on contrary you could wish and endeavour me to be."

(OQ. 1:221; LM. pp. 38-43)

The father, meanwhile, had suffered his own misfortunes, for on Sunday, February 11th, Brunsbo had burnt to the ground.

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 57

[1712
September

His father and mother are obliged to move to a village,

Ranaker, two miles north of Brunsbo, and from there the

Bishop writes to the King praying for financial help for one,

all whose property lies in ashes and who must look to others

for books, clothing, shelter, etc. Money was provided by the

King's grace for the rebuilding of Brunsbo, but two months

after the fire, the Bishop again writes that he and his wife

need personal help. "We go little less than naked; and,

moreover, I have not a single book, and yet my office demands

one." Then the house, when built, must be furnished with

chests, drawers, table, table linen, beds, bedclothes, many

dishes, etc.; and then he adds. "I have, O King, two young

sons who are being brought up for your Majesty's service, one

twenty-four years old stationed in England for the sake of

his studies, and one of seventeen years, in Pomerania in war

service. I must not desert them." (ACSD 54B. 55)

The Bishop probably exaggerates a little; at any rate, his

wife was still a wealthy woman, and in this same year paid

for the publications of the second large quarto volume of his

sermons.

At any rate Swedenborg got the money to continue his journey.

When Swedenborg left England is not known exactly, but it was not earlier than September 1712, thus making his stay in England extend over a period of two years and four months, or perhaps three years; of which at least six months were passed in Oxford. In the brief diary note to which I have already alluded (p. 36), Swedenborg says: "In London and in Oxford I spent a whole year or thereabouts." (Resebesk. 3)

He opens his last English letter to his brother-in-law with the following apology:

"I have often thought to overwhelm d. Brother with letters,

but since they would necessarily become barren if they

frequently followed one another, it is probably better that I

hold them over once or twice and draw them together into a

single letter, in order that this may become the more

weighty." (OQ. 1:218; LM p. 38)

And now Swedenborg leaves England where he will not again visit until the time when, in an inn there, he is to receive the great Commission of his life. London, indeed, was the scene of the beginning and of the end of his period of preparation.

England and London were the first foreign places he had ever visited after the scholastic training in Upsala - the first places where his mind, wholly free from the influence of preceptors and honored professors, was to take its decided impressions, the basis of the direction of its future mental activity. And what shall be said of these impressions, especially in view of the fact that the day of Swedenborg's arrival in England marked the beginning of his preparation in the natural sciences.

Among the first great impressions he received must have been the evidences, so greatly multiplied because of the Sacheverell disturbance, of the freedom of the people. In Upsala he was accustomed to hear of

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 58

[1712
Holland

freedom of discussion among the learned, but for the people to have independence of thought against the Queen and Parliament, and this on a religious question, was beyond his experience. And herein must have been developed that love of political freedom and independence of thought of which we got glimpses every now and then in Swedenborg as a Member of the Swedish Diet.

And then the mental activity, of the learned world - bent on discovering the secrets of nature by experiment, freed from preconceived ideas propagated by the theologians - which, while not indifferent to the teachings of the Bible, nay, and accepting them, yet did not allow the search into nature to be thereby hampered. We see the result of this influence in Swedenborg's early writings where he seeks to confirm the teachings of the Bible by conclusions based on experimental facts discerned in the world of nature.

And Swedenborg was in England at least two and a half years. There he had made his first independent studies in science, there his ambitions were awakened to make further studies; there, in learning his various trades, he came into close contact with the sturdy and free-speaking English journeyman. The young man who left London in the summer of 1712 was a different being from him who had entered in the Spring of 1710.

Swedenborg had expected to go directly from England to France, but for some reason - not war, for peace had been concluded with France in January - he decided to go to Holland. Perhaps because of the opportunities for astronomical studies offered by Leyden University, and it may be also in order to learn glass grinding. (OQ. 1:221, 223)

From England, he says, "I went to Holland and to the principal cities in Holland, and stayed a good time in Utrecht where the Congress was and Ambassadors were assembled from all parts of Europe." (Resebesk. 3)

This indicates that Swedenborg visited Rotterdam, The Hague,

Leyden, Amsterdam, and perhaps other places in Holland,

before going to Utrecht.

In The Hague resided the Swedish Envoy to the Netherlands, Baron Johan Palmqvist,* who was also serving as Swedish Plenipotentiary to the Conference in Utrecht. Writing to Benzelius, Swedenborg says of his stay in Holland, that he was "most of the time in Utrecht with the Peace Conference." (OQ. 1:223; LM. p. 51)

* Johan Palmqvist (about 1652-1716). In Paris, first as Legation Secretary and then as Resident, 1686-1701; Envoy Extraordinary to The Hague, 1702-15, when he was appointed Hof-Kansler and removed to Sweden; died in Stockholm, 1716.

The Peace Conference was opened in January (29th) 1712, but

suspended on the following February 6th, though desultory

conversations went on. On February 2d, 1713, the formal

Conference was reopened and the peace was signed on April

11th. (Camb.M.H. 5:439)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 59

[1713
April

It would seem that Swedenborg went to The Hague, Leiden and Amsterdam before going to Utrecht, and that the time he spent at Utrecht was from February to April, or thereabouts, in 1713. Here he was treated with great honor.

"I was in great favor with Ambassador Palmqvist," he writes,

"who had me at his house (in Utrecht) every day, with whom I

sat and discoursed on Algebra every day. He is a great

mathematician and a great algebraist." (LM. p. 51)

See Geographical Data; also Miscellaneous Observations p. 58.

Sweden's part in this important Conference was more or less a

passive one, and Palmqvist was not directly interested in the

proceedings; thus, we can understand the possibility of his

seeing much of the young and vigilant Swedish student.

Almost as much as Palmqvist, if not more, must Swedenborg have met Palmqvist's much younger Secretary, the well educated rising Diplomat, Joachim Fredrik Preis (1666-1759), then forty-seven years old.

Preis had originally been intended for a theological career,

but his interest in political matters soon developed. Besides

a good education, including Greek and Hebrew, by a private

tutor in Riga, he attended the University of Leiden for six

months, after which he took one and a half years at Oxford

and Cambridge, becoming L.L.D. at the former. In Paris, he

acted as Palmqvist's Secretary of Legation, and when

Palmqvist removed to The Hague, he took Preis with him where

he became his Successor and successfully maintained what was

then the most difficult post of Swedish Envoy at The Hague,

until his death in 1759. (SBL. p. 362)

Swedenborg himself refers to the courtesies he received from Preis in Utrecht, and which he had not forgotten in 1721; there are also indications that he was greatly drawn to Preis - certainly this was the case in that critical year of Swedenborg's life, 1743, when Preis's home was to him a haven of peace and rest. And Preis's own quiet, modest, firm though unyielding character was the one best calculated to meet Swedenborg's need for confidential friendship. (NCL 1896: 168)

Here also at Utrecht, Swedenborg had the opportunity of again meeting his father's friend, the Bishop of Bristol, who was present as the first English Plenipotentiary, and who had the advantage of being a fluent Swedish speaker.

In such educated and refined company, his own mathematical studies and the interest which naturally would absorb all attention in the weighty matters that were in daily debate in the Conference, and the grand public ceremonies that would be celebrated from time to time, all combined to make the time in Utrecht pass by quickly.

Swedenborg seems to have cherished a real affection for Palmqvist and his wife, and after he left Utrecht and was staying in Leiden, he wrote a long allegorical poem in honor of the arrival of Madam Palmqvist and her new-born babe; and if we are to credit the poem itself, it was composed during a walk into the pleasant country along the banks of a river (the Old Rhine) which runs through the town. The poem is entitled "To an

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 60

[1713
April

Illustrious Man on the Arrival of his Wife with her new-born Babe at
Utrecht 1713." It commences: (OP. p. 47)

A leisured walk I take, within the town so justly famed

Which men call Leyden in the Netherlands.

A river bed doth pierce its walls, whose myriad winding course

Makes many sinuous forms. Long this I walk

And the stream doth lead me to the spacious world;

For on its banks I follow as a friend wher'er it flows.

As he walks along this stream, his mind, growing rested, is

filled with poetry, and he prays for the presence of his

Camenae: (OP. pp. 48-49)

And while I summon to my side the cultured Camenae,

Lo! ever me, a bird; a flutter sounds

Straightaway I upward look, and lo, on high through empty space

A dove flies in the air, flutters its wings,

And hastens on its way as though 'twould draw, with snow-white frame,

A beauteous car, and Venus fair within.

And every part of this fair winged fowl shone gleaming white

All white its breast, all white its feathers were:

The color signifies a turtle-dove without its mate,

Which cannot live save in the marriage state,

As now it nearer draws, I see the thing its beak doth bear,

A twig,* methinks, thus carried for a nest.

A child, an offspring, one which it has plucked from off a tree,

A green-leaved Palm, wherein was something ripe.

Not far from thence another tree, a budding Olive, rose,

Its branches still unclothed with foliage,

But this did signify that spring was nigh, the time at hand

When Olives once again are wont to green.

And here, with sinuous flight and twig in beak, comes now the Dove,

And on an Olive branch doth sit at rest.

Then high in this same tree, behold, a larger Dove,

The Mate, methinks, of our fair loving bird:

Who many motions made, and cooes of joy, and so prepared

To sport with this his partner now returned.

* In Swedish Qvist.

The Camena then comes and interprets this vision, applying it to Palmqvist and his wife. Then follow some pretty conceits about the good wishes contained in the poem being doubled when the paper is held above the water: (Ibid. p. 51)

And what I wrote to thee appears as written in the waves,

And what I wish thee, e'en the waters wish:

And wishes I have twinned, the wave doth twin them once again,

What I desire, desires the watery Nymph;

When on these banks I vowed to thee a thousand happy joys,

The stream to thee did vow a thousand more.

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 61

[1713
April

After describing how he wrote the poem resting his paper on tree trunks, and thus inscribing on these trunks Palmqvist's name, the poem concludes: (OP. p. 52)

Be mindful then of Leiden, for every tree around its walls

Is conscious of some memory of thee;

If laurel tree were here, thy name I'd grave upon the laurel;

If cedar, 'twould be everywhere on cedars.

It must be borne in mind that in writing these and other similar lines, Swedenborg was both following the custom and taste of the day and also was relieving himself from his studies. However, he thought enough of them to think of publishing them.

Swedenborg also sent to his father from Holland - perhaps written in England - his first lines on the saving of his father's copper portrait in the disastrous fire at Brunsbo. In this fire there were several circumstances that were deemed remarkable. To one of them Swedenborg alludes in his Miscellaneous Observations (Eng. p. 34), namely, that the heat was preserved under the charred ashes for three months. The events to which the Bishop particularly alludes are the facts that two copies of his Psalm-Bok which had been lying on a table were afterwards found with only the binding slightly scorched, and the same was true of his Catechism, from which he concluded that God had accepted his work. Even more wonderful was the absolute preservation of a copperplate containing an engraving of Jesper Swedberg. Of this Swedenborg wrote: (OP. p. 66)

To the Copper likeness of my Parent which was not

melted and destroyed in the burning of his house.

A Marvel now I tell, this plate lay 'neath the flames

Unhurt, when household goods were lost:

Lo, Father! as a Phoenix, so thy form shall be reborn from fire,

And, livened by the flames shall wait its lot.

(ACSD 468; SBL. 243-44; Doc. 1: 130)

Swedenborg visited Leyden both before and after Utrecht. It was then a great manufacturing as well as a university city, and Swedenborg took the same measures here as in London, namely, lodged with an artisan in order "to steal his trade" in the present, the trade of glass grinding, of which Swedenborg now possessed not only the knowledge but also all the necessary instruments and plates. (OQ. 1: 224)

He also viewed with great interest the Leyden Observatory and its fine quadrant, the finest he had seen - costing 2,000 guilders. Unfortunately, there is no Observator, and Swedenborg intends, after his visit to Paris, to return to Leyden and ask the University Authorities permission to use their Observatory for two or three months - a permission which Palmqvist will easily obtain. See Geographical Data.

The resumed sessions of the Congress in Utrecht lasted from February to April 11, 1713, and it is quite probable that Swedenborg stayed there till about the end.

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 62

[1713
May - Paris

From Holland he went to Paris via Brussels and Valenciennes, arriving in Paris in May 1713, fully prepared by advice from Palmqvist and Preis, and probably with letters of introduction from the experienced Palmqvist and his Secretary Preis. Palmqvist, indeed, whose love of mathematics greatly attached him to Swedenborg, seemed reluctant to leave him, but realized the educational importance of the intended visit to France. At least, this is what I gather from an otherwise difficult sentence in a letter of Swedenborg's which he sent to his brother-in-law from Paris. After speaking of Palmqvist's favor to him, and his fondness for mathematics, he continues: "He wanted necessarily that I proceed on my journey, and so I intend, next Spring to go back to Leiden." (Resebeskrif. 3; OQ. 1:223; LM. p. 51)

Swedenborg states as one of his objects in desiring to visit France was "because I desire the understanding of that fashionable and useful tongue."* But he had also the idea of pursuing his Mathesis, and also more especially of securing recognition of his method of finding the longitude - so convinced was he as to the feasibility of this method for the use of mariners. (OQ. 1:221-22; LM. p. 42)

* With this object, doubtless, he attended the Comedy; see p. 461.

Among the first on whom he called was doubtless the Swedish Ambassador, where also he met Peter Niklas Gedda (Jedda), 1675-1758, the Legation's Secretary who afterwards, in 1721, became Resident there. Gedda was more of a student than a diplomat, his favorite studies being Hebrew and Greek; and he spent all the time he could in his library, on which he spent all his savings. See Lister, An Account of Paris pp. 29, 40. LM. .p. 45)

He had not been long in Paris, certainly not long enough to make learned acquaintances, before he was seized with an illness which "kept him from his studies" and confined to his room for six weeks. (OQ. 1:222; LM. p. 49)

When he recovered, he at once proceeded to visit the Abbe Bignon, the learned Secretary of the French Royal Academy of Sciences, with a letter of introduction from Eric Benzelius.

Joan Paul Bignon (1662-1743) was one of the best informed

among the learned men of France; indeed, he was called by a

contemporary "the maecenas of his age and the guardian angel

of the sciences and of learning." He was not distinguished as

a researcher or discoverer but rather for his great culture,

his immense reading, and the encouragement he gave to others.

Indeed, he was in many respects like Eric Benzelius save that

the one was a Lutheran minister, the other a Catholic priest.

(Hist.ARdesS. 1743 pp.185s; Brefwaxl. p. 5; Lister. pp.

37, 43)

Bignon was also a very eloquent man, and in 1693 had been

appointed preacher to Louis XIV. In 1702 he reestablished the

Journal des Scavans, of which he became Editor - it had

been commenced in 1665. In 1718, he became Royal Librarian.

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 63

[1713
July - Parts

Bignon received me, says Swedenborg, "in a very friendly manner. I offered him three discoveries to go through and examine and bring to the Society. They are the following: Two in Algebra:

"(1) By help of the first, algebraic analysis can perform innumerably many and most useful things which the analysis now in use could never perform."

"(2) A new method of treating Algebra, which finds the unknown quantity not by equations but by a shorter and more natural way by means of geometric and arithmetical proportions."

"(3) The Longitude." (OQ. 1:222; LM. p. 49)

In respect to the first two of these inventions,

Enestrom justly observes that these new methods "only

contained some simpler ways, applicable in special cases, or

attempts to change equations into proportion, to which, in

his printed writings, he went back more than once."

(E. S. sasom matematiker, p. 4)

Swedenborg, however, was cautious enough to give the Abbe only some sketch of his invention, or, as he himself writes, "Merely a knowledge of some indications and signs of what it could do." Bignon, he further writes, "gave me at once a letter to Warrignon for him to look" through his three inventions, at the same time recommending Swedenborg to Warrignon as a relative of Eric Benzelius. (OQ. 1:222; LM. p. 50)

Pierre Varignon (1654-1722) was a member of the Royal

Societies of both France and England. Swedenborg himself

describes him as "The greatest geometer and algebraist in

this place, and perhaps the greatest in Europe." He was

Professor of Mathematics in the College Mazarin, and of

Philosophy in the Royal College. He appears to have taken

Swedenborg very seriously, for the latter visited him very

frequently and sometimes the visits lasted for two hours.

(Hist. A. R. des Sciences)

It was doubtless through Varignon that Swedenborg met the former's intimate friend Phillipe de la Hire, whose acquaintance Swedenborg made and of whom he writes: "He is now a great astronomer and was formerly a great geometer."

In mathematics, de la Hire contributed such to the

development of higher geometry. In 1678 he became an

Astronomical Pensioner of the Academie Royale des Sciences,

and as such took part in the astronomical work instituted by

Louis XIV. Among his astronomical writings were two which

Swedenborg probably made the basis of conversation in

reference to his own Longitude, namely, Tables of the Sun

and Moon (1687), Astronomical Tables (1702). (GE.

21:775; Lister, p. 75)

We have no record that Swedenborg's papers were submitted to the Academie Royale, or discussed at its public meetings.

It is to some of Swedenborg's learned friends in Paris, perhaps de la Hire, that Swedenborg refers as denying Halley's claim to priority in the observation of the variation of the pendulum at the equator. Halley in Oxford had told Swedenborg that he was the first to observe this, doing it during one of his voyages to St. Helena; but, writes Swedenborg, "the Astronomers here say that through Cassini (1625-1712), their fellow country-man, it was put out as discovered before Halley made his expedition." (Long. p. 11; OQ. 1:223; LM. p. 51)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 64

[1713
August

Meanwhile, the longitude seems to have been continually active in Swedenborg's mind. He has not yet written out the work; it is still on "slips of paper"; but apparently could not be completed because the author had no observations whereby he could confirm it; he was still waiting for Flamsteed's promised lunar tables. But though he has not yet written out his treatise, he clearly has this in mind, for he writes: "I intend it for print, that so I can the better communicate it to the learned. It amounts only to three arks" - the first published work (1718) amounted to 2-1/2 arks. He was still more inclined to print, when word reached him of an advertisement inserted in the London Guardian of July 14, 1713, in which William Whiston* announces that he has a new discovery "to propose to the world." (OQ. 1.227; 219=LM. 59. 39; Whiston, p. 25)

* William Whiston (1667-1752) in 1703 had been appointed as Newton's successor as Cambridge Professor of Mathematics, but in 1710 he was expelled because of Arianism and denial of the Trinity.

This advertisement is undoubtedly the source of the following which Swedenborg wrote to his brother-in-law on August 9th, 1713 - for Whiston'sbook was not published until 1714: "There is another man in England of the name of Whiston who gives out that he has hit upon the longitude. The result of this is, that I also will hasten to give out mine." However, Swedenborg did not publish his work then nor until four years afterwards, and despite his own confidence, he then received encouragement only from the learned of his own country. (OQ. 1: 223 = LM. p. 50)

In Paris he maintains the same devotion to study that characterized him in London - in Holland, perhaps, he somewhat relaxed: "I avoid the conversation of Swedes," he writes from Paris, "and all things from which I receive the least discouragement in my studies." But he continues to frequent the bookshops, of which he observes that they have "a much smaller number of mathematical books than in England and Holland." Such books are rare also in all the libraries Swedenborg had seen, except the Royal Library. (OQ. 1: 223 = LM. pp. 50, 51; Lister, pp. 93-4)

"Mathematical writings seldom come out here," he

observes, "and if they do, then after some months they are

altogether unobtainable. All the mathematicians send their

writings to the Memoires de l'Academie Royale des Sciences

and bother themselves no further about publishing and owning

them." (OQ. 1:223 = LM. p. 51)

Swedenborg's activities in Paris were probably mainly with the mathematicians and astronomers, and also with the further preparation of the inventions he had in hand. He may also have attended lectures at the Sorbonne, and probably was present at the public meetings of the Royal Academy.

He finds time also to visit Versailles, which he did in the Spring of 1714, and it was here perhaps, and in particular in the park at the Fountain of Apollo, that he conceived the idea of his Camena Borea (published 1715) or Fables illustrating the doings of the Kings of Europe, and perhaps wrote the third Fable. In the second, which introduces it, he describes in detail the park in question, and proceeds to lay down there the scene of contest and judgment between Mars and Pallas which was decided by Leon acting for Europa. (Resebeskrif. p. 3; OQ. 1:227; LM. p. 58)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 65

[1714
May-June

We catch a further brief glimpse of Swedenborg just when he is preparing to leave Paris on his return to Holland.

He had just received a letter from Benzelius asking him to buy certain books for the Library, and also giving him certain introductions. Swedenborg looked after the books and was able to buy one or two but had no time to forward them via Rouen to Sweden, which was the usual cargo route. Instead, he left them in charge of Gedda (Jedda, 1675-1757), the book-loving diplomat, who promised to see to all and also to attend to future commissions.

In the letter where Swedenborg gives us the above particulars, he further says: "At the end of my stay in Paris, I made a universal visitation over the whole of Paris in company with some others, to see all that could be seen there." (OQ. 1:225 = LM. p. 56)

His companions were fellow Swedes, and he had evidently relaxed the tensity of his studies. During this sightseeing, he also took his countrymen to two of Benzelius's old friends, both Librarians, both in Catholic Institutions on the rue St. Honore, and both showing themselves unusually eager to do honors to Benzelius's friends; so much so that Swedenborg observes that Benzelius, when he last visited Paris, must have left "an incredible esteem and affection" behind him.

Among these friends was Father le Quien (1661-1733), the learned Librarian of the Convent of St. Germain on the rue St. Honore, who, "when he heard Brother's name, know not what books he should show us in his library, and what service he should offer us." Doubtless among the books he showed was his own scholarly edition of the Opera Omnia of John Damascenus, which had been published in two folio volumes in 1712 and which is still the fundamental edition of this Christian Father. (Brefwaxl. p. 6; CE. 8: 188; GE. 22: 70)

On the rue St. Honore also was another of Benzelius's old friends, Father le Long, who was Librarian of the oratory. The good Father evidently talked with Swedenborg about the work he had in hand; indeed, his visitors may have interrupted him in the course of that work, namely, the great Bibliotheque Historique which lists all known printed and manuscript writings on French history, and which even now is indispensable to the student. It was not published until 1719, six years after Swedenborg's visit. (Brefwaxl. p. 6; CE. 9: 142; GE. 21:1187)

It seems most likely that Swedenborg stayed in Paris for a year, and that he left it in May or June 1714. (LM. p. 53)

From Paris, Swedenborg went to Hamburg. That he again visited Palmqvist or Leyden is indicated by the fact that he went to Hamburg via Lille (or in Flemish, Rijssel, Ryssel, or, as Swedenborg has it, Rassel), and that his father addressed him a letter, dated July 23d, 1714, care of Ambassador Palmqvist, which was forwarded from Amsterdam to The Hague where it arrived on August 22d. It is further indicated by the fact that in April 1715, he refers to Palmqvist as "Hof. Kansler." (Palmqvist was appointed in 1714.) At the time of Swedenborg's visit, Palmqvist was on the point of leaving for Sweden, and Preis was taking his place as Envoy. Swedenborg talked with them of the usefulness of establishing a Society of

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 66

[1714
September

Sciences in Sweden, and the promotion of learning, and found much active sympathy with his ideas. (Resebeskrifn. p. 3; ACSD 60B; OQ. 1:229, LM. p. 54)

The next we hear of him is on September 8th, 1714, in Rostock, Mecklenburg, over six hundred miles northwest of Paris. From The Hague, and while Denmark and Sweden were in comparative peace, he went to Hamburg via Hannover. Whether he found the time to make his intended astronomical researches in Leyden is not clear. While in Hannover, it had been his intention to visit Leibnitz; but the latter was with the Kaiser in Vienna and did not return to his home town until the end of September 1714. (Fryxell 25:131; OQ. 1:229; Alg. Deu. Biog. 18:205)

We should doubtless have read some interesting things about this first journey of Swedenborg's, but for the loss of the Diary or Journal which he kept and which, if we may judge from his later journals, must have contained full particulars of his journeys, the people he met, etc. "What I hear of the learned" he writes, "I at once enter into my Diary, which would be too long to copy out and communicate to my Brother." Unfortunately, he left this Journal at Hamburg, and since then all trace of it has been lost. It was left in Hamburg, and likely some of his effects, probably because of the warlike conditions which existed in Swedish Pomerania, threatened as it was by Denmark, Prussia and Brandenburg. The recipient was probably the Swedish Agent or commercial representative. (OQ. 1:223, 246 = LM. pp. 51, 94)

When Swedenborg wrote to his brother-in-law from Rostock on September 8, 1714, he appears to have been in the latter place for some time; for he writes:

"I am right glad that I have come to a place where I

have quiet and the time to assemble together all my works and

meditations which previously have been without order,

scattered here and there on some slips. Hitherto, all that I

lacked was a place and the time to enable me to gather them

together. This also I have begun and will soon complete."

Then, after enumerating his inventions, he continues: "There

are my mechanical inventions which have hitherto been lying

scattered on sheets of paper, but which now are well nigh

reduced into order. . . Moreover, in all cases we have added

the algebraic and mathematical calculation from which we

deduced the proportions, the motions and times and all the

properties which should be in them." (LM. p. 56)

It would seem, therefore, that leaving Paris in May or June and being already for some time settled in Rostock, by September 8th Swedenborg had little time for any extended stay in Holland en route.

It will be a convenient time now to examine the Inventions, of which he has spoken so often and which seem for the most part to have been elaborated in London. In his letter from Rostock, he enumerates fourteen of these, which he has put into some order.

It should be premised in general that in none of these

inventions is there anything of a fundamentally new

character. So far as we can see, all of them practically

consist in the ingenious application of well known mechanical

principles and

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 67

[1714
September

devices. One, however, must be excepted from this, namely,

the "Method of conjecturing the wills and affections of men's

minds by means of analysis." It is not easy to say what is

the exact meaning of these words, whether Analysis means

algebraic analysis or the analysis of the different signs

exhibited by features, tones and gestures - most probably it

is the latter. (OQ. 1:226 n. 13 = LM. p. 58)

Another of the inventions is probably more of a mathematical

study and development, namely, "Concerning new constructions

of cords or springs, and concerning their properties."

(n.14)

Of the others (the mechanical inventions), as inventions they are of a purely historical interest. However useful they may have proved, they are now entirely superseded by discoveries not dreamed of in Swedenborg's time. But they have a great value historically, as indicating the bent of Swedenborg's mind and its activity and natural abilities.

As to some of the inventions, it is hard to understand

what Swedenborg had in mind. Thus, where he speaks of "a

universal musical instrument whereby the most inexperienced

player can produce all kinds of melodies which are found on

paper and in notes"* (n. 9) there is no indication whatever

as to how this instrument was to work - probably it was by

means of wires attached to a cylinder. Musical boxes were

unknown in the eighteenth century though in Grassineau's A

Musical Dictionary (edition of 1769, p. 153), mention is

made of "machines contrived to imitate music."

* quae in chartis et notis reperiuntur.

Rather vague also is the description: "A universal

sciagraphia, or a mechanical method of delineating hours of

every kind and on any surface by means of fire" (n. 10).

Sciagraphy is the art of projecting shadows, and includes the

art of making sundials. The invention to which Swedenborg

here refers may indicate a method he has discovered of making

and marking sundials by means of artificial light in place of

the sun, or, and perhaps more probably, it may mean the

divisions of the circle and the observations of the motions

of the sun by means of shadows made by artificial light.

Other inventions difficult to understand are: "a water

clock with water as the indicator, which by its flow shows

all the movable bodies in the heavens, and produces other

ingenious effects" (n. 11). The water clock was probably

limited to indicating the movements of the sun, moon, and

planets, but whether it was a dial or a planetarium run by

water is not clear.

Another rather obscure invention is the machine for

throwing out water by means of fire, and the way of

constructing such machines at the smelting works where there

is no fall of water. "The fire and the forge should be able

to supply enough water for the wheels" (n. 5). Speaking in

a later letter, Swedenborg says of this invention as being "a

machine for building [? operating] a blast furnace by

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 68

[1714
September

the side of any still water whatever, and the wheel shall yet

be driven by the fire which shall drive the water." Of this

machine, no plans appear to have been made. It seems to have

been a device for raising water by means of the heat of the

smelting furnace in sufficient quantities to drive a water

wheel - such as usually is driven by water falling from a

dam. It may be that Swedenborg here adapted a device

mentioned in Bishop Wilkins' Mathematical Magic (p. 89),

whereby a flanged wheel set horizontally in a chimney was

made to turn a roaster or bastener; the hotter the fire, the

quicker the turning would be. In Lowthorp's Abridgment of the

Philosophical Transactions, moreover, there is a

description with diagram of an "engine for raising water by

the aid of fire" (p. 632) - in which steam is the motive

force. (OQ. 1:231= LM. p. 65)

The rest of Swedenborg's inventions are more plain, and, moreover, light is thrown on them by the books which he had read, especially two, namely: 1. Bishop Wilkins' Mathematical Works, published in 1708. 36 years after the Author's death, Swedenborg declared this book "very ingenious." It includes Wilkins' Natural Magic, first published in 1648, which the mechanical mind of Swedenborg must have read with great satisfaction. (OQ. 1:216 = LM. p.30)

2. Lowthorp's Abridgment of the Philosophical Transactions, particularly volume 1. Swedenborg declares that he read this Abridgment through, and he regrets it is not available in Latin. (Ibid. 220 = LM. p.42)

The remaining inventions are:

(1) "The plan of a ship which, with its passengers can go

under the sea in any direction, and can inflict much harm on

enemy ships. This invention, of which Swedenborg appears to

have (n. 1.) made no plans, probably consists of improvements

on Bishop Wilkins' suggestion in the 5th chapter of his

Mathematical Magic, p.105: "Concerning the possibility of

framing an ark for submarine navigation." Wilkins very

ingeniously suggests means by which the boat can send out

things and receive them while under water; how air can be

supplied; and how the boat can be maneuvered by oars and can

attack enemy vessels, undermining them and blowing them up.

When he returned to Brunsbo, Swedenborg intended to make a

plan of this boat for the Collegium Curiosorum, but no such

plan has been found.(OQ. 1:225 = LM. p. 57)

(2) "A plan for a siphon or pump for the quick hoisting of

large quantities of water" (n. 2).

Among Swedenborg's early papers preserved in Linkoping

is a page headed "Machina Syphonica Apparatus." It consists

simply of a few jotted notes. It is likely that this MS.

shows the actual state of Swedenborg's inventions until he

came to write them out for publication. (Ibid. 225 = 57; 1

Phot. 20) It may be, however, that the above was written in

connection with the Carlscrona dock work.

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 69

[1714
September

(3) Another plan for the lifting of weights by means of

water combined with this syphon. (n. 3)

In a letter to Eric Benzelius, dated August 9, 1715,

Swedenborg describes these two inventions as follows: (2)

"Water pumps whereby a large quantity of water can be pumped

out of any body of water whatever, in a little time." - Of

this invention, Swedenborg sent his father three drawings,

either from Rostock or from Greifswalde where he went after

leaving Rostock. (3) "A machine for hoisting weights by means

of water as easily and quickly as one can do it by mechanical

forces." - A drawing and accompanying calculations of this

were also sent to Bishop Swedberg. None of those drawings is

now known of; there is, however, in Linkoping a drawing and

description of a hoisting machine which works by screws and

gears. This may belong to the present period, or it may have

been written at Brunsbo in 1716, with a view of publishing it

in the Daedalus. Closely connected with this is the

"Description of a Crane. The figures to accompany this are

lost. The article itself describes "a crane whereby one can

lift thirty-two skeppund cannon." (OQ. 1:230 = LM. p. 65;

Phot. 1: 102-4; Hyde, n. 95) It is not improbable, however,

that these inventions were inspired by the work at

Carlscrona.

Closely connected with the above is the plan for "making sluices (or locks) even in places where there is no fall of water, by which whole ships with their cargoes can be raised to a given height in one or two Of this, the Bishop received also a drawing with the necessary mathematical calculations. (OQ. 1:230 = LM. p. 65)

The three last mentioned of these plans all involve plans for pumping up large quantities of water in as short a time as possible.* In Lowthorp's Abridgment of the Philosophical Transactions (vol. 1. p. 625), various new inventions for water pumps are described, but evidently Swedenborg felt he could improve on these. (Ibid. 220 = 42)

* This was done in the Carlscrona Dry Dock.

One of the inventions is vividly reminiscent of the days in which Swedenborg lived - the days of walled towns with moats, drawbridges and Portcullis. The invention is:

"A drawbridge which can be closed and opened from within the gates and walls" (n. 6).

On the other hand, the inventions yet to be mentioned are suggestive of the modern age. Thus:

"A mechanical carriage which shall contain all kinds of works moved by the going of the horses." (n. 12)
This is, of course, a matter of the proper gearing of wheels and the increase of powers thereby, about which Wilkins has much to say. See Mathematical Magic p. 50 seq.

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 70

[1714
September

Then we have a "new construction of air guns, a thousand of which can be exploded through one tube and at the same time." (n. 8) Swedenborg's language is misleading here, if we are to be guided by a later letter he sent to Eric Benzelius, wherein he states that he had sent to his father "a machine (i.e., the plan, together with the necessary calculations) to shoot with air ten or eleven thousand shots at a time." Perhaps the shots were contained in separate tubes, each holding a line of shots and all enclosed in a single tube and to be shot off by the operation of a released spring or lever. (OQ. 1: 230-31= LM. p. 65)

Light is thrown on the nature of this invention by an illustration included in Swedenborg's first draft of his theory of the earth, written in the Spring of 1717. There he says:

"One knows also how to shoot bullets through glass and metal

tubes by means of pumping out the air; and when the air is

afterwards admitted to the bullet, the latter must acquire

such speed as though it had been pressed by the most powerful

air or gunpowder."

Bishop Wilkins and also Lipsius describe how this lever was used by the Romans to shoot off a large number of arrows or javelins at a time; and the Bishop deems this better than gunpowder shooting or guns. (Ibid. 270 = 152)

In a latter written a year later, in which Swedenborg is evidently referring to the same series of inventions, he includes what appears to be another kind of air gun. His words are:

"A sort of air guns which are loaded in a moment and shoot 60

and 70 shots in succession without any loading."
Swedenborg never draw plans of these guns. What appears to be plans of such an air gun is printed in Daedalus Hyperboreus (facing p. 50), but unaccompanied by any description. (Ibid. 231= 65)

We have also on Swedenborg's list of inventions:

"New machines for condensing and exhausting air by means of

water; and concerning a new air pump worked by water and

mercury without any syphon, which works better and easier

than the ordinary pump."

These pumps, Swedenborg fully describes and delineates in Daedalus Hyperboreus III; an improvement is described in a special little work he published in 1722 (see N.P. 1920:96, where this pump is illustrated). A drawing of one of these air pumps, together with calculations, was sent to Bishop Swedberg from Greifswalde. (Ibid. 228 = 61)

Lastly, we have: "A flying machine or the possibility of

staying in the air and of being carried through it." (n. 12)

To this date perhaps belongs the diagram of this machine in 1 Photolithograph pp. 21--22. Perhaps it is one of three "machines" which Swedenborg promised to send to the "Upsalienses" for examination. (Ibid. 226, 228 = 58, 61)

In this connection, we note that in Lowthorp's Abridgment, which Swedenborg "read through," mention is made of the fact that Friar Roger Bacon says "he himself knew how to make an engine in which a man sitting might be able to carry himself through the air like a bird," and that there was a man "who had actually tried it

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 71

[1714
November

with good success." Wilkins devotes many pages of his Mathematical Magic to an attempt to solve the problem of propelling a "flying chariot." a heavier-than-air machine (see Math. Magic p. 112s), and he shows that when the machine is found that has the required capacity, and that can be sustained in the air, and given also the strength to work this machine, the problem is solved. (Ibid. p. 122). (Lowthorp I: 588)

We shall have more to say about this matter a little later. Suffice it now to say that Swedenborg pursues the problem along the same lines as the ingenious Wilkins (see Math. Magic 112s.)
See The Mechanical Inventions of Emanuel Swedenborg, SSA 1939.

Swedenborg must have been very busily occupied at Rostock, and perhaps also after he left Rostock, with the drawing of plans of his inventions with the necessary mathematical calculations. At least eight such plans were sent by Swedenborg to his father, and he himself observes that they cost him a good deal of work. (OQ. 1: 228, 230-31; LM. pp. 61. 65)

For recreation, he again turns to poetry and also occupies himself with fables. In the letter from Rostock of September, already quoted, he writes:

"Now also I have time to bring my poetic productions into

orderly arrangement. They consist merely of some fables like

those of Ovid, under cover of which are concealed all that

has been going on in Europe during the past fourteen or

fifteen years, that so we might be able freely to jest with

serious matters, and to sport with the heroes and the men of

our own country." (Ibid. 227 = 58)
The reference is to the Camena Borea which was then being written.

The fruits of his experiences, especially in England, now lead him to the expression of a desire which he must long have cherished - the establishment in his own country of a Society like the Royal Society and the Academie Royale. And as the basis of this Society, he turns - not to abstract learning and philosophy, not to the humanities, but to physics, mechanics, hydrostatics, etc.; and in this he hopes that his own inventions may have some part. He outlines the work he would like to do on his return home, as follows:

"I have now a very great desire to go home to Sweden and take

all Polhem's inventions in hand, making drawings of them, and

giving descriptions, also comparing them with physics,

mechanics, hydro statics, and hydraulics, and likewise with

algebraic calculations; and to give them out in Sweden rather

than in other places, and set up for ourselves the beginning

of a society in Mathesis for which one has so fine a

foundation in Polhem's inventions. I wish that mine also

could serve thereto." (Ibid. 227 =58)

Swedenborg stayed in Rostock, which was then in the peaceful possession of Mechlenburg, probably from July or August 1714 to September or very early in November 1714. From Rostock he then went to Greifswalde, a university city in Swedish Pomerania - but from 1713 in the temporary possession of Saxony - some fifty miles east of Rostock, and twenty miles south of Stralsund, at which latter fortress General Ducker was holding the city against impending attacks by the Danes, Prussians and Saxons. (ACSD 79; ill. Pom. Jahr. pp. 89, 144)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 72

[1715
April

In this small town, Swedenborg remains "a good time, when also King Charles XII came from Bender to Stralsund." (Resebeskrifn. p. 3)

This return of Charles XII happened on the night of November

10-11/ 21-22, 714. The arrival of the King at once led to

inimical action on the part of his enemies. Early in 1715,

Prussia and Hannover declared war and joined Denmark and

Saxony in the attempt to take Stralsund and the King. They

succeeded only after much loss. But December 11/22, 1715, at

midnight, Charles XII left the city and, crossing the water

in a small vessel, arrived at Tralleborg the following

morning, having been absent from his country over 14 years

9 as a conqueror, and 5 as a defeated but yet obstinate man.

(Pom. Jahrb. pp. 46, 51)

The attack on Stralsund, of course, made all

communication with Sweden extremely hazardous owing to the

overwhelming Danish fleet. And this was the case also with

Greifswalde, which, though not at war, yet could not

communicate with Sweden. So Swedenborg lay there from

September or November 1714 until he was fortunate enough to

secure a place in a yacht which took the wife of the Royal

Secretary and favorite, Casten Feif, to Sweden.

(Resebeskrifn. p. 4)

How long Swedenborg stayed in Greifswalde, save that it was "a long time," is not known exactly. However, he had arrived there in September or November 1714, and was in Brunsbo, in June 1715. He himself declared many years later that he left Greifswalde "when the siege [of Stralsund] was to begin." The siege actually began in the commencement of July 1715. Swedenborg's words must, therefore, be interpreted as meaning that he left Greifswalde "when war was declared by Hannover," who thus joined Prussia, Saxony, and Denmark. This was in April 1715, and, of course, it involved the siege of Stralsund and the securing both of Charles XII and Swedish Pomerania. Thus Swedenborg left Greifswalde in April or early in May. That he was in Brunsbo in June will be seen later. (OP. p. 88; Resebeskrifn. pp. 3, 4; Fryx. 26:52, 61; CMH. 6.24)

In Greifswalde, Swedenborg occupied his time partly in arranging and preparing his inventions, and partly in writing and publishing three literary works. Doubtless also he attended lectures at the University.

He writes to his brother-in-law from Greifswalde on April 4th (O.S.= March 24th), 1715, promising, among other things, to continue making drawings and calculations in connection with his inventions. In that city, also, he meets two Swedes who have arrived from the army in Turkey, from whom he hears some news about Hinric Benzelius who is in Constantinople. One of these young men was Olof Estenberg with whom he had some connection in later life when in 1745 he presented him with a copy of Worship and Love of God. Estenberg had for many years previously been Secretary to the State Archives, and was at the time of the presentation a member of the Chancellor's Council. (OQ. 1:228, 230 = LM. pp. 61, 63; Fam. 7:935)

In Greifswalde Swedenborg is more than ever enamored with the idea of establishing a learned society in Sweden. He proposes to send over plans of his air pump to Upsala to be examined by the Professors there, and then to make plans and calculations in connection with Polhem's inventions,

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 73

[1715
Spring

"and thus to make them ready to give to the public when

opportunity offers. This perhaps might be a little foundation

for a society of physics and mechanics with us, just as well

as in other places. When it becomes known what use these

inventions have in connection with the working of mines and

ores and with manufactures which are being established in

Sweden [referring apparently to the manufacturing projects

being carried on by Polhem in Stiernsund], one can hope that

in time there will be some encouragement from one college or

another in Stockholm. . . . Such a movement ought to be

commenced on a small scale and gradually; and within some

years it ought to grow." (OQ. 1: 228=LM. 61)

We see in these words the underlying spirit which animated Swedenborg to establish his Daedalus Hyperboreus; and we note that in this sketch of what Swedenborg afterwards actually carried out, three or four years later in the Daedalus Hyperboreus, there is no trace of any reaching after abstract philosophy, still less after theology, and least of all is there any sign of mystic enthusiasm. Swedenborg is eminently practical. He will have everything based on the clear evidence of physics, hydrostatics, etc., and supported by the findings of mathematics; and here we are reminded of what many years later he said to his friend Robsahm, that he had never expected to be a revelator. "My purpose," he adds, "had previously been to explore nature, chemistry and the science of mining and anatomy." (Doc. 1: 35)

The question of money seems now to have disappeared from Swedenborg's serious consideration; at any rate, at Greifswalde, early in 1715, he gave to the printer his Ovidian Fables concealing "the doings of certain kings and magnates," which were then published under the title Camena Borea dedicated to Gustave Chronhielm, "the true Maecenas of the Muses with our August King."* It would appear that part of this work was written or at any rate conceived in the beautiful park which lies in the Park of Versailles between the Palace and the Fountain of Apollo: (OQ. 1:229 = LM. p. 62)

* Count Cronhielm (1664-1737) had been the tutor of Charles XII. He is known mainly for his great services in drawing up in clear language the body of Swedish law. His portrait is in Familjebok 5: 887.

The first of the twenty-two Fables contained in the

Camena Borea is an invitation to his muse to visit the home

of Count Chronhielm.

The second describes the scene and the occasion of the

writing of the next following Fable which is by far the

longest of all, and which is entitled: "The Contest of Mars

and Pallas." "In this Fable [the second]," to quote

Swedenborg's own summary, "the Author writes to his Readers

and excuses himself for not writing his Fables in song. He

relates that he was at Versailles when he wrote them, and,

indeed, in that sacred grove which is near the palace, and in

the park there where is the Fountain of Apollo. And how that,

after the first dawn he beheld the rising Phoebus, and by him

was despoiled of his lute with its strings, and also of his

paper; and how that all these were carried off to the branch

of a tree, and were turned into a bat." We give now the Fable

itself:

"I was at Versailles: There is there a sacred grove

bordering on the Palace of the Palladin Hero. The palace

crowns the grove, and the grove the palace. Around about, one

would think there was

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 74

[1715

a little Olympus. Everywhere stand the signs and faces of the Gods; everywhere are marbles which, by their gleaming, dull the day and thy sight. Each image has its own delights, and possesses in itself something whereby it lives and by which it can all but speak to thee and tell thee who it is and what its character - so great is the sculptor's skill displayed in them. At the right are marble steps which lead thee down to the Rosebeds where, in time of Spring, grow lillies which represent only deities, and which breathe out their perfume and their odor. Vases and urns adorn the beds, which strive and contend with the other attractions to obtain thy first gaze, and the one snatches thy prize from the other, and loses it when again it is snatched away. Surrounded by this brightness as by rays of light, I betake myself to the Fount of Apollo - for so is called the marble in one of the graves - where Thetis and Nereides are in attendance and lave the God with their marble palms, envious of the true Goddesses, if Goddesses they were. For were those sea nymphs themselves present, they would choose for themselves as a recovered body, this form, those snowwhite breasts, and that office. It is the work of a godlike Deucalion. To right and left sends he his horses to their pasture; only the reins are lacking and the outpouring breath, and the froth, for them to be fitted to the wheels. Aurora has not yet reached her height; but when I sit over against this Apollo, the true Apollo comes from his waves and from the sea, and transmits his morning rays upon the top of the simulated Apollo, and, being golden, this receives the light of the approaching one, and reflects this light upon my paper. The paper was filled with the two Phoebuses; my hand traversed it in a double Apollo; and everywhere the pen and the letters grew warm thereby. Rejoiced at his coming, I pluck and strike the strings of the lute, that it my sing in harmony with the birds. But growing warm from his fire, ah woe, it loosened under my fingers, and with a groan it burst. When I touch the string beside it, this likewise gives up its last song. Two still remain, and one of them utters its shrill farewell. Ignorant as yet that these were the threats of our Deity, I turned back to a marble, an oval table, and lay out my songs to the twofold Apollo, and made public The Council of the Gods, and the Strife of Pallas with Mars, and of his Vengeance upon Leon, and the Crimes of the Great World. And as I am busied with these matters, the wind comes and plucks the paper from my fingers and sets it on the topmost boughs. As I follow it with my eyes, lo! in its place stands a bird with wings almost transparent. It was one of the Minyeidree and Nymphs who once related so many stories of the rapes of the Gods and the crimes of Apollo; it gave forth only a slight hissing sound, understood by the Daughters of Minyas. By this sound, I think, were told the Fables which they had learned from me, their master, and that they wished to speak of them in darkness and to be silent in the light of Phoebus."

The next following Fable is headed "III and IV," though

why is not apparent - perhaps because originally it had been

divided into two fables.

Each of the Fables in this little work is preceded by a

brief description of the plot, and these we will quote.

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 75

[1715

Fables III and IV: "It is told how that Jove divided his Empire of the world among his sons, and enacted that each of them should act for him as ruler for five years; and that when Mars had finished his term and was to have been succeeded by Pallas, Mars desired to commence a second term; but it had been laid down by the Fates that the two should contend concerning this matter, and that both should fly down from heaven to earth, and he who should be the first on earth would be the ruler for the term. But when they contended, lo! both fell to earth at the same moment. It is then told how that the Fates wove in their inexorable web the following: If the victory should be equal on both sides, Europa was to make judgment between them. But Europa devolved the task on Leon her grandson, and at once Elders of her world were chosen by her who should speak before Leon either for Mars or for Pallas; that Mercellus and Coronis the daughter of glory spake for Pallas. Meridamus for Mars; and finally, that Leon, showing an engraved shield, decreed that Mars should have the Empire for the next five years."

Fable V: "After Viseirus had been conquered by Bellophroon by the help of his golden buckler, it is told how that Leon, stirred by anger, hastened to his mistress Circe and said: Viseirum has been conquered by the gold of Bellophroon; hence Circe touched him twice with her rod and changed him to a golden dove; and then encircled her roof with the most delicate threads and snares, and into these, it is told, the dove fell and became prey to a kite."

Fable VI: "Tells how that Circe was borne in a chariot and drawn by two winged men who, when they refused obediently to go with their mistress to Leon, were turned into birds of night."

Fable VII: "Tells how Tarticanes loved Circe and knew not that Leon was his rival, and that when he found it out, he was touched with fury and rushed blindly to vengeance; and secretly stole Magica, a virgin belonging to Circe her mistress, and by means of her, called to the palace of Leon the furies armed with flames. Then is told the combat of Leon with the furies. But it is said that when she heard of this, Circe grieved and handed over to Leon her magic wand that he might use it in punishing Tarticanes. Hence Leon changed him into a water serpent which passed its life in the Tartarean abodes."

Fable VIII: "is a letter from Olivis to Leon. After Olivis's approach to Leon had been obstructed by Circe two or three times, she finally took it in mind to send him this letter and thereby testify to her love. She first states that her love had commenced in the cradle and in infancy; then she pours out her complaints against the Gods and the whole of Olympus; and also against Coronis whose snares and deceits she narrates. Many questions are asked concerning his daring in rushing into danger, and his striving to reach Olympus through the forest on Mount Atlas."

Fable IX: "Tells how that Ariadne came to the shores of the ocean and beheld under the waves an image of herself, and herself being crushed by the waves; and she sported with her own image; at sight of which, the God of the ocean was captured by her form, and deliberated with himself whether he should steal her away and should move shore from shore and receive her as she fell into his waves. But thinking this unworthy of him, he clothed himself with a royal garment and came to her, sublime in his chariot, accompanied by the Tritons

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 76

[1715

and Goddesses of his watery kingdom, and so confessed himself a suitor; but when Ariadne fled away, he returned to her on the following day changed into one of his own waves, and flowed under her feet; but when this also was in vain, he changed himself now into a fish and followed her hook; now into a diamond which was placed in a basket that it might be taken and be given a place in her tunic; now into a ring and necklace that beneath the gold he might embrace her neck; now into a laurel and wreaths and incense; now he changed into a ship, and provided himself with sails and masts, and invited Ariadne to his spaces and his banks; now into Lauretis the son of Mars by the Goddess Glory, and the love of Ariadne, and bound himself with chains, and placed himself before her and begged for her help - but all without making any advance. Finally, he returned again into his own form, and uttering threats, followed her and called her harder than oak, than stone, than his own iron and brass, more merciless than the bear and the tiger, and more icy than Borea and the cold, and that she will live as an Olive ever varying and inconstant."

Fable X: "Tells how that Dejodes when in the flower of his youth, while hunting, by chance saw Coronis, and at once burned with love of her, and said many things which came not to her ears. Hence, he at once let himself on to a horse, and rode to the Palace of Pallas, and begged Coronis with many prayers to be the partner of her bed, and received the most favorable signs from his mother Goddess in her abode; and, being gladdened with these, he hastened to the place from which he last had seen Coronis, and there saw Pallas and the Goddess of Glory, neither of them being in their own countenance and clothing but in one that was strange; hence, though not recognizing her, he spoke with his mother concerning Coronis, and received her as his bride together with much dowry."

Fable XI: "Tells how that Coronis fled away from Dejodes to Leon, but after ten years, again burned with love of him, and begged Pallas concerning him; but from her, she got the response that she would again become Dejodes' love if she were given him by Albion; wherefore, Coronis changed herself into a boy and, as it were, into her own brother; and when Albion was caught by the love of this boy, he promised her that if she wished to be his, she should send his sister back to Dejodes. Straightway she went off and clothed herself in her own countenance and garments, and on the faith of the promise was sent back to Dejodes."

Fable XII: "Tells how that Orpheus saw his Eurydice standing at the gate of Taenarum, about to return again to her life, and hence he burned with the desire of also following her from the abodes of the shades; and concerning this, he supplicated the judges and received the answer, that he would be allowed to follow Eurydice into life but not to be united with her. Hence it was given as an office to Morpheus, the God of Slumber, that he should transfer him into life by means of a dream; and when this was done, then, unknown both to himself and to the shades among whom he had been, he came among mortal men. But when, later, he went off to many parts of the earth to seek Eurydice, the story goes that he came toward Boreas and approached a Muse upon whom he came all unknown, heard her for a long time singing the fate of herself and Eurydice; and then,

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 77

[1715

immediately, the prophet touched his own lyre, the envious Muse was silent, and expelled him from her Parnassus: but, for a punishment, from the superior Gods, she received in her hair the serpent of envy. Then the story relates how that he came to the Temple of Vesta, and by the sound of his lyre moved the fire from the altar; whence the Virgins burned with wrath and expelled him from their temple, and wished also to kill him lest Orpheus, by aid of his lyre and his song, should be able to hold then off from him. But such was the power within his lyre that all who heard it became reminiscent of who and what they had been in the former existence. Hence, when he arrived at a Virgin company in which was also Eurydice, and there touched his memorable lyre, she with the others became reminiscent; but when she desired to rush into his embrace, then, by the law of the infernal deities, both fell back to their shades."

Fable XIII: "Tells how that the Muse migrated to the Boreal country, and there established a Parnassus like that which she had had on the soil of Greece. But since this was done without the permission of Mars, the Lord of that land, this Parnassus came to resound with the trumpets and the clangors of Mars."

Fable XIV: "Relates how that animals of various kinds were led by the Muse to a fountain, that in them she might see the power of her water; hence a horse, from drinking the water, became a winged horse, a she goat mingled the water with wine; the lamb become a sheep, and the leader of the flock and the dog sported with the water."

Fable XV: "In this Fable it is told how that a certain Lion was sent by the Deities into the world that he might satisfy their anger and commit much devastation and mingle a large part of the earth in slaughter. Finally, the Lion was surrounded by a company of hunters; but it escaped through the network and went to other parts of the world, leaving his lioness. Whence the latter was captured and burned to the Goddess Rhamnusia. [Nemesis]. But from her ashes rose up a ram which, to avenge the slaughter of the lioness, attacked the sacrificers and put many to slaughter and to flight."

Fable XVI: "States that a certain altar stood in the confines between the groves of Jupiter and Cybeles, sacred to both and to neither; but, that they might become the one's, it pleased them that the animals of the two Gods should contend concerning it, Lions and Eagles. But it is related how that the Lion won, and the altar was claimed by the Goddess as hers; whence Jupiter was angered and gave the Victor to the slaughter."

Fable XVII: "Cybeles, as the prize of victory, has turned two lion pups into virgins of the most beautiful form, and delivered to them the custody of her chariots and lions."

Fable XVIII: "When Dolydanes captures a certain Leonigena, it is told how that Cybeles grieved and took a ram into her chariot and sent it against Dolydanes. But he had first been changed by Liberus into an elephant, and when the ram had been conquered and wounded by him, he returned again into his own form, and by the help of foxes was carried into flight."

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[1715
April

Fable XIX: "Tethyos, the Son of Bellophroon, and Polycith the Son of Mars and Venus, hearing an Elephant, were afraid because they have another Lion Puppy which they have overcome by snares; and they were turned, the one into a wave by Tethy and the other into an arrow by Venus."

Fable XX: "Relates that the Fates were indignant that one Ram had broken so many vines and stems; therefore, they made up for him a stem, and led him into a grove sacred to Cybeles, wherein he was followed by hunters, and they overcame him by snares and in a labyrinth and by other deceitful nets."

Fable XXI: "It is here related how that Minerva was touched with the desire of returning to the primeval age of Saturn, and solicited the Deities on this matter but received repulses. Therefore, she made herself a world like the ancient, which so circled in the vital auras as to animate all that it could; at the same time, it animated its Goddess Pallas with a new kind of life, and made her with child when she was seeking sleep, and in the space of a year she brought forth the infant called Dejodes."

Fable XXII: "Relates that there was a certain little dog which understood the speech of men and could signify to its master what it had heard. But it was presented to a Muse and was turned by Apollo into an infant."

This last Fable constitutes the "End of Book I," and that Swedenborg expected to publish a second book and even, perhaps, had the material in hand, is indicated by the catchword printed on p.103, although the last page, which would be 104, is empty, No second book was ever printed.

What men or nations are represented by the different characters in these Fables remains still to be ascertained. We note merely the following who are mentioned several times:

Leon - perhaps Louis XIV and France (Fable 3, 5-8, 11, 15,-17). Chas. XII perhaps in Fable 8.

Coronis - " Sweden (Fable 3, 8, 10, 11)

Dejodes - " Denmark ( " 3, 10, 11)

Albion - " England ( " 3. 11)

At Greifswalde, Swedenborg realized the opportunity he had spoken of when in London in regard to trying for a name in poetry. He collected his various poems and published them under the title Ludus Heliconius. They comprised The Festive Ode to Stenbock (1710), the Ode to Palmqvist (1713), an Ode written at Oxford in 1712, and a long and pretentious Fable which he composed perhaps while writing the Camina; the book, which comprises 18 pages, small quarto, ends with 2 pages of small poems on a variety of topics. Whether this work was published before or after the Camina is not wholly clear, but the probability is that it was printed afterwards.* (OQ. 1: 219 = LM. p .40)

* Swedenborg, in his letter of April 4, 1715, says: "I have already put by one or two [poems], and now I have under press, etc., [the Camina Borea]."

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Nor can any definite precedence in time be given to the third work Swedenborg published in Greifswalde. From the fact that the Dedication refers to General von Ducker being surrounded by war, it would appear to have been published in the Spring (April) of 1715, thus, shortly before Swedenborg left for Sweden. The very existence of this work was not generally known until 1903, when Mr. Stroh discovered two copies of it in the Library of Greifswalde University. Swedenborg himself, however, refers to it in his letter to Eric Benzelius of August 9, 1715. Later, it was published by the Swedenborg Society, London, in a zincotype reproduction. The full title is: (NCL 1908: 424)

"Festive Applause on the Arrival into his

Pomeranian Land of

CHARLES XII

The Phoenix of the Ancient Gothic and

The Monarch of our Northern Race, on

November 22, 1714" [Old Style = NOV. 11

In estimating this work, one must keep in mind, not only the artificial character which during Louis XIV's reign had become almost stereotyped, but also the particular causes of enthusiasm which a Swede at that time experienced.*

* After the Kalibalik there was much written lauding Charles XII, comparing him to Alcibiades, Alexander, Achilles, Hercules (Bain, p. 217).

Although for five years Charles had lain in Turkey impotent,

unable to obtain money or men for the effort to retrieve his

defeats and yet unwilling to come home beaten - despite this,

such was the hold he had taken, not only on Swedes, but also

on the European imagination, that he was still popularly

regarded as the heroic prodigy of war. Soldiers and civilians

were drawn to him as to a magic charm. Voices were indeed

raised complaining of the burdens the King was putting on the

people, of his criminal and self-imposed absence; but a word

from Charles was enough to still, if not fundamentally to

remove, such complaints, and to substitute for them

confidence in the Lion of the North. What, then, must a young

Swede have felt, and especially one who had as yet no actual

experience of the terrible condition into which Sweden was

now reduced, when this Lion Warrior was returned to his land,

was within actually fifty miles of himself, and preparing

with bravery and experience, but at immense odds, to fight

the armies of six powers, and the fleet of Denmark! This must

be kept in mind in reading the Festivus Applausus, as well

as the exaggerated style of the age. The work is dedicated to

"Baron Carl Gustaf Ducker, the Supreme General of his Swedish

Majesty's Armies in Sweden."*

* General G. G. Ducker (1663-1732) had been appointed in 1711 to see to the defences of Stralsund against threatened danger. Swedenborg comes into personal contact with him in later years when engaged on the Gotha Canal. Earlier in 1714, the Swedish Government had ordered him to leave Stralsund for Skane, but Charles changed the order and shortly afterwards himself joined von Ducker to direct the war.

The Festivus Applausus is a laudatory description, couched

in poetical language, of Charles XII's residence in Turkey

and his journey therefrom to Stralsund. It is dedicated to

General von Ducker at whose house in Stralsund Charles is

staying. The work is a prose

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poem and, curiously enough,, this first work of the kind opens with the same thought as the Worship and Love of God, namely, the recurring of the seasons and its correspondence to the ever recurring course in the lives of peoples. In the Worship and Love of God, Swedenborg then proceeds to consider the story of the whole world as regards the end for which it was created; in the Festivus Applausus, he makes a comparison between the deeds of Charles and those of the heroes of antiquity with a playful allusion to the doctrine of metapsychosis.

Noting that the ancient Goths took service under Greek and Roman leaders and then returned to the North and there inscribed their deed in ancient letters carved in stone, Charles is introduced as the "Leader and Hero of our North," who "was commanded to live again in this age wherein we live, and to arise as a Phoenix from the ashes of the ancient race the parent of his own, and as the hero of its glory and its redeemer from further forgetfulness"; and he was to be led to the same places whore went the Goths of old, and where now rest their ashes. Were we to live in a later age, we would consider the deeds of Charles as fabled stories, saying that such men are now extinct.

After speaking of the happy omens attending Charles's early years, he is represented as being in the south of Europe led "by all Olympus" and "by the ordination of ages and of his own glory," and the narrative then continues: "Nothing is more plainly declared by the Oracles than that this land, which has given breath to so many heroes, was the last goal of his glory to which he would make for himself a way through so many victories and slaughters . . . Where should be the final ground of his glory save where his parent race first earned its rewards? that land where he might institute funereal sports at the tombs of his fathers, and might kiss the ground and salute the rescued land which is so filled with the bones of his ancestors? . . . And where should those places be from whence he would spread his name to the world save where lies the border of the threefold globe? Where Asia associates with Colchidian Europe and with Africa, wherefrom, as from a center, the fame of the Hero might run out to the shores of the whole world?"

Prior to this, Charles had already earned his laurels, but then he was surrounded by armies, but in Thrace, i.e., in Turkey, "he is left to himself alone, and with his sword alone, and with his virtue and also with a few warriors, he commences to practice the same martial sports, and to acquire the same glory . . . from which we may see that he alone . . . is the consort of glory."

The reference is to Charles's retreat to Bender in Turkey, after the disaster at Poltava; he arrived in July 1709. (Hildebrand, 6:319)

Then follows an extravagant account of how the Nile, the Danube, the Pactolus, the Ganges, besides many nations, all contributed to the support of Charles in Bender, signifying that he then received gold and supplies - which came from the Sultan - and was joined by Poles and

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Ukranians, and aided by Turkish arms. (Bring, Chas. XII. p. 353)

In Bender, many plots were laid by one or other of the Sultan's Grand Viziers, who hoped by delivering Charles to the Russians to gain advantages for Turkey, and particularly the command of the Black Sea. By representations to the Sultan, Charles XII had these men removed and sometimes executed. "How many are the Viziers," runs the narrative, "and the wealthy men of the kingdom, has he cast down from their seats, or driven into exile and flight, and substituted others more favorable to himself." Bring, ibid. 351,367, 370, 378; Hildebr. 6:320)

The battle of the Pruth is then described, but hardly in accordance with the facts as now known. These facts are:

In June 1710, the Grand Vizier had secretly agreed with

Russia to give up Charles in return for the Port of Azov;

being unable to fulfil his part of the contract owing to

Charles's appeal to the Sultan who had promised safely to

escort Charles from his land, Russia declared war on Turkey

in November 1710, and in the following June, 1711, entered

into Turkish territory where the Russians were completely

surrounded by the Turks at the river Pruth.

Charles had been persuaded by his officers not to be present

at the battle, nor was any part of the Swedish Army present.

The Turks agreed, however, that no peace should be made

without Charles's consent. Yet, owing, it is said, to Russian

gold, though the Turks unquestionably had the Russians in

their power, they yet let them retire and concluded a peace

with them without the knowledge of Charles. In reading the

description of these events as given in the Festivus

Applausus, it must be remembered that at the time the true

facts of the case were not known; nor, indeed, have they been

known until comparatively recent years. We quote: (Hildebr.

6:320-21; Bring, ibid. 354, 362, 363-65)

"Straightway against his enemy he leads across the banks of the Danube to a river called the Pruth, a people rallied from so many lands, and a nation [meaning the Turks] of a gentler scepter, not once the victor within an age though superior in numbers; and he brings his enemy, yet glorying in a fresh triumph [the battle of Pultava] . . . to straights and distress, and encloses his swollen ranks with his army . . . and leaves him no way of flight save through enemy coasts and hostile ground. Hence, he who but now was so greatly exultant, mingled his exultant words with sighs, and they say that he loudly complained that he, with his consort and his whole kingdom, might be led away by so many nations. . . But when he ran about among leaders devoid of counsel, it is said to have been determined, by what Deity I know not, to prostrate the victorious nation by . . . certain jeweled arrows and golden apples. Hence, the leader of the Sarmatician world is rumored to have despoiled himself and the consort of his bed, and his generals of their wealth and gold . . . and himself of his gleaming crown, and to have handed them over to his victorious enemy, and redeemed himself and obtained from the Barbarians permission to leave his camp in poverty. O sacred hunger for gold! O needy victor! O nation so greedy for riches! . . . The victory has become a venal victory. The victorious leader succumbs, conquered by gold, and he carries off his burdensome victory only with bejeweled hands, and with laurels dimmed by gold. Mars conquered by Pluto, flees away with shamed countenance."

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Charles at once made representations to the Sultan, and in consequence, the man responsible for the escape of the Russians was deposed and subsequently executed, or, as described by Swedenborg, Charles "turns his anger into vengeance, and this against that very leader who but now was the victor. . . ; and he provided that he should be deprived not only of the triumph and the laurel but also of his gold and his name; and, in the course of a few months, of his life; and that his remains and his golden fleece and his head should be impaled on the high point of some palace on the Hellespontian shore, as a monument of ages; and that the trunk and the divided frame might by its body and blood make perpetual atonement for itself and its people." (Bring, ibid., 367)

Charles had promised the Sultan that a Swedish army would come from Pomerania to join with the promised Turkish escort of 50,000 men, for the overcoming of Poland. When, in 1712, no Swedish army was sent, the Sultan wished Charles to leave his country, and when the latter refused, he sent orders that he should be attacked in Bender and taken prisoner. Soon afterwards, however, came the news that Stenbock had actually brought a Swedish army into Pomerania. The news came too late, however, and in February 1713, before the Sultan could countermand his order, Charles had been attacked, and in a desperate fight by Charles and fifty followers against 10,000 Turks,* he was injured and captured and was carried to Demotica near Adrianople and afterwards to Timurtasch as a State prisoner. Thus, to quote from the Festivus Applausus:

* This confused fight was later known as the "Kalabalika" (Tumult)

"He yielded himself conquered only to the earth and to Europe his mighty parent."

But it is added, referring to his imprisonment, which, however, was an honorable one, and to his wounds:

"What dangers must he have undergone! What deaths! and how often was he not reputed to have breathed his last! Through how many changes of the moon must he have passed his life among shades! and how oft has report said, that, weakened by so long a journey, he lay down with panting breath." (Bring, ibid., 384, 387, 390; Hildebr. 6:326; Encly. Brit.)

Charles remained at Demotica for some time, vainly hoping to obtain the promised Turkish escort and the Pomeranian army which should join together for the carrying out of his policy. But in vain. And so, in September 1714, he determined, with the Sultan's hearty consent, to return to his Fatherland. But the way was accompanied with danger. He would not go through Poland where his enemies ruled, and in Austria and Germany he was in danger of being held as an honorable prisoner, but still a prisoner, a hostage for the securing of the desires of these countries. When he left the borders of Turkey, therefore, he left in disguise and with but two companions, afterwards reduced to one. His return is eloquently described in the Festivus Applausus: (Bring, ibid.,
409)

"When he weighed the snares and the enemies . . . he declared with mighty mind, 'Lo, I will be my own guard.' He seizes his sword and from the thousands who are in sworn faith to him, chooses one and commands him to be his comrade. But as prudence must rule over virtue, and chance over prudence; and that he might escape plots by plots, and might behold his enemies as one present in their midst . . . lo,

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he assumes a personality not his own . . . puts on coarse and lowly clothes stained with gray and borrowed from I know not what soldier, and darkens his face with black hair and a black wig, and conceals more than half of his countenance so well known throughout so large a part of the world. . . At the same time, he suffers the beard to disappear from his face, and orders his companion that he shall call him comrade. . . Can we not see him hundreds of times in the presence of his enemies, and riding unrecognized at the side of those who were plotting against him? . . . and, at branching roads, learning from them the way to his Fatherland, and to glory? Sharing beds with them in the same couches and the same straw, and perhaps touching his head to theirs, and listening to then in safety while they are breathing nothing but the life and blood of Charles, and threatening him in their dreams. And perhaps also we can see him among his admirers, and hearing much from them concerning his deeds, and being much questioned respecting himself; and if he had merely said that he had seen Charles, and that he was now about to return, being loved and embraced on this account and forced to drink to his own safety and in one toast to wish happiness to himself and a safe journey to Him?"

The narrative then describes how that at the moment he first touched Pomeranian soil, the stars shone with unusual brilliancy, and the moon "looked down upon the returning one with her fullest countenance"; how that when he was but three hours distant from Stralsund, the moon went into eclipse; while at the moment he was at the city gates, she "burst out from the coverings and swathings of our earth and looked upon the Sun of our North with favoring gaze and announced his return to the inhabitants. If you place no faith in me, O reader," Swedenborg adds, "open the almanacs and there consult our skies." What are all these things, he continues, but "the plain omens of heaven . . . the oracles of Jupiter . . . the approval of the heavenly ones?" "What is signified by the fact that . . . when he was distant from his city by no more than three hours [this would be in the neighborhood of Greifswalde], Phoebus . . . fell into a kind of Swoon - [what is signified by this,] save that the Lunar, Phoebean and Ottoman nation . . . the dwellers on the Hellespont, had at that moment almost lost their moon . . . and had again covered itself with . . . Tartarean darkness . . . though previously, when our Charles was with them, she had shone on them in her fulness. . . And while he yet was standing at the walls of his city . . . this same Diana returned again to her brightness, and again covered CHARLES with her countenance and her light. What other is this save that ourLeader himself and our northern Phoebus who, for so long lay hid between the horns of the Caesarian [i.e. Austrian] and Ottoman moon, and for five years had suffered a kind of eclipse, as soon as he was returned to his Fatherland, again came into his radiance and glory and ancient triumphs. . . Can you be incredulous that by a certain hidden stream, heaven flows into our deeds and into our lives and the vicissitudes of things?"

Therefore, he continues, "let us crown our lances with garlands and with the laurels of the victor. . . ; let us cherish with our kisses the ground which first received Him, and embrace it; and, if the memory of our age go down to many centuries, let us eternalize that spot with games and Pythian sports, and there set the goal to which the victors shall run and merit the oakleaves."

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Swedenborg then speaks of Charles's personal appearance:

"Of what color now is his face but that of Mars; the picture of martial glory; the features everywhere fearless; a countenance of Heroes, utterly unfamiliar with fear and terror. Does not his hair, formerly covered by hair not his own, now strive freely upward from his forehead like the rays of Apollo, and lift itself up as though to the stars? His hair is not now scented with ointment and sweet smelling myrrh, nor ordered in gyring curls thrown over his shoulders like rays. Nowhere has his forehead any impediment, but is clear and open; and his mouth is ever favoring those who address him, and smiling upon them, and putting forth words few in number but full of a certain majesty and soul. His chest is broader and more august. The shoulders above it are muscular, and the arms, with their muscles and nerves, are powerful; his hands have become skilful with the sword. And his whole body and the part thereof as he sits on his horse is like to fame on the point of flight. For the rest, he rarely shines with glittering cincture. He is not arrayed in a garment of gold and laden with jewels and with a cape of purple, dyed deep with crimson dye and adorned with orders; nor with tunics embroidered at the edges and borders. Nor anywhere in his whole body is he like the delicate and soft members of the princely order. A simple close-fitting garment is thrown over his body, which does not add to its breadth but restrains it, and which has no hindrances and folds which the wind shall blow like sails, nothing to impede him from flying from one wing of his army to the other, and from being able to swing his right arm, and to use his sword against whatsoever limb of the enemy he will. Nor do we see him in finely built palaces or in temples adorned with gold and supported by columns, or in a castle wherein one would think the ancient army of Priam did dwell. He is content with a more lowly and ordinary house, and often with tents covered only with skins and linen and coarsely woven cloth; for he knows that he is more sublime than his roofs, and that the house is illustrious enough when he is within it; and under these coverings, he often has sweeter dreams than in the most glittering beds adorned with ivory and shell.

After a passage concerning the eagerness of the people to see Charles, Swedenborg continues: "Who could believe, when thou set thy last stop on thy native sands, and when thou wast scarce eighteen years old, that thou wouldst be absent almost an entire age. . . . O times, O changes. . . The same race does not now live which thou sawest in thy land of old. They who then were young men and in the most gladsome youth are now worn out. . . And if perchance thou return to thy home, they would rush out with three and unequal logo, and would look upon thee with sharper though now with watery gaze, and would carefully note whether thou art the same as he who went away. They who were infants when thou departed against thine enemies, are now of advanced years; now they are able to follow thy banners and thy arms, and to expose their breasts and their weapons to thy enemies. And she who was then a girl, scarce marriageable and the lowliest among her unmarried sisters, now at thy return is married and has numerous offspring, and with many can go to meet thee. . . Yet, when they hear that thou hast returned, they will again begin to breathe, again revive and draw new breath. . . All will thus be normal, and the winter into which our Boreal and icy north has passed will become Spring; and the ground will command its flowers to be reborn, and the whole land will again resound with gladness. The Muses who in

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that cold and gloomy sky are thought to grow sluggish, will fly once more to their harps, and in their Parnassus will order the wreath again to be made for thee, CHARLES! and with warming souls and in Phoebean measures will celebrate Thee, our Apollo now returned. And while thou art as yet on the point of returning to thine own people, these Northern Goddesses will applaud thee with their strings and also with their hands, as now do the Pomeranians. Give ye Plaudits, we have fulfilled our applause."

As appears from the Festivus Applausus, Swedenborg was not ill informed - though by no means exactly informed - as to events in Turkey, and we may note in this connection that when in Paris he had received a letter from Henry Benzelius, a young brother of Eric and a fellow student of Swedenborg himself but one year his junior, dated Timurtasche, April 30, 1713, that is to say, the place where Charles XII had been carried after the Kalabalika of February 1713, and stating that he had been with the King for six months.* Moreover, in Greifswalde, he had met Secretaries Estenberg and Bernard Cederholm, who had been with the King at the Kalabalika and afterwards at Timurtasche - indeed, it was Cederholm who had provided the false pass under which the King traveled as Captain Peter Frisk Pitesci. They arrived in Greifswalde in April 1715, having left Constantinople in the preceding May. Both were probably well acquainted, at any rate, superficially, with the affairs of Charles in Turkey. (Doc. 1:226, 235; Attar Taf., Cederholm; Mottraye. 57, 324; Bring, Chas. XII p. 409)

* Charles XII was in Timurtasche in October 1713, and had probably been there since February. See Famil.jebok 13: 983.

The tone of the Festivus Applausus may strike the modern reader as being fulsome, yet we cannot avoid the conclusion that beneath all the external grace dictated by the customs of the age, there lay with Swedenborg a genuine admiration of Charles XII - an admiration which seems to have grown greater when he came into actual contact with the King a year or two later. This is further indicated by a curious statement made in the Spiritual Diary n. 4704:

"Many transactions between me and Charles XII were recounted,

and it was then manifestly shown that the Lord's Providence

had been in the most minute particulars . . . also that

unless the state of Charles XII had been changed from good

into anger, one person would wholly have perished."

Before leaving these early publications of Swedenborg - the Camena Borea, the Ludus Heliconius, and the Fastivus Applausus - it may be noted that in publishing one or other of them - but probably the first - Swedenborg was following in a partial way the common practice of learned travelers, which was to publish a disputation preparatory to receiving a degree from some foreign university. Perhaps also he had in mind the partial fulfilment of a promise made to his father, "to publish a specimen Academicum," though the real fulfilment of this promise was the publication of Daedalus Hyperboreus.

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At what time Swedenborg sailed from Greifswalde for Sweden is not known. He himself declares that he left Greifswalde for Sweden "when the siege [of Stralsund] was to begin." The siege actually commenced in the beginning of July 1715, and, as will appear later, Swedenborg was in Brunsbo in June of that year. His words must, therefore., be interpreted as meaning "when war was declared," namely, by Prussia, Saxony and Denmark; for the object of this declaration was the seizure of Stralsund and Charles XII in person. This declaration of war was made in May 1715, and we may presume that Swedenborg left for Sweden in that month. This is further indicated by an Epistolary Hymn directed by Swedenborg to "Virum, Celsissimum" who, though not named, is plainly Count Gustaf Cronhjelm, to whom he now sends a copy of the Camena Borea which he had dedicated to him in Greifswalde. In the state of the times, it need not excite wonder that no earlier occasion had presented itself - especially since, as hinted in the Epistolary letter, Swedenborg did not personally know Count Cronhjelm. It was not till August that he told Eric Benzelius about the work and promised to send him a copy; and it. was on or about midsummer's day that Swedenborg wrote the Epistolary Ode which was to accompany the presentation of the book to Count Cronhjelm. (Resebeskrifn. p.4; Fryx. 26:52, 61; CMH. 6:24; OQ. 1:231 = LM. p. 66)

Whether Swedenborg sailed to Skane or to Stockholm or to Karlskrona, or to some other port, we do not know. Probably to Stockholm. See Nya Kyrka Tidningar, 1917, p. 42. (Attar Tafl. 1; p.151)

But soon after his arrival at Brunsbo, he wrote a Carmen Epistolare which was to accompany a copy of the Camena Borea to be sent to Count Cronhjelm. In this Carmen, the "Borean Muse," whom the author numbers "among the least of the Heliconides," is represented as sitting with Swedenborg under a myrtle tree. She then addresses him as follows: (OP. p. 67) (See Fryx. 34:14, 31:18)

"Tell me, Prophet, why thou restest as a farmer on the ground,

In the shade, living softly in a village?
Why hidest thou at home who but now wert a sojourner in foreign lands

And art but lately returned to become an heir of thy country?
Rise, I pray! haste again to return to the city,

Which swells ambitious with its leader and its people.

. . . . .

O how the populous city would delight us nymphs."

To this the Prophet answered in a joking way, warning her of the dangers of the city. However, if the Muse insists on going, he gives her the following advice:

"When thou reachest the city, leave the many palaces,

And let the halls be hidden from thy sight;
Nor stay your steps, nor sing your songs,

Until you see the house of [Cronhjelm].
Lo, methinks it is yellow, being overlaid with pale yellow mortar."

She is then to tell her name and not to fear, for the Count is affable to the nymphs:

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"He is a man still young,* if one is to believe report,

Though, indeed, he was not known to me by face.
His countenance is amiable, smiling, and open to the Muses:

And thus, as it were, like a Maecenas . . .

* 51 years. He was born in 1664.

Flame and ever new strength shines out of his eyes,

Wherewith he beholds the doubtful changes of the times.
As soon as thou seest him, he will be to thee a great Apollo;

And perhaps Apollo himself had a like countenance."

The Muses is then to say that she has come to present to him a little book:

"With the name Camena Borea,
And to mention my name as its Parent;

And thou shalt pleasantly relate to him thy many pleasantries. . . .

They are only fables or things without weight.

Such as garrulous old women tell when evening comes.
And I desired them to be without weight.

That they might disperse the many weighty matters on thy mind,"

Later the poem goes on:

"Great Count, when I send this Camena Borea to thee,

It is midsummer night, which all but conquers day with its brilliancy;
And which the young men and the lovely maidens celebrate with sports . . .

In the midst is placed a mast, high in air,

From which hangs an olive with laurels.
And around which the young men and bridesmaids dance,

Joining hand to hand." . . .

They say that if they dance and strike the chords on this night,

The next year will be a prosperous one."

And so Swedenborg puts forth his nocturnal song as an omen for the coming year:

"May a thousand Muses sing to thee,

And the Borean Muse make herself dear to thee."

Here Swedenborg is probably describing a scene at Skara or Brunsbo or in thousands of other places in Sweden on midsummer's day (June 24).

We may presume that Swedenborg arrived in Sweden in May 1715, after an absence of five years. At home he found a new brother-in-law, the Jonas Unge for whose disputation he had written a verse, and who in January 1715 had married his sister Catharine. (ACSD 8; Doc. 3:743)

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Meanwhile came the question of employment for Swedenborg. For men of the upper classes in Sweden at that time there was only one respectable or even possible occupation, namely, in the service of the state.

Already on October 21, 1714, while Swedenborg was still abroad but evidently expected home, Bishop Swedberg wrote to the Government (i.e. to the Queen Ulrica Eleonora), recommending his future son-in-law, Magister Jonas Unge, who had just returned from a two years' sojourn in oxford, Amsterdam, Leyden and Utrecht. He then adds:

"I have also another son, Emanuel Swedberg by name, who,

after disputations in Upsala and in order to continue his

studies, has for five years been in England, Holland and

France, and now, as I think, he is visiting in Rostock or

Greifswalde, being much given to Mathesis and Mechanics. With

God's help, he will become a useful subject to your Majesty,

either in the University or elsewhere."

Thus early was there a suggestion of Swedenborg as a professor. (ACSD 77; Doc. 3:1330; SSH. 1:548)

A month later, namely on November 25th, the Bishop again wrote to the King:

"Most Mighty and Gracious King: In my last humble memorial I

mentioned that I have a son, Emanuel, who has been for four

years abroad in. England, Holland and France, and is now

living at Greifswalde. He has made good use of his time, is

master of the requisite languages, and is expert in

mathematics and mechanics. If your Royal Majesty has need of

such a one, I assure you he will give you satisfaction."

Some months later but before Swedenborg left the Continent, namely, on February 9, 1715, the Bishop wrote to the King in Stralsund, asking him to ennoble his children, thus enabling them to enter into the higher offices of the State which none but noblemen could fill:

"Most Mighty King, Most Gracious Lord: It has pleased God to

allot me seven children, for whose well-being I am bound to

care. Of these, three are sons - the eldest seeks to render

himself completely accomplished for the service of your royal

Majesty and our Fatherland, by courses of study; the second

(Eliezer) does so likewise in business connected with

mining; and the third (Jesper) also, by service for two years

in your Majesty's army in Pomerania, but now by a voyage to

the far Indies, or, as it is called, New Sweden. The

daughters have all entered into matrimony with honorable

persons - two are married to men in the priestly estate, one

(Anna) to the Librarian of your Majesty's Academy in Upsala,

Eric Benzelius, and the other (Catherina) to a Pastor, here

in West Gothland, Jonas Unge; of the other two, one

(Margaretta) is married to Lundstedt, the Master of the

Horse in your Majesty's Life Guards, and the other (Hedwig)

to Lars Benzelstierna, the Master of the Mines in East and

West Bergslagen.

"For these I make bold, in humility, to ask that your

majesty will be pleased to show me the grace which other of

my brethren in office experience who are similarly

circumstanced, and allow my children and the two sons-in-law

last mentioned, Calvary Captain Lundstedt and Mining Master

Benzelstierna be honored with noble rank and name. This will

be an encouragement to them in humility

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 89

[1715
August

to make themselves still more worthy of your Majesty's and

the country's service; and to me, your Majesty's subject, it

will be a special pleasure at my now advancing age, to be

made happy by my gracious King's favor."* (LM. p. 64.)

* This letter by Jesper Swedberg, as well as his letters of Oct. 21 and Nov. 25, 1714, is quoted by White in his Life of Swedenborg (1867). 1:43, 36-7, but cannot be found in the Riksarkiv. No information is available as to its reception by the Government.

However, it was not so much the obtaining of nobility - to a Bishop's son, this was sure to come in time - that took the Bishop's attention as the necessity under which his 27 year old son lay to make use of his education and gifts in the service of the King. In the effort to find him an office, Bishop Swedberg, on July 12, 1715, writes to the recently (1714*) appointed Governor of West Gothland, Casten Feif, a favorite of the King and who was still with the latter in Stralsund:

"My son Emanuel, after five years' travel in foreign lands,

is now in good health and has come home. I hope he will

become useful n some university. He is ready in the oriental

languages and in he European, but especially is he at home in

Poetry and Mathesis." (ACSD 82; Doc. 3:742; LM. p. 64)

One of Swedenborg's first cares when he reached home was to endeavor to gather up the various more or less elaborate plans of his inventions and of the calculations in connection with them. He had sent eight of these plans to his father, but when he got home none could be found. In August 1715, he writes to Eric Benzelius:

"I have very thoroughly searched for the machines which I

sent to d: Father some time ago and which were eight in

number. As yet I have not been able to get a trace of where

he put them by. He thinks they have been sent over to d:

Brother, which I hope for from my heart since it cost me work

enough to lay them out, and during the winter I have no time

to make them over again."

He then describes the lost plans, which comprised three plans of water pumps, one of a hoisting machine worked by water, one of sluices or looks to be operated where there is no water-fall, one of an air gun to shoot thousands of shots at a time; and perhaps also, but without the mathematical calculations, a plan of his underwater boat, also a blast furnace where the motive power shall be furnished by the fire in the absence of failing water. Another invention of which he speaks at this time is an air gun which is "loaded in a moment and will shoot sixty to seventy shots in succession without any new loading." (OQ. 1: 230 = LM. p. 65)

Whether the sketches were found in Upsala, we do not know. Certainly, except for the plan of an air pump and the air gun, they have not come down to our day.

In this letter to Benzelius, he expresses the wish that he could see some of his machines in operation, and he regrets the lack of material to build them - a regret which we may well share today.

It must have been at this time that he invented his hoisting machine. Meanwhile, while waiting for suitable work, Swedenborg had not been long at

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 90

[1715
August

home before his active mind busied itself with the doing of something looking to the advancement of science; and most of all, his mind dwells on the old question of finding the longitude. We can in fancy see the returned traveler relating to his father and mother his experiences in foreign lands, and, among other things, telling them of the magnificent prizes offered by the British Government (from ten to twenty thousand pounds) to him who would discover the longitude at sea within certain degrees of exactness (60 - 30 miles.); and of how he most certainly had solved the problem, but for one thing. His theory, he was convinced, was absolutely without a flaw, but to carry it out required exact lunar tables, and these had not yet been published. Flamsteed had promised them, but Flamsteed was an old man and, moreover, sickly and disgruntled. Swedenborg, therefore, resolved to set up an observatory himself. He was well equipped in learning, and in England and Holland, he had learned trades which would now stand him in good stead. And at that time there was not a single observatory in the whole of Sweden, nor had there been save inadequate private ones set up by professors. (White, 1:34; UUH. 2:2:322)

This project occupied his mind as early as June, and by July he had already determined on Kinnekulle, a hill on Lake Venner some fifteen miles north of Skara, as the scene of his future observatory. On July 11, Bishop Swedberg, in the letter to Governor Feif from which we have already quoted, says of his son:

"He is minded to build himself an observatory on the top of

Kinnekulle near Skara, with the intention of enabling him to

find the longitude in the great ocean, for which many powers

have set up great sums of money for him who shall find it.

If there be any opening at any academy here In Sweden, may it

please the Herr Well-born Governor to advance him thereto.

With God's help he will honor his position." (LM. p. 64)

Finally, August 11th was fixed for the day of investigation with a view to building an observatory.

"The day after tomorrow," he writes on August 9, "I am going

to Kinnekulle to pick out for myself a place for a small

observatory wherein I intend during the winter to make some

observations pertaining to our horizon whereby my discoveries

on the longitude of places could be confirmed." (OQ. 1:231

= LM. p. 65)

But though Swedenborg went to Kinnekulle, and probably spent some days there, he never built an observatory; for one thing, his attention was soon engrossed on work for the King; and for another, when he talked of the matter with Benzelius, the latter suggested that it might be possible to arrange to have an observatory built in Upsala - as we shall see later. Still, his stay at Kinnekulle bore fruit, for it was then that at any rate he commenced those close and minute observations which he makes use of a little later in his theory concerning a primeval flood. In a description of this hill, which constitutes chapter 1 in his Height of Water, he indicates that he had made some examination of the hill", and had talked with the peasants concerning it; and it would seem likely that in view of his contact with the English Geologist Woodward, he would take the occasion to note the strata of the mountain. These, he describes in some detail in chapter VIII of the work already mentioned.

Moreover, he is fully confirmed in his idea that Kinnekulle would be an ideal spot for an observatory - an idea which he voiced some years later, as follows:

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 91

[1715
September

"At the top of Kinnekulle, the common people have noticed

things which are worthy of investigation by the learned,

namely, that some clouds, rain and thunder begin first, as it

were, at the top; so that one who lives on that height may

appear to be its Jupiter, and the hill a small Olympus and

heaven, since from there the nature of the air has partly its

origin. In a word, it is a height with which Nature has

adorned the West Gothian land and provided the most

incomparable observatory in the world were there only a

Cassini, a Brahe, or an Helvetius who would give it their

name and fame." (H. of W. ch. I)

With all these private activities, Swedenborg is still thinking of State employment, and his thoughts turn to the Chair of a Professor. In August 1715, he asks his brother, in case there is a vacancy, to speak about him to the professors. But it is not in his mind to use the undue influence of his relationship with the Librarian or the Bishop. His request is that his brother will

"advance me with some of the Professors, to anything which

may offer itself. For the rest," he adds, "I will see to

myself.," (OQ. 1:231 = LM. p. 66)

After the visit to Kinnekulle, he went to Foglas on Lake Vetter - perhaps to see if a site for an observatory could be found there, or more probably he went for pleasure. Then Swedenborg again revisits Upsala, a town which he has not seen since his public disputation in 1709. But how different the young man who returns in 1715 from the student who left in 1709. The University is the same, the Professors almost unchanged. There were some changes, however, in Swedenborg's family. When he had left, his sister had a son and daughter, Ericulus (aged 4) and Margaretha (aged 1-1/4). Now she has four children, the oldest already a ten-year old student in the University, and the other an infant of six months old; and we can imagine the delight Swedenborg had in playing with these nephews and nieces, and perhaps in talking Latin or mechanics to the student Ericulus. (ACSD 85)

It is probable, as will be seen later, that this first visit to his Alma Mater was a long one, probably commencing at the end of August and not ending until November 20.

We can picture him as an honored guest in the home of his sister Anna and her husband, who, with "little Eric," must have been eager to hear the experiences of the long-absent traveler. We can imagine also the earnestness with which Swedenborg discoursed with his learned brother-in-law and with the liberal Professors of the Collegium Curiosorum on the development of learning in Sweden. We can imagine him also meeting socially distinguished Swedes and foreigners, such as Peter Ribbing, the Governor of Upsala, Lam, the great theological Professor, and active Riksdagman Doctor Molin, besides many others - professors, soldiers, and foreign visitors. (Anec. Benz. p. 47)

Of course, there was much talk between Swedenborg and his brother-in-law about the desired observatory, and it is doubtless as a result of these talks that Benzelius, later on, hit upon the discovery of iron pipes, etc., which seemed to promise funds for the building of it. Intimately associated with this observatory was the Collegium Curiosorum, the idea that finally developed being that the Collegium Curiosorum, might itself support the observatory from royal grants. The talks must also have gone back to Polhammar's Mechanical Laboratory, the establishment of such a Laboratory at Upsala - and it is perhaps at this time and in this connection that the idea of Swedenborg teaching in the University became first breached.

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 92

[1715

At the end of the preceding March, Eric Benzelius had received a visit from Pastor Bjorck, returned in 1713 from his seventeen-year pastorate in Wilmington, America, and - especially in view of the fact that Swedenborg's brother Jesper was in the country which Bjorck had just left - it is more than probable that what Bjorck had told his host would more than once be a subject of conversation with Swedenborg, giving him his first knowledge of the American Indian. (Amer. Illum. pp. 8, 83, 96)

Bjorck is relations are noted down by Benzelius as follows:

"They worship two gods, a good and an evil. They sacrifice to

the evil that he may not do them any injury, for the good -

say they - can never do aught but good so we need not to pray

to him on this account.

"The only proof, or rather guess, that they are the remains

of the tribes of Israel is that they have sacrifices, and

that after childbirth their women hold themselves apart for

some weeks. . .

"They have no letters.

"They know nothing about their origin. All are equally wise;

if one is wiser and begins to tell anything beforehand which

afterwards comes to pass, they hold him as a wizard and he

loses his life.

"They have kings, and when the king dies, his son comes into

his place if he is suitable; otherwise another is taken.

"They have only one wife at a time, but if any disagreement

comes between wife and husband, they are separated. If the

wife dies, he does not take another from that family.

"They never fight among themselves, i.e., those who are in

the same kingdom; they have nothing to fight about; they have

no separate property; the woods are their council chamber.

They are very faithful to their word.

"They knew nothing of drunkenness until the Christians began

to bring wine and spirits to the markets; by this they

learned the taste of it and now have a desire for it.

"Their wives give birth without any suffering . . . .

"The heathen reckon time only by the moon.

"They have no idols; do not worship the sun and the moon. All

the borders of their empire are natural - rivers or great

forests.

"Wild beasts there, are not so dangerous as in Europe; they

seldom do any injury to men.

"It is not hard to plant the Christian religion with them,

for they do not have anything prior; the only thing that

strikes them is that they fear that by it they will lose

their freedom, and that the priests will lay taxes on them

. . .

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 93

[1715

They choose an animal for their spirit or genius, and this

they never shoot, but it is revered above all others."

(Anec. Benz. p. 44)

We may here add that on his arrival home, Pastor Bjorck

preached in the Skara Cathedral on the subject of his

experiences. Among other things, he said: "I have been off

among people of all kinds of erroneous doctrine, and among

wild heathen, but in all the seventeen years I was there, I

never heard so much swearing as I heard in two hours at

Marstrand. . . and yet they boast of their evangelical

doctrine and Christian faith. God save us from the dreadful

and prevailing stortro, I mean the hateful otro."* These

words would find sympathy with the good Bishop, and doubtless

they formed at times the subject of talk between him and his

son in connection with brother Jesper's work. (Amer. Illum.

p. 96)

* Stortro = enormous faith; otro = lack of faith.

But Swedenborg's main business in Upsala was to discuss the actual carrying out of that plan of which he had thought more than once while on his foreign journey, the plan namely, of taking Polhammar's inventions in hand, making drawings of them and writing descriptions, and publishing them as the beginning of a scientific society. Of course, his own inventions were also to be included; and he hoped to get financial support from one or other of the State Colleges so soon as he made known the great and practical value of the inventions described. (OQ. 1:227, 229 = LM. pp. 58, 61)

In Upsala he would find the material for his work in that rich collection of Polhem's papers which had been sent from time to time to the Collegium Curiosorum, and which had been preserved by Benzelius.

Both in his brother's house and in the Library, he must more than once have met with the members of this College, and discussed mechanics, physics, astronomy, etc., and particularly Polhem's and Swedenborg's inventions and the establishment of a learned society with help received from the State.*

* The Collegium Curiosorum continued its meetings until 1719 (Brefwaxling XXIII).

It was during this visit in Upsala that Swedenborg's ideas took definite shape in the decision to publish the Daedalus Hyperboreus (Northern Daedalus), and it was here, on October 23rd, 1715, that he wrote the Preface which was to introduce the first number of this the first learned periodical to be produced in Sweden.

The Daedalus Hyperboreus constitutes in effect the Transactions of the Collegium Curiosorum, and in its pages were printed "Specimens of the conferences and correspondences of the Society." Indeed, this is implied in one of the articles in the first number of the journal, an article commencing: "Among the letters the aforesaid Association has been pleased to send to those who were of the Society already mentioned is a letter to the learned Librarian," etc. It is also recognized by Polhem who, when he

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 94

[1715
Fall

heard of Swedenborg's intention, wrote (Dec. 7, 1715) and congratulated him on his design to print under his own editorship and at his own cost, "the curious and useful things in Physico-mathematics and mechanics which the Collegium Curiosorum in Upsala and he himself have assembled; for which," he adds, "mein Herr deserves much thanks and renown, if not now while the country's cloudy day endures, yet probably, by men in future when our Righteous God vouchsafes that His Sun of grace shall again rise." Polhem had expressed the wish to have the transactions published at the very beginning of the Society, and even suggested that two pages be published weekly as a supplement to the Stockholm weekly newspaper. But this involved cost without the slightest prospect of profit. And though Polhem might have afforded it, this was not in his character. And so the Society waited five years until Swedenborg returned and decided to do the work at his own cost. (Brefwaxl. XXII-III; OQ. 1:235 = LM. p. 73; Bring, Pol. p. 73)

Many must have been the discussions as to whether to print the journal in Latin or in Swedish; but Swedenborg's view prevailed, the view, namely, that it was desirable to teach the people, and also necessary, if a real learning was to be established in Sweden. This was his consistent policy for the first few years of his literary life, until in 1720, despairing of success in the midst of the universal frivolity, he turned to the learned and Latin world, and thenceforth addressed his learned works to his world alone.

The first number of the Daedalus Hyperboreus appeared in Stockholm and Upsala in January 1716, but there can be little doubt that it was planned and written at least in large part during the Autumn visit made by Swedenborg to Upsala.

Of the contents of this first number, we shall speak later. But now is the best time to consider the Preface, containing the first words addressed to the public by Swedenborg the scientist and natural philosopher. It reads:

"That which is now brought forth to the light of day is the

fruit and the firstling, as it were, of the correspondence

which some learned men in Upsala and lovers of the

mathematical sciences have had with our Swedish Archimedes

Herr Assessor Christopher Polhammar. In all times it has been

a lamentable fact that one puts little value on a

praiseworthy thing so long as it is still possessed; but when

it has been lost, then we have missed it.

"Virtue uninjured we hate;

But seek it with envy, when gone from our sight.

"In order to prevent this, some learned men in Upsala, as

already stated, have for five years, by letter writing,

compared their thoughts with the aforesaid Herr Polhammar,

and have received his replies wherein are many profound

views, new experiments, inventions, and machines calculated

to throw light both on mechanics in general and also on

physics in general and in particular; on astronomy; yes, and

on economics; wherein, generally, no further investigations

have been made beyond what has been at one time established,

and each and every one deems that to be sufficient which

father and mother did before him.

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 95

[1715
November

"Foreigners hold, for the most part, that our cold northern

lands are little given to the mathematical sciences. But they

judge blindly, and have been led so to think because with

them there has been more opportunity and more encouragement

for the cultivation of these sciences, and, in consequence

thereof, they have accomplished more. Especially may one

commend their societies or the meetings of the learned there,

where each and every one is given the freedom to express a

new opinion, to compare it with others, and then, when it is

proved to be well founded, to give it to the public.

"We would encourage ourselves in the hope of the same thing

when the all-radiant God grants to our incomparable Monarch

peace and tranquillity from his many fierce enemies.

Meanwhile, it is proposed to publish something every two or

three months, sometimes on Mechanics, such as new hoisting

and pumping machines, clocks, etc.; sometimes on Astronomy,

wherein our northern observations can throw such signal light

on those made in southern lands; sometimes on Economics, such

as house building, the construction of fireplaces and ovens,

etc.

"One lives in the confident expectation that this publication

will be regarded and received just as it is offered, with

good will for general service. Farewell.

Upsala, October 23, 1715

Emanuel Swedberg."

Swedenborg left Upsala on Sunday morning, November 20th, and arrived in Stockholm the next morning. This was his first visit to the capital since his infancy, unless he had gone to Stockholm before visiting Upsala, which is not probable. The city with its sixty thousand inhabitants would have seemed small to him, but perhaps its close confinement to the narrow quarters of a small island and its narrow streets reminded him of the crowded condition of London and Paris. (OQ. 1:232 = LM. p. 69; Bring, Chas. XII, p. 508).

He found the place in great excitement over the prospect of Charles XII's arrival.

Stralsund was now closely besieged. Defeat was a certainty,

and on December 12th it came; but Charles had escaped on the

preceding day, and it was von Ducker and not Charles who

capitulated. But this was later. At the time of which we are

now speaking (November, 1715), news of the narrow straights

in which the King was, had spread to Stockholm, but nothing

certain was known. "Some shut him up in Stralsund (writes

Swedenborg on November 21st) and give him no way of getting

out; some vainly gladden themselves with his homecoming and

expect him here this afternoon - at the court, carriages are

all ready to go to meet him. Yet it is the general opinion

that he has escaped; that after his horse was shot under him,

he ran two thousand paces on foot before he got another

charger.*

* This refers to the attack on Rugen. This was on the night of Nov. 4, 1715, when the Swedes, numbering 2,000 men, were led by Charles himself against the Prince of Anhalt at the head of twelve thousand men who had just landed in order to capture the island and thus complete the siege of Stralsund. At this battle, the King was dismounted and narrowly escaped death at the hand of a Danish officer, whom he shot. He himself, however, was wounded but succeeded in escaping to Stralsund, being obliged to abandon his soldiers. With the taking of Rugen, the holding of Stralsund became impossible, and its surrender was but a matter of days. (Voltaire, Charles XII, Boston, pp. 422-24.)

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 96

[1715
November

This would redound to his glory, since the Hollander says

that the Swede would be the best soldier in the world if he

knew how to run away." (LM. p. 69)

In the city Swedenborg finds his sister Hedwig and her husband, his new brother-in-law Lars Benzelius who is a Master of Mines and is on the way to becoming an Assessor in the College of Mines. They had been married July 18th the preceding year (1714), and when Swedenborg visited them in November 1715, he found a little nephew, another Ericulus., five months old.

In Stockholm also he found his brother-in-law's younger brother Gustaf who was one year Swedenborg's senior and who was now employed in the Riksarkiv.

Another friend of his schooldays, with whom he again joined in friend ship, was the future Bishop A. O. Rhyzelius who was a second cousin to the Benzelii.

Rhyzelius was the learned Magister who had written the Greek

lines for Swedenborg's Select Sentences. He was now Curate

in the great church in Stockholm, and also Court Preacher,

and now he had been appointed by Charles XII as Chaplain to

the court and to the famous Drabant Regiment.

One of Swedenborg's first steps with a view to carrying out his project of founding a college of mechanical learning was to examine the models of Polhem's inventions which were to be found in Stockholm.

In 1697, the Regent Government had given Polhem

permission to establish a "mechanical laboratory" which was

to be supported by the Bergscollegium with an annual grant of

1500 d.s.mt; its officials were to be Polhem, Chairman, a

cabinetmaker to work from plans, an apprentice, and a smith

and his apprentice. The plans were elaborate and might have

led to something had it not been for the poverty of the

country. Polhem also was partly responsible for its failure,

for he was more interested in his private manufacturing

projects at Stiernsund and, to a less degree, in his mining

work at Falun where he had the title, without pay, of

Director of Mechanics. He had, therefore, no time to give to

his mechanical laboratory. A man serving as both smith and

carpenter was employed for a time, but he seemed to have been

left pretty much to himself, for Polhem was occupied merely

with theoretical experiments. No further effort was made to

institute investigations into mechanics or to establish a

school. The appropriations were needed by the Government for

other purposes, and when the one employee died in 1706, all

work seems to have stopped. It may be noted however, as a

tribute to Polhem's genius, that his Mechanical Laboratory is

"undoubtedly the first effort to establish in Sweden an

institution for technico-mechanical instruction." (Bring,

Polhem, pp. 31, 24, 35)

Charles XII first heard of Polhem's many gifts after he

had retreated to Bender. Early in 1712, Stenbock, for whom

Polhem had invented some military improvements, wrote highly

of him to the Government. Shortly before October, 1711, the

Collegium Curiosorum of Upsala, at Polhem's request, had sent

to the King in Bender a letter of recommendation for Polhem,

complaining that owing to poverty, a man of a rare genius

never before known in our land, must confine himself mostly

to more theory. At the same

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 97

[1715
November

time, Polhem himself wrote, giving a list of his inventions.

Charles was at once greatly interested, and orders were given

to support Polhem, to see that he was paid, and to grant

privileges to his works at Stiernsund - for Charles himself

had mathematical and mechanical genius. When Charles came to

Stralsund, Polhem had orders to go there as soon as possible.

This was not done. Despite the King's urgency, however,

Polhem's Mechanical Laboratory was not supported. The models

that had been constructed were neglected and part of them

were taken to Falun; in fact, the laboratory itself seemed to

have moved to Stiernsund, and nothing further is heard of it.

But the King still supported experiments conducted at

Stiernsund. (Ibid. pp. 41-3, 45, 48-9, 32; OQ. 1:238

= LM. p. 78)

Many of the models had been stored in the Bergscollegium

on Mynt Torget, and lay there neglected and covered with

dust. It was these that Swedenborg designed to study, with a

view to describing them (and possibly of improving upon

them), and bringing them to public notice in a work which

should usher in the establishment of a college of technical

and scientific learning in Sweden. Thus, to Swedenborg also,

as well as to Polhem, must be ascribed the foresight which

ultimately led to technical education.*

* A collection of models, called "Polhem's Mechanical Alphabet", is preserved at Falun in the Stora Kopparberg's Museum. (HLO)

Concerning his examination, he writes in a letter to Benzelius, after he had been in Stockholm only five or six weeks:

"The models in the Bergscollegium are perishing from time to time.

In six or ten years they will be useful only for the fire, unless

I wish to avert their fate by means of a little brass

and a little ink and paper," (LM. p. 75)

Doubtless, he is here referring not to any actual repairing of the machines - it was far from his intention to spend his time in such pottering and useless work - what he meant was that he would give them new life if by money and the ink and paper of the press he could introduce them to the world and so demonstrate their usefulness - and this in the projected Daedalus Hyperboreus.

It is the bringing out of the Daedalus Hyperboreus that occupies his time and attention. While he had obtained the material for the first number from the Collegium Curiosorum at Upsala whither Polhem had sent papers from time to time; yet there was much to be done; calculations were to be made, descriptions to be rewritten, to say nothing of the writing up of Swedenborg's own inventions.

"Literary occupations," Swedenborg writes, "are my amusement

every day. It is impatience alone that causes me some

anxiety, and anxiety somewhat disturbs my affairs here."

(OQ. 1:233= LM. p. 741)

The first article for the opening number of the Daedalus Hyperboreus "On the Ear Trumpet" - probably written at Upsala - had been sent by Benzelius to Polhem together with the Preface, and on December 7th, Polhem, in his first letter to Swedenborg, of whom of course he had known by repute, says that, from the description of the ear trumpet, he judges Swedenborg to be a "quick mathematician who will be of fine service in the carrying out of these and similar undertakings." He also likes the Preface, but suggests

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 98

[1715
December

less praise of himself, because "for a native brought up at home, no such great renown can be expected, especially in his own time." He refers to Swedenborg's designation of him as the "Swedish Archimedes." (OQ. 1:233, 236, 235 = LM. pp. 74, 73)

Polhem writes in a similar tone to Benzelius, who appears to have written him as to the prospects of Swedenborg finding some employment:

"I note that young Herr Swedberg," he says, "is a quick

mathematician and excellently fitted for the mechanical

sciences, so that if he continues therein in the way which he

has shown in this commencement, he will in time be able to be

of great service to the King and his Fatherland, either in

this or in some other matter."

He goes on to say that when he had been at Carlscrona last summer, where he had been waiting to obey the King's summons to Stralsund, he had noticed many cases where mechanics could save a hundred thousand dalars every year. Moreover, he adds, manufacturing now offers great opportunities in Sweden if only peace comes and the King returns safely. He then continues:

"If I, in any way, can be of service to Herr Swedberg, I

would do this so much the more since it may contribute to the

service and honor of the Fatherland, it being a matter of

rejoicing that there are young and undisturbed* minds which

do not allow the present conjuncture of circumstances so far

to prevail, that they let themselves be hindered from fine

aspirations which are the same time useful," He adds that

while he has not thoroughly studied Swedberg's article on the

ear trumpet, yet he has no doubt of its correctness in all

its details. "It would be my greatest pleasure and delight,"

he continues, "if he would be so good as to compare his

things with mine, orally, and he is always welcome at my

house whenever he pleases."

* That is, undisturbed by the critical state of the country.

He then asks Benzelius to send back such of his papers as Swedenborg wishes to bring out, that he might look them over. (OQ. 1:237)

A like invitation to visit him at Stiernsund is politely intimated by Polhem when writing to Swedenborg on December 19th, in answer to the latter's request for a copperplate and some particulars as to one of his inventions. Polhem finds it would take too long to give the particulars in a letter,

"but," he adds, "if mein Herr had a desire to devote himself

with diligence to the study of mechanics, I should wish that

my poor accommodations were suitable for him for the purpose

of frequently conferring orally, then I would hope we might

find enjoyment on both sides. . . As soon as mein Herr has

printed what is intended, and wishes to undertake something

else that is new, it would be useful if I could have oral

conference concerning it, and, provided it would not

otherwise be troublesome to mein Herr to travel so long a

distance, I would prize it as a great honor and pleasure if

mein Herr was pleased to visit me at Stiernsund." (OQ.

1:238 = LM. p. 78)

Swedenborg had not only the literary part of his work to consider, but also the engraving of the plates necessary to illustrate the Daedalus Hyperboreus; for without plates, the work would have little value. His own

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 99

[1715
December

knowledge of engraving would doubtless be useful, but would not suffice if the machines to be described were Falun or Stiernsund. We can imagine, therefore, his pleasure when his stepbrother Anders Swab, Mining Master at Falun, and his old tutor Doctor Moraeus came from Falun on a visit to Stockholm, and gave him hopes that Geisler the Surveyor of the Falun mines would be willing to make drawings of the machines there. "As he is the cleverest and most delightful painter in Sweden, in this small but intricate mining works," Swedenborg writes, "I flatter myself to obtain thereby some very curious pieces which will serve for ornaments and golden tapestry in this common work," namely, in the Daedalus Hyperboreus which Swedenborg and Benzelius held as a matter of common interest. (OQ. 1:233 = LM. p. 74).

It does not seem that Swedenborg got anything from Geisler; certainly he did not publish any plates by him.

But he wrote to Polhem asking for a copperplate of a machine which was to be described in the Daedalus Hyperboreus. The plate, however, had been lent to a student and could not be got in time for the first number. It is probably the plate printed in the second number - a plate which had been made in Amsterdam in 1694, and it is wholly unlike the other plates in Swedenborg's work, which latter were executed by a Stockholm engraver by the name of Aveln, whose work, however, was not satisfactory. (Daed. Hyper. p. 25; OQ. 1:249 = LM. p. 100)

It would seem that Swedenborg's original intention had been to dedicate the first number of Daedalus Hyperboreus to the King; but he was dissuaded from this by his brother-in-law, perhaps because he had not obtained permission. At any rate, we have the fact that when the four numbers of Daedalus Hyperboreus for 1716 were issued in a separate volume, they appeared in two forms:

1. With a title-page containing a verse beginning Daedalus en auras and following by (1) a Dedication to the King, and (2) an Address to the Reader, dated October 23, 1715.

2. The same title-page, but followed only by the Address to the Reader, word for word the same though with some variation in spelling, but dated December 23, 1715.

Thus it would appear that Swedenborg had already written (and perhaps printed) the Dedication to the King, the Address to the Reader of October 23, 1715, and the opening pages of the journal itself before he left Upsala; but after deciding to give up the Dedication, he had the Address to the Reader set up by the Upsala Publisher's head office in Stockholm, and dated it December 23, 1715. Then he used the already printed Dedication with the Address dated October 23rd, at the end of the year, "if conditions warrant," when the four numbers were issued as a separate volume.* (OQ. 1:252 = LM. 105)

* Besides the two title-pages mentioned in the text, there are also two title-pages for number 1 of the Daedalus Hyperboreus:

1. Containing a verse beginning Saecula vel redeunt and inscribed "Stockholm."

2. The same as the above, but with "Printed in Upsala" instead of Stockholm.

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 100

[1716
January

That Swedenborg intended the first number of Daedalus Hyperboreus to be dedicated to the King, who was now in Sweden, would seem to be indicated by the following words which Swedenborg wrote to his brother-in-law early in December:

"As to the Dedication, I must obey you; since you

foresee something there, I also will make it appear that I

penetrate into the same thing, though I should be able to

flatter myself of a little reward thereby; but as concerns

more advantageous views, obedience to your counsel shall

prevail over all interest."

The literary work thus undertaken by Swedenborg was entirely at his own expense, and the cost or the prospective cost evidently gave him some concern, for by now his finances had become so low that, to use his own words, "a single stiver was precious." (OQ. 246 = LM. p. 94)

"A single word to my father from you on my behalf," he

writes to Benzelius early in December, "will be more than

twenty-thousand remonstrances from me; without making any

recommendations [i.e., without directly asking the Bishop to

support the projected work] you can inform him of my project,

of my solicitude for studies, so that he will not imagine in

the future that I would waste time and, at the same time, his

money. One word from another will be worth more than a

thousand from myself. He well knows that you have the

kindness to be interested in my behalf, but he knows also

that I myself have a still greater interest for myself, and

it is because of this that he will challenge what comes from

me, more than what comes from you, my dear Brother." (Ibid.

234=75)

He goes on to refer to some commissions he had been asked to carry out in Stockholm. His sister Anna, differing perhaps from her mother, apparently liked to live in the fashion, and Swedenborg is frequently instructed to buy for her in Stockholm.

"I will see to the shoes for brother Eric", he writes,

"I wil also see to the petticoat, though the dyers have their

hands full; whole shops are being sent to their black

chambers in order to make all clothing more sombre, and, for

the present, everything that has been red or gay takes on the

color of mourning. It is this that hinders my sister's

petticoat from being dyed black." The reference is to the

funeral of the Queen Dowager. See Henrik Schuck's Fran det

forna Upsala, pp. 114-15, 118, 148-49, 150-51. (OQ. 1:234

= LM. p. 76; see ibid. 263 = 136)

When Swedenborg had arrived in Stockholm on November 21st, he had found the old Queen very ill. She died three days later, at the age of nearly eighty - her last words being a prayer that her grandson Charles XII would return home and save his country by making peace with his enemies.

She was buried January 17, 1716, without pomp or ceremony,

together with Charles XII's oldest sister Hedwig Sophia. A

ceremonious funeral had been planned, but this was

countermanded by Charles XII after his return to Sweden in

the middle of December, on the ground that times were too

hard to pay for ceremonious processions. The funeral,

therefore, was a very simple one, attended only by Archbishop

Steuchius and four members of the Royal Council. (Fryx.

29:126; Anteckn. om. Sv. Quinnor)

100

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 101

[1716
January

For the projected funeral pomp, Swedenborg wrote a poem which he entitled "The Funeral Pomp when the Queen Dowager of Sweden HEDWIG ELEONORA was borne to the grave followed by Crown and Scepter, the Court and the Army." Evidently Swedenborg wrote this funeral hymn before he knew of Charles XII's countermanding order; and it would appear that the writing was among those "literary occupations" which, as he wrote his brother early in December, formed his amusement every day. (OQ. 1:233 = LM. p. 74) The hymn itself has merits both for imagination and for style: (OP. p. 71)

Break thou the harp, O Sappho!

O Muse, snap asunder the strings so gladsome erstwhile!

Comes now unto thee the sad hour when words must be sung

Alone, without chords.

Sit at the tomb thou Glory

So oft spreading praise of the Swedes, the fair Swedes of the north,

To Europe's wide land; sit thee down, and now let thy words

In whispers be heard.

Goddess of Northern Glory!

So great with thy laurels, thy triumph, mourn thou in grief

Thy triumph is now sombre pomp, a chaplet thy crown

The seal of thy woe.

Scepter of Gold! which erstwhile

Smote men with its dread! Why so starlike gleamst thou with gems

When soon beneath earth's darksome sod, entombed thou shalt be

With this the sad urn.

Crown, with bright diamonds gleaming,

Which shone on the robe of thy Queen with rays as of light,

Lie now on the pillow in darkness, still and at rest

With jewels grown pale.

Court of the Swedes! once famed

By deeds of her Sires, once a star in Europa's bright crown.

Walk now in the gloomy procession. humble in state,

Deprived of thy Queen.

Army of Swea's 'Norsemen!

In grief form the rear of the pomp, your arms turned to earth;

Ye also will look to the ground, and will smite in your woe

Your sombre clad breasts.

Land of the Ancient Gothmen!

Once Goddess of War, and the fount of nations of old!

Thou Swea, with hair streaming loose and garments all torn

Mourn now in thy grief!!!

Swedenborg's letter to Benzelius of December, from which we have so often quoted, was written in French - of a kind; Swedenborg, however, seems not to have been aware that his French was not good, for at the end of the letter he writes:

101

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 102

[1736
January

"Pardon me, my dear Brother, that I write you in French.

The person whom one thinks of, he amuses in the ordinary

course; my thoughts are flowing in this language for the

present." (OQ. 1: 235 = LM. p. 77)

The opening number of Daedalus Hyperboreus was now in print, and in its issue of January 10th, Ordinaire Stockholmiska Post Tidender - a little weekly of 8 or 16 pages. 16mo - contained the following inserted by Swedenborg:

"It is hereby made known that it is intended every other

month to issue by the press at Upsala two or three sheets of

a book called Daedalus Hyperboreus or some new mathematical

investigations and operations made by Assessor Polhammar and

others in Sweden; and for a beginning in this new year 1716,

some ear tubes, a noise-tube, experiments on sound and the

like, have already been made by the aforesaid Herr Assessor;

and likewise two new hoisting machines described and invented

by Emanuel Swedberg. Copies are for sale at the booksellers

in Stockholm for the author's benefit, and may be bought for

less if one agrees to take the whole work."

The title-page of this first number reads: "DAEDALUS HYPERBOREUS or Some New Mathematical and Physical Investigations and Remarks made by Well-born Herr Assessor Palheimer and other ingenious men in Sweden and which now from time to time are submitted for the general advantage." Then follows the verse (in Latin): (OP. p. 80)

Ages return, and times of old do sport anew

Or Daedalus in very self relives his time;

'Twas he of old fled through the midst of foes,

As this, our Daedalus, flees now our foe,

The first article describes a simple but ingenious ear

trumpet invented by Polhem and presented by him to the Queen

Dowager, "now blessed with God." It "can be purchased of the

inventor" at a price according to the material used.

The second article, on the nature of sound, is taken from a

letter sent by Polhem to Eric Benzelius of the Collegium

Curiosorum. It consists of an investigation into the nature

of sound waves by a study of waves in water when stirred; of

the tremulation in a long hanging rope when either end is

struck; and in empty balls in contact with each other. Such

phenomena are presented as the time-distance between the

seeing of a shot fired, and the hearing of it; the difficulty

of making oneself heard from above as compared with from

below which is illustrated by the sound of kettle drums or

bells heard from a height or from a depth; the fact that

water running in a long pipe will always come out with a

spiral turn to the right; and that in Lapland, thunder is

heard more plainly in the valleys than on the mountain tops.

From these phenomena, all of which are explained, some

interesting deductions are made as to the nature of sound and

hearing as being pendent on tremulations.

This is followed by an account of "experiments in connection

with sound that remain to be made in our own country. "It is

our intention,"

102

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 103

[1716
January

says the writer, evidently Swedenborg himself, "hereafter

always to present something which will excite the industry

and desire of others; and this in order to show that our land

has more manifold advantages for making experiments than any

other; which later could serve for throwing light on our

machines, and also would make some noteworthy contributions,

useful both for other societies and for our own land."

The suggested experiments are for the finding of the

speed of sound waves; for the study of echoes - here

reference is made to St. Paul's whispering gallery and of the

directions and reverberations of sound in mines and in

different states of wind and weather.

It is in connection with this article that Swedenborg wrote his "Experiment on Echo" which is now preserved in Linkoping. (Phot. 1:205-6)

The article on the noise-tube describes an invention by

an unknown man which, if it works out practically as

indicated by the theory, "its usefulness would certainly

correspond to its price." It is a large instrument (some 75

feet x 30) built something in the shape of a megaphone. If

put on the top of a high hill, and if a cannon be then

sounded near its small opening, the sound will be heard

thirteen miles away - instead of less than two. "By this

plan," continues Swedenborg, with an eye to the times, "the

appearance could be produced of a battle being close at

hand." The sounds of rifles would be thought to be that of

cannons. Still greater would be the noise if two noise-tubes

were combined, but then "it would be well to put wax in one's

own ears."

Swedenborg adds some geometrical and arithmetical notes

on the construction of this noise-tube, and in the course of

this, he gives a new method for finding the harmonic

proportions in an equal-sided hyperbole. (Enestrom, pp. 6-7)

The above articles describe Polhem's inventions, but the descriptions themselves and the mathematical calculations that accompany them were all the work of Swedenborg. (Bring, Polhem, pp. 77, 78)

The rest of this number of the Daedalus is filled by a

description of two hoisting machines invented by Swedenborg

himself. One is an improvement of one of Polhem's, enabling

the hoisting rope to go up and down at will. Swedenborg had a

small model made of this machine (see Daedalus Hyperboreus).

The whole issue fills twenty-three pages - the last page

being blank - and includes three plates.

During this stay in Stockholm, Swedenborg came across and purchased a book dealing with a subject to which he was particularly devoted, namely, a Latin book entitled A Method of finding out the Longitude by Land or Sea, with Demonstrations and plates showing the instruments. London 17157, by Dorothea Alimari, a professor of mathematics in Venice. Swedenborg gives the work short shrift, characterizing it as "mere speculation and nothing more." (OQ. 1:254 = LM. p.109)

103

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 104

[1716
February,

From Stockholm, Swedenborg went to Stiernsund, though probably, he first spent Christmas at Brunsbo where doubtless he experienced the "amusements" which later he told Benzelius had "distracted his thoughts." At Stiernsund he met, for the first time, Christopher Polhem and his wife and family. The children - four daughters and one son - were:

Maria, aged 17;

Gabriel, nearly 16, the future helper with the Canal Works;

Emerentia, 12-1/2;

Hedwig, 10-1/2

Elisabeth, 8. (OQ. 1:239, 245 = LM. pp. 85, D92; Altar-taflor)

The works at Stiernsund were established in 1700 by

Polhem in partnership with the wealthy Count Gabriel

Stiernkrona (after whom the place was named); see above p.

35. (Bring, Pol. pp. 103,105)

In 1712, Charles XII had given Polhem freedom from taxes for

all his raw materials and products for ten years. His workmen

also were free of all personal taxes. Stiernsund was,

therefore, in a very prosperous condition at this time, and

orders could not be filled. (Ibid. p. 106)

Swedenborg made but a short stay here, but it was sufficiently long for him to note the many remarkable machines invented by Polhem and in actual use. (OQ. 1:239 = LM. p. 85)

Polhem refers to this visit in a letter which he wrote to Benzelius some weeks later, it being to the latter that he was indebted for his coming into contact with Swedenborg:

"Some time ago," he says, "Herr Swedberg was here

staying with me, when I became acquainted with his quickness

and good qualities, and therefore I am so much the more

willing to leave him my small scientific pieces to bring them

out; for by his previous learning and knowledge in

mathematical matters, he is prepared for this, and capable."

(OQ. 1:289; 1:243 = LM. p. 88)

Polhem was not only a mechanical genius, he was also a

man of much deep thought, and had he been more highly

educated, he might have made his name even in Philosophy. He

has left behind him an immense number of essays, reflections,

dialogues, etc., on a great variety of subjects, but all

showing reflection and sometimes original thought; in which

productions we find more than one idea which, if Swedenborg

talked with Polhem on the matter, must have suggested or

confirmed ideas which Swedenborg himself later brought out in

his printed works.

Thus, Polhem explained sympathy and antipathy by the

supposition that thought has a materia and thus can pass

through walls, etc., as easily as sound and vision. To this

materia he ascribed dreams. Confer Tremulation p. 13.

(Bring, Polhem, p. 67)

On the subject of creation, while he accepted the Mosaic

account, he yet hold that it must be taken as being

figurative. Creation was from nothing only in the sense that

air is nothing; but actually creation was from an infinite

materia "which God made into a finite." He attributed gravity

to pressure. (Ibid. p. 62, 68)

His genius for mechanics led him to think that all

nature is connected together like the links in a chain of

which none can bear the other if any are missing.

104

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 105

[1916
March

Certainly, Swedenborg on this first meeting with the great Polhem, whom he had admired so often at a distance, and whom he described as the Swedish Archimedes, must have listened to him eagerly. Swedenborg was then nearly twenty-eight years old, while Polhem was fifty-four and in the very prime of his life and powers.

Evidence of Swedenborg's interest - and also, incidentally, of his prospects shortly to be realized of comfortable financial circumstances - is afforded us in the fact that during this visit he promised to rewrite and publish a little work by Polhem on "Wisdom's second foundation for the Honor of Youth, the Use of Manhood, the Delight of Old Age." This work was designed to be a course of 57 graduated lessons in arithmetic, geometry and algebra, and impressed Swedenborg so greatly that, as stated, he undertook to publish it. Writing to Benzelius from Brunsbo on February 14th, he describes it as "commencing in the easiest manner and going on gradually to more difficult matters." A month later, March 4th, when he sends the copy to Benzelius to be given to the printer, he writes:

"I send herewith to d: Brother a little work which

Polhammar has commenced and intends to give out from time to

time. It is a mathematical course consisting solely of

geometry, arithmetic and algebra - of which this is the first

and easiest [lesson]. I promised to put it in print, which I

also intend to do, at my own expense, if there is no one

disposed to undertake it in my stead; and since it is so

useful for beginners and others, it should in all probability

win favor. Perhaps the printer would publish it at his own

cost, for I have no desire to act in such a case as silent

partner, or as bookseller or publisher, since I do not see

there is any occasion of bringing into the undertaking

anything for my own recommendation." (OQ. 1:240, 241 =

LM. pp. 87, 89; Bring, Polhem. p. 98)

Polhem himself refers to the same work in a letter of March 6th to Eric Benzelius:

"I gave Herr Swedberg," he writes, "a little beginning or

introduction to a mechanical and mathematical work for the

instruction of growing youth. Herr Swedberg said he would

have it printed; but as there cannot be so much hurry with

it, I should gladly learn what Messieurs the Mathematicians

in Upsala think of it, and what could be improved in it. It

does not matter to me whether my name appears on it or not,

if only it could be so used that youth would get some benefit

from it; and as soon as it is observed that it is in demand,

the work can be increased to become a considerable book, even

though the beginning is so small and simple." (OQ. 1:243)

Benzelius duly saw this first part of the work through the press (12 pages 8vo and one plate with the legend "lemnad af C.P."). It does not appear to have found much favor. At any rate, no other parts have since been printed, and it remained for Swedenborg himself to write the first treatise on algebra ever published in Swedish. (Bring, ibid. p. 257)

After leaving Stiernsund, Swedenborg went to Starbo, where he owned a furnace some fifty miles west by south, to that residence which had belonged to his own mother, and to which he himself was greatly attached, especially when he wished to engage in quiet study. Here he prepares the copy for Number II of the Daedalus Hyperboreus. He wrote to Eric Benzelius promising MS. for D.H. II (Om Jarnet p. 79; OQ. 1: 296 = LM. p. 224)

105

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 106

[1716
March

From Starbo he goes to Skarviken, a place in Vermland where, according to Swedenborg's work Om Jarnet, there was an iron works; probably a part of Swedenborg's property. He goes there on business, and his business turns out to be most successful:

"In Skarviken," he writes, "I became richer than

otherwise, from which I hope in time to be able to be of some

great service to my Brother. (OQ. 1:246 = LM. p. 94)

At any rate, he is able to send him a considerable remittance in March, and adds that any balance still due from him "shall be settled with thankfulness." He completes Daed. Hyperboreus II. (Om Jarnet p. 80)

From Skarviken, on February 14, 1716, he sends to Benzelius in Upsala practically the whole of the "copy" for number II of the Daedalus Hyperboreus, or most of it, in the hopes that some one can be found in Upsala who will read the proof. But he leaves space for Prof. Vallerius to insert his observation of the solar eclipse, "which he himself can translate into Swedish and leave it with the printer, but [note the editorial qualification], it is understood he will be brief."* (OQ. 1:239 = LM. p. 86)

* Among Swedenborg's papers is an 8-page autograph entitled: "Johannis Vallerii, Observatio Ecclipseos Solaris, quare Upsaliae contigit totalis A. 1715 d. 22 April; St: v. horis antemeridianis," of which a German translation (abbreviated) appeared in Neue Zeitungen, Nov. 27, 1715, pp. 378-80. Although in Swedenborg's hand, this document is Vallerius's composition. It describes the means by which the eclipse was observed, the last page containing the observation itself as subsequently printed in the Daedalus, save that in the latter it is put in Swedish, while in the MS. it is in Latin. It would appear that Swedenborg had copied it when examining the transactions of the Collegium Curiosorum at Upsala, but finally decided to publish only the actual observation which he asked Vallerius to translate into Swedish. Or perhaps he copied it to send to Dr. Halley; In the Philosophical Trans. of 1715, n. 343 p. 245, the latter had contributed a long account of this eclipse, together with the observation of a considerable number of persons in different parts of England (see also p. 314 where accounts from abroad are published). Vallerius found only one page was available. The observation was made with the telescope and quadrant bought in London by Swedenborg. (E. et A. I:p. 75)

From Skarviken he returns to Brunsbo, where he sets to work preparing for the press the Polhem work - or, at any rate, the first installment of it - which he had promised to print. By March 4th, it is ready, and he sends it off to Upsala by the printer's apprentice Hakan.*

* It was printed as "Wishetens andra Grundwahl til ungdoms prydnad, etc. The second foundation of knowledge for the adornment of youth, the use of manhood, and the delight of old age. Adapted for the young according to their advancing years; divided into daily lessons. The first book containing a little taste of that which will be further treated of in those that follow. Given by C. Polhem (12 pages 8vo and 1 plate)." This was the first work by Polhem that was printed.

It is to this date, or perhaps a little earlier at Starbo, that we must ascribe a series of notes by Swedenborg which he entitled De Causis Rerum. The date is indicated by the opening paragraph to a ball moving in water as compared with the motion of the planets. This was the title

106

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 107

[1716
March

of a paper by Polhem, which Swedenborg intended for Daedalus II; but while this number was bring printed, Polhem wrote to Benzelius and withdrew it. (Sc. and Phil. Tr. I:1 p. 3)

The writing of this paper so soon after Swedenborg had first met Polhem suggests that the paper reflects the latter's ideas which Swedenborg notes together with some reflections of his own. This perhaps has a bearing on the way round particles are spoken of in no. 2. (See LM. p. 89)

But all the time he is eager for something that will give him a definite position and employment. Thus far, he has been merely spending money, not earning it, and the Daedalus Hyperboreus had little chance of affording profit. He is especially eager to bring this journal to the notice of Charles XII.

On February 14th, he writes to Benzelius, when sending the copy for No.II from Skarviken:

"I should wish from the heart that this [the second number]

were ready, the sooner the better - so that I could get a

couple of copies of it to Ystad while I were there and could

recommend it, together with the previous number." (OQ.

1:240 = LM. p. 87)

But all the time his thought is engaged on the establishing of a learned society devoted to mechanics and mathematics; and this he hopes might be done in some way at Upsala by the establishment of a professorship in mechanics, to which, of course, he hoped to be appointed. In the letter of February from which we have already quoted, he speaks briefly of the matter and adds:

"If I see no other way out, this proposition will probably be

given in the proper quarter" - meaning the King, whom he

hopes to see on his projected visit to Ystad. (Ibid.)

The journey to Ystad is, however, postponed; for Swedenborg learns that Charles XII is prolonging his stay at the northern frontier.

The King had left Ystad in February 1716, to make

certain arrangements at Karlstad, and afterwards to take his

place at the head of his army in a sudden attack on Norway.*

The attack failed, but Charles XII never returned to Ystad,

and in September he established his capital at Lund. (In this

journey he was accompanied by Estenberg.) (Nordberg, 2:560,

588-89, 585, 602; Bring, Chas. XII, p. 6l6s.)

* In order to keep the planned attack secret, no boats were permitted to leave Sweden, and this order was maintained until the end of April (Bring, Chas. XII, p. 424; Anecdota Benz. p. 52).

And so Swedenborg perforce turns his attention once more to a professorship. On March 4th, he writes to Benzelius from Brunsbo:

"Since the King is still at the Northern Frontier, the

journey to Ystad is postponed until I see how things turn

out; perhaps, therefore, I will remain in my resolution to

seek that of which I wrote to my Brother some time ago, to

wit: 1. Since a society in Mathesis would be as necessary and

useful as a philosophical, and

107

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 108

[1716
March

would heal our land more than even the latter would, both in

the establishment of manufacturers and in connection with

mines, navigation, etc., therefore, to such a society could

well be devoted one-seventh part of the sum which is

appropriated to the Academy. (OQ. 1:241 = LM. p. 90)

This would make a sum of 3,000 dal.s.m., which Swedenborg then proposes should be employed as follows: The Professor of Mechanics (presumably himself), 600 d. (about 4,800 Kr. or $1.250); a Secretary, for which office he proposed Eric Benzelius, 300 d. ($625.00); 4 colleges at 200 ($280.00) each, to be taken by Professors Vallerius, Elfvius, Roberg and Bromell; 4 Auscultants at 100 each ($140.00); the balance of 900 dal. ($1,875) to go for instruments, experiments, models, etc. The 3,000 was apparently to be obtained by reducing the Professors' salaries by one-seventh, which the four Professors mentioned above could augment by the Colleges.* (UUH. 2:2:65)

* Professors' salaries were 700 s.m. = L150 (Robinson, p. 65).

Although Swedenborg says that in making this suggestion "there is more of playfulness" than seriousness, yet, he continues, "if it should meet any one's consent, the recommendation of those who are concerned in the matter would then follow." There was evidently more of seriousness in the proposition than at first appears. (OQ. 1.242 = LM. p. 91)

It quite shocked Benzelius, however, and he was the more afraid in that he feared it might get to the ears of the Professors themselves and cause much trouble; and therefore he writes Swedenborg to this effect. The latter, answering on March 20th, 1716, writes:

"Never have I been or will become so forgetful of myself

and of my good standing at Upsala as to wish that Professors

should maintain their own injury through me; but by a

desperate and execrable proposition of this kind, I thought

to force my Brother's prudence and imagination to give out a

better one. If I framed it in raillery, I can well change it

by speaking the truth; especially as it has gone no further,

since I well concealed it in my Brother's envelope and under

my seal, so that no one is likely to have been able to get a

peep at it. Yet, I should wish that some plan could be given

for the establishment of a society." (OQ. 1:245 = LM. p.

93)

He then makes a new proposition, namely, to drop one each of the professorships in theology and medicine, and to abolish two professorships in the Philosophical Faculty by combining them with other professorships. This, however, would take time, and meanwhile he awaits a proposal from his brother-in-law.

While thus waiting at Brunsbo, he occupies his time in preparing copy for No. III of the Daedalus. He also proposes to engage in the study of the art of perspective, and for this purpose asks Benzelius to send him the Camera Obscura he had left in Upsala. Meanwhile, the proofs of No. II are sent to him for correction, together with Polhem's suggestions and corrections. And this, together with some other work, of which we shall speak later, served fully to occupy his time, to say nothing of the fact that in March he had "a touch of ague," i.e. intermittent fever. (OQ.1:242, 244-45, 246 = LM. pp. 91,93-4)

The second part of Daedalus Hyperboreus appeared in April, and was announced in the Ordinaire Stockholmiska Post-Tidender for April 24, 1716, in a notice written by Swedenborg, as containing:

"A Description of Assessor Palhammar's Blanckstot

machine, with a copperplate; and a handy method of reckoning

interest on

108

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 109

[1716
April

interest, to which is added the changing of Carolins, after

their rise, into whatever other kind of money is needed.

There are also other curious experiments and investigations

written up by Emanuel Swedberg; and it is for sale by the

booksellers M. Lang and Ruger in Stockholm and Upsala."

(OQ. 1:247, 250 = LM. pp. 95, 1O2; ACSD 98A)

The title-page of this second number in shortened and reads:

"II Daedalus Hyperboreus or Mathematical and Physical

Investigations and Remarks for the month of April, 1716,

described by Emanuel Swedberg, Upsala, 1716."

It will be noted that Swedenborg's name now appears openly on the title-page, as the author of all the articles and not merely of one or two.

The Introduction to the first article is characteristic both of Swedenborg and of the current thought in the country:

"Since in Sweden, mines are her chief riches and, as it

were, her treasure chamber, which stands open for access both

in war times and in peace; for they never fail, even when all

other means fail and are taken from us; therefore, it is

incumbent on each and every one of us to give his thoughts to

them that they may be developed and may ever attain to

greater and greater wealth and improvement. Now, since these

treasures lie deep underground and concealed in the hardest

rock, therefore it requires the help of many persons, and

especially of mechanics, to bring them forth with ever less

and less time and trouble, and in greater abundance and, in

consequence, that we may enjoy them to our greater advantage

and profit as time goes on. Now since our Swedish Archimedes,

Christopher Palhammar has shown his skill and ingenuity in

such matters, as an example we will commence by presenting

his first device for a hoisting machine at Blanckstotten in

Falun; and later, as occasion offers, others of his machines

which are in use here and there in Sweden, in order thereby

to give suggestions for many similar inventions."

The machine here described was invented by Polhem in 1690,

when he exhibited a model of it at the royal Castle before

Charles XI, who was so impressed with its value that he

provided Polhem with money for a foreign journey. After his

return, this machine, probably improved, was actually tried

in competition with the old method of hoisting by leather

ropes, and despite the opposition of the mining master and

the men, who feared that they would be deprived of work, it

won a decided victory. Polhem had a copperplate of it made in

Amsterdam, and it was this plate that Swedenborg borrowed to

insert in his Daedalus Hyperboreus - the only plate of

foreign workmanship in that journal. He had arranged, through

"Brother Gustaf," to have this plate printed in Stockholm.

(Bring, Pol. pp. 16, 24-5, cf. 22; OQ.1:240 = LM. p.

87)

With regard to the second article, in the letter from Skarviken of February 14th, which accompanied the "copy" for No. II, Swedenborg writes:

"I have also inserted Doctor Roberg's experiment or

investigation on saltmaking which I have completely altered

so that the trial can now better be made. . . If the Herr

Doctor wishes his name to appear, when it is so much altered,

it is left open to be inserted." (OQ. 1:239 = LM. p. 85)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 110

[1716
April

Professor Roberg evidently did desire that his name, or at any rate his initial should appear.

This paper, like Polhem's, was probably also among the transactions of the Collegium Curiosorum which Swedenborg had examined with a view to publishing. The subject was one of almost overwhelming importance to Sweden where, owing to the war, the importation of foreign salt had been so restricted that salt was obtainable only at prices prohibitive to the common people. The result was much sickness from the eating of unsalted meat in bad condition. It was doubtless this great need of salt that led to the writing and insertion of Roberg's article - as completely rewritten by Swedenborg - which accounts for the closing words of the article: "This, by request, at the present time." (Bring, Polhem. pp. 53, 511)

This great need of salt is referred to by Swedenborg in the article itself, which points out that water could be made more salty, and so more suitable for saltmaking, by freezing it several times and removing the ice each time.

"This experiment," Swedenborg continues, "or experience of

the truth, is in truth worth reflecting on, especially for

the people of Sweden, it being one among the calamities

resulting from the physical deficiencies of this land in

lacking salt . . . that its enemies can refuse it whenever it

will and so can overcome it by this means."

The article points out that to make salt by boiling "our sea water which is so weak, will be too costly, since nowadays all possible saving of wood has become necessary in Swedish economy." The writer therefore advocates experiments on making brine richer by repeated freezings, as already mentioned.

Swedenborg himself had intended to institute some of these experiments at the time he was writing up the article at Starbo; his intention having been to melt salt in water and then to weigh and otherwise test it before and after freezing. But evidently it was too warm at the time, for he writes that "the weather would not cooperate with me." (OQ. 1.239 = LM. p. 85)

In the third article in Daedalus Hyperboreus, he presents some "Experiments which can be instituted in winter time by means of our Swedish cold.

"The suggested experiments are: 1. As to the depth water

freezes in our northern cold; to be found by a tube, 20 ells

long and filled with water, to be vertically exposed to the

coldest weather. It would thus be found whether water freezes

at a greater depth than 17 ells, namely, as high as the

pressure of air pumps.

2. An to the manner of freezing when the pipe is open above,

when it is clothed with a wooden stopper, and when it is

closed by soldering.

3. As to the thickness of the ice; whether evenly thick; and

the differences, if the water be deep or shallow.

4. In very cold weather, the ice cracks and then sinks, as

shown by ice near shore being higher than that farther out;

it is proposed, therefore, to measure the extent of the

sinking or rising as compared with the rise and fall of the

thermometer. Thus data

110

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 111

[1716
April

might be obtained as to the pressure of fresh water."

In the Spring of 1717, when he formulates his new Theory of the Earth, Swedenborg makes use of this phenomenon to explain the cause of the Flood. (ACSD 138 S.8)

"These and other experiments," Swedenborg adds, "could

be carried on and actually made better in Sweden than in any

other place in the world; and should any one have the

curiosity to make trial in this matter, and afterwards

communicate the result, it would contribute both to his own

honor and to the use and enjoyment of others."

Of the next two articles, Swedenborg wrote to Benzelius, when sending him the copy, that he had left them "without name or sponsor; yet it is open to insert them." Benzelius, who was acting as the Managing Editor of this number of the Daedalus Hyperboreus, decided to insert both names. (OQ. 1:239 = LM. p.86)

Polhem's article explains how to calculate compound

interest by means of a graded angle. The explanation is not

clear, but the promise is made to show in a future number the

construction of an instrument by which the calculation can be

made in a moment. The triangle in question is shown in a wood

engraving, made in Upsala, perhaps by Hakan the apprentice to

the Skara printer Kjellberg, who went to Upsala to seek his

fortune and by whom Swedenborg sent to Benzelius the copy for

Polhem's little work on Algebra. Hakan, Swedenborg afterwards

found, could make wood engravings, and, writes Swedenborg,

"that would be needed." (OQ. 1:240-41, 246 = LM.

pp. 89-90, 94; Klemming, Boktryck p. 130)

Swedenborg's original contribution consists of extremely ingenious shortcut methods of changing one coinage into another - a very useful and necessary device in view of the different and complicated values of the different coinages at that time.

The article had considerable practical value, and this was fully appreciated by Swedenborg; indeed, he seems to have a similar fear as to its reprint for private profit, as Benzelius had with regard to the plates. Thus, about April 12th - probably a week or two before Daedalus was on public sale - he writes to Benzelius:

"In the Gazette there was something concerning a new method

of reckoning from Carolin dalers into dalers, etc.; I hope

that Werner in Stockholm has not copied off my article and

published it. It would probably sell for half a daler kop."

(OQ. 1:250 = LM. p.102)

The number closes with a record of the solar eclipse observed in Upsala, April 22, 1715, by Professor Joh. Vallerius. Among Swedenborg's Linkoping MSS. is a copy of this table, preceded by much writing in Swedenborg's hand. The table with some introductory matter was published in Neue Zeitungen for November 27, 1715, pp. 376-80. The MS. was printed word for word in Acta Eruditorum, 1716, p. l4.

This number of the Daedalus, which was printed in an edition

of 545 copies, contains only 16 pages and 2 plates, as

compared with the 23 pages and 3 plates of the more ambitious

no. I. (OQ. 1:240 = LM. p. 87)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 112

[1716
April

Swedenborg is evidently disappointed in it, for when sending the copy to Benzelius, he writes:

"At another time I hope to insert something more useful from

among the things which I collected during the short time I

was in Stiernsund." (OQ. 1:239. LM. p. 86)

Part II of the Daedalus was printed by April 1st, and a copy was at once sent by Benzelius to Swedenborg at Brunsbo. But this was without the plates which were added later before the work was put on public sale. Swedenborg received a parcel of copies in June, but these also were without the plates, which were sent separately. Meanwhile, Benzelius suggests that in future the price of the journal be printed on the first page, because the bookseller in Upsala raises his prices so high so that no copies are sold. This suggestion was never followed up. (OQ. 1:247 = LM. p. 103)

There was also trouble, or at any rate prospective trouble, with the printer of the plates, lest he print an extra number to sell on his own behalf:

"When the woodcut is printed off tomorrow," writes

Benzelius,". . . I shall be on hand so that the printers

shall not have any profit if they put aside some copies on

their own account." (OQ. 1:248)

A little later, when writing to Benzelius as to the contents of the third number of the Daedalus, he writes:

"I hope it will give more enjoyment than the former number,

since I have had more time and peace, the better to work it

out." (OQ. 1:249 = LM. p. 100)

When sending his original copy, Swedenborg had planned for a bigger number, but Polhem had withdrawn one of his articles for further study.* It appears that Swedenborg had not submitted this article to him before sending it to the printer, for in a letter in which Benzelius announces that No. II is out, he explains that Polhem has withdrawn his article on the swinging of a ball under water; he continues:

* The article on the motion of a ball in water.

"Polhem requests that whenever anything of his reasonings are

brought out, he may first be informed so that nothing may

come out which is not thorough and well matured."

Swedenborg, in return, expresses pleasure that the article is withdrawn, "for" he adds, "I was altogether too hasty with the whole of the last number." (OQ. 1:250 = LM. p. 101)

In a letter of April 2, 1716, wherein Swedenborg is informed that Daedalus II is now in print, Benzelius gives some welcome news:

"As to the Observatory," he writes, "it has so far advanced that the Governor [Ribbing] has promised to recommend to his Majesty that the best round tower at the castle shall be repaired for it. There are enough bricks to take from the ruins. Beams and other woodwork can be got from the city authorities. Means for repairs, I have come across here in the earth, to wit, the long iron pipes which served for the water supply from the mill to the castle, and which now lie and go to ruin. There are also

112

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 113

[1716
April

some fine metal pipes which are worth considerable and could

be used for this." (OQ. 1: 247, 248)

These iron pipes were laid in. 1662 by Olof Rudbeck, and

mainly at his own expense. The water was pumped by a wind

mill from St. Eriks Spring to the castle and thence to the

University and the town. Owing to the cost of repairs, etc.,

it was not long used. (Glas, p. 38; Alving, pp. 110-11;

UUH. 2:65)

In 1716, Ulric Eleonora was asked to grant the right to sell

these pipes. This was granted, and they or part of them (see

Benzelius Brefwaxling, XXIV) were sold for 8,977 dal.k.m.

(Glas, p. 38)

All these pipes, he adds, have already been sold.* He

then continues: "Instruments, as many as we have, they shall

get from the Library to begin with, For the rest, and the

annual income, I have thought that it might be drawn from a

monopoly in almanacs to wit, that only one person write

them." (OQ. 1:248)

* This sale refers only to the "fire metal pipes," for on Feb. 5, 1720, the Upsala Lit. Soc. moved to get permission to take up and sell the iron pipes for the use of an observatory; this request was granted, and the sale brought the Society 8,977 dal.k.m. (Bokwetts Oil., pp. 14, 137-38, 141-42, 145, 147-49, 153; Glas, pp.13-14).

Benzelius then turns to the Mechanical Laboratory. Swedenborg, it should be recalled, had proposed first the reduction of Professor's salaries - which quite shocked Benzelius - and then, the dropping of two or three professorships. Benzelius simply ignores this proposal. He writes:

"As to the salary of the Professor of Mechanics, I know

nothing better than that Herr Palhammar should become

ordinary Assessor of the College of Commerce, and my Brother

become Director in his place, and the laboratory Mechanic be

brought here to Upsala. Thus the Director's rank becomes

equal to a professor's. In my thought, the rest is a more

chimera." (Ibid.)

The prospect of having an observatory delights Swedenborg, and he suggests that when the matter comes more directly before the King,

"it would be well that he then got a model of observatories

in foreign lands, having a large balcony above and perhaps a

small one all around below." (OQ. 1:249 = LM. p.100)

As to the proposition for the Mechanical Laboratory, Swedenborg, while flattering himself at having by his own proposition

"brought out my Brother's imagination and prudence to give me

another that is more plausible," yet makes two objections to

it:

"1. There is no opening in the Commerce Collegium for any ordinary assessor," and

"2. The great delicacy of getting Palhammar to resign his present position."

Swedenborg, naturally, could take no part in this, but, he adds:

"if in any way his (Polhem's] approval could be got, I would

then spare no care and means to obtain it," i.e., appointment

as Director of the Mechanical Laboratory. (OQ. 1:250 =

LM. p.100)

113

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 114

[1716
April

But Benzelius's scheme meets objections from another source, namely, from the Professors who were members of the Collegium Curiosorum. What their objections were, we do not know. They were conveyed to Swedenborg in a letter from Benzelius written at the end of May, but which is now lost. Whatever the objections were, Swedenborg was quite indignant and was led to write the well known passage about mathematicians needing a practical man:

"I am surprised," he writes, "at the Herr Mathematicians,

who have lost all their force and driving power to bring to

actuality so fine a plan as that which my Brother has advised

them concerning the building of an astronomical observatory.

It is fate with mathematicians that they remain mostly in

theory. I have thought it to be a profitable thing if ten

mathematicians had one strong, practical man who could bring

the others to market. This one could thus acquire more renown

and useful works than all the ten." (OQ. 1:252 = LM. p.

106)

* By the "Herr Mathematicians," both Polhem and Swedenborg seem generally to have meant the mathematical members of the Collegium Curiosorum.

After this no more in heard of the iron and brass pipes, the sale of which was to provide for the observatory. Swedenborg would like to assist in the development of his Brother's plan, but he can do nothing.

Polhem, however, comes out with a new plan which he puts before Swedenborg in a letter dated September, which was addressed to him in Upsala. The plan was that the members of the Society should procure for the Collegium Curiosorum

"a general privilege on all the newer inventions which can be

hit upon by any private person with whom they themselves

could come into agreement in a reasonable way; but what can

be thereby gained as profit, they should devote to public

uses in such a way that a mechanical laboratory is formed in

Upsala."
Polhem suggests, in addition, that when peace comes, the 1,200 daler s.m. already appropriated for such a laboratory in Stockholm* might also be diverted to Upsala. Moreover, he continues,

"that the work might receive better consideration, and be con

served by more persons, the celestial observatory and the

Collegium Curiosorum should be combined." (OQ. 1:261 =

LM. p. 118)

* The amount originally appropriated was 1,500 dalers, but Polhem is either deducting his own salary of 300 dalers, or the appropriation has been reduced.

What Polhem has particularly in mind is a threshing

machine which he had recently invented. If the Collegium

Curiosorum could get the privileges referred to, they could

sell or hire out this machine at a profit which not only

would support the mechanical laboratory, the observatory and

the Collegium Curiosorum, but would give the inventor more

than he could ever get within "any certain time." Polhem's

plan was that the Collegium

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 115

[1716
June

should have half the profit, the inventor one-third, and the

director one-sixth. He suggests that if the "Mathematices"

agree to this plan, a letter might be addressed to the King.

Characteristic of the thoughts of many Swedes at that time

are his closing words: "If this and other such things could

be made to succeed in our time, I hope that the lack which

our dear Fatherland now has in reputation would thereby in

some way be mended; at any rate, the foreigner would note

that we are not discouraged by misfortune; otherwise, he has

known us to be proud in prosperity; from which the foreigner

now takes pains to deride our sad condition here in Sweden."

(OQ. 1: 261 = LM. p. 119)

The copy for the July Daedalus was sent to Benzelius as early as the middle of April, in order to invite criticism prior to printing, and to be sent on to Polhem in Stiernsund. He is anxious also as to the engraving of plates, which hitherto has been done by a Stockholm engraver named Aveln, whose work, however, was not satisfactory.

"I do not know" writes Swedenborg, "whether Dr. Roberg

can be persuaded to engrave in copper. The air pump is

already engraved as can be seen. Aveln makes very poor

letters and numbers, which occur in great abundance. All the

cost which otherwise is paid to Aveln I will also pay in

Upsala, since, presumably, it will then come out more

neatly." (OQ. 1: 249 = LM. p.100)

Whether Dr. Roberg accepted this offer or not, does not appear, but, judging from appearances, none of the subsequent plates in the Daedalus was by Aveln.

Whatever were Swedenborg's private means, he was at any rate glad to adopt a suggestion made by Benzelius, that it would be cheaper if the title of the Daedalus were printed on the text page. This also was done in future, except for the ambitious No. V. (OQ. l:251 = LM. p. 102)

The same feeling of the necessity for economy made him still more eager that some one else could be found to relieve him of his promise to print Polhem's work, of which he had already paid for the first sixteen pages.

"Will no one take it on him," he writes in June 1716,

"to provide the money for Palhammar's Wishetens andra

Grundwahl? Perhaps the continuation will be entirely too much

for me. Yet I think that the outcome will probably pay for

the work. If there is no one, I must be a promise-keeper and

do it from my own purse." (OQ. 1:253 = LM. p-107)

The outcome did not pay, for the work and circumstances became such that all thought of continuing it was out of the question.

All this time, Swedenborg is still waiting for the opportunity to wait on the hero King who, unknown to him, is now suffering repulses in the Norwegian War. Swedenborg will not leave Brunsbo, even for a visit to Upsala.

"I intend to remain here," he writes, "till something opens

up for me; for," he adds significantly, "I am nearer for the

forwarding of it in the proper quarter; also I have a

poetical work under print here in Skara." (OQ. 1: 250, 251

= LM. p.102)

115

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 116

[1716
June

Two months later, he is still in the same expectant mood, though. somewhat pessimistic. Referring to the need of his attending to the printing of Daedalus III, he writes:

"I should indeed myself be in Upsala, but one now knows not

what place one is safest in; and then it is my object to

spare all expense on my own account until I get a chance to

seek my luck, when the same resources might make my greatest

fortune if they be used." (OQ. 1:252 = LM. p.106)

The poetical work above referred to is a second and much enlarged edition of the Ludus Heliconius, which had been published in Greifswalde. It was enlarged by the addition of the poem to Count Cronhjelm, the funeral Ode on Hedwig Eleonora, and a number of small pieces. (Ibid. 250 = 102) This second edition consisted of an exact reprint of the first eighteen pages of the first edition, with new pages printed in Skara, and the remaining contents of the Gryphswalde edition. (OQ. 1:251 = LM. p. 102)

In the Daedalus Hyperboreus, Swedenborg gives us an account of some observations which he made at this time in company with his stepbrother

John Hesselius, and probably with a direct view to the

Daedalus Hyperboreus. Hesselius, who was then the

provincial physician of East Gothland (though without a

medical degree), was one year Swedenborg's senior. He made

his home at Brunsbo where in the evenings he greatly

delighted the pious Bishop by playing godly hymns on his bass

viol.

"Last winter [i.e. Jan. or Feb. 1716]," writes

Swedenborg, in the fall of 1716, "when a light but even snow

was still left on the ice to a depth of four or five inches,

I went out on the said ice in company with Joh. Hesselius,

Provincial Doctor of Westgothland, and with rifle loaded as

usual, and laid down a stick of three to four fingers'

thickness and rested thereon the end of the gun, and aimed

merely at the snow at a distance of 3.1 ells. And when the

gun was fired, we went to see the direction in which the

bullet had gone, and observed that it had bounded in and out

of the snow, making moderate distances between the bounds,

until it had reached to a distance of 332 ells, where we

found it in the snow. We measured between the bounds by

stepping, and noted that from the muzzle of the gun to the

first bound was 11 steps; from this to the second, 33 steps.

From the fifth to the sixth were 40; from the sixth to the

seventh, 32; to the eighth, 25, to the ninth, 19; from the

tenth to the eleventh, 11; to the twelfth, 18. From the

latter to the end, we counted 67 steps. And when the rebounds

went off into small divisions such as ells, feet, etc., there

came some interceding water, yet it was found that, with the

little force it had remaining, it had likewise hopped and

bounded over this. Each depression in the snow was about one

and a half or two fingers' deep, so that the bullet had

slanted up again without touching the ice. Previous to this,

I had tried the same experiment in a deep snow with bird

shot, with the same result." (Tottie 2:270; Daed. H. p. 84)

It was evidently Swedenborg's custom, even in his early years, as it certainly was in his later, to make notes on all his studies and observations. He at once committed to writing the facts with regard to his experiment on a bullet moving in snow, and this paper is preserved in Linkoping; and it is eloquent of the wide diversity of Swedenborg's interest, that on the same

116

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 117

[1716
June

sheet are notes on what Swedenborg has heard from a smith as to the best kind of bellows for furnaces; some astronomical notes, and some jottings on the cubic contents of 12 tuns of charcoal, and on the amount of alloy in the Swedish silver coins. (Phot. 1: 92)

In June 1716, his brother Eliezer, who was one year and seven months his junior, died. Of this brother we know nothing save that he was born September 1, 1689; that he entered Upsala in 1703 at the age of 14; that after the University, he devoted himself to mining work - presumably at Falun;* that he married a widow, Elizabeth Brink, who was five years his senior; and that he died in June 1716, at the age of 26-3/4.** (ACSD 10A, 98)
He had no children.

Exactly one year after her husband's death, his widow married

Anders Swab, his stepbrother, and after the latter's death,

on June 2. 1731, she married Johan Bergenstierna, one of

Swedenborg's fellow Assessors in the College of Mines.

(Altar-taflor)

* His name is not mentioned in the personnel of the Bergscol1egium, and therefore he was not in the service of the Collegium.

** Bishop Jesper Swedberg, in his Autobiography, says that Eliezer died at twenty-five, but this is an error. On August 1, Bishop Swedberg transferred to Eliezer's widow a part of the property in Sweden and Framsbacka which, on October 16th, she sold to John Moraeus. (ACSD 218A)

Swedenborg makes but a passing reference to the death of his brother, which must have been early in June and perhaps at Falun - at any rate, his wife was not at Brunsbo. On June 26th, Swedenborg writes:

"At the end of this week we expect Brother Lars and Sister

Hedwig here, and Herr Brother Eliezer's widow; we think they

are starting today."* (OQ. 1:254 = LM. p. 110)

* She had been the widow of Brandt of Skinnskatteborg (Hildebrand, I:534).

Meanwhile, his mind is active on ways whereby Sweden can be advanced and enriched. On a pleasure excursion to Vestergyln, he finds some peculiar white clay, and at once he thinks as to its commercial use. He asks Benzelius to inquire from Prof. Bromell or Roberg "concerning the clay of which they make their crockery and tobacco pipes in Holland and England, and how the pipes are afterwards prepared in the sun and oven." He suspects the clay he has found to be of the same kind, in which case "it would be worth many thousand Riksdalers. But silence with regard to this," he adds significantly. (OQ.1: 251 = LM. p. 105)

It is during this excursion that Swedenborg probably made a number of observations which later he used in his little works. Thus he writes:

"In Westergyln are found certain kinds of soil and mud which

may be employed for many uses and purposes. In the parish of

Rhyda, a short distance from the rectory, in a beautiful

grove, there are three springs which flow forth in a row; out

of the first there flows ordinary spring water, out of the

second or middle one a medium mineral water, and out of the

third a mineral water which is still stronger but with a

milder taste. The stones over which these two kinds of water

run, are of a reddish or vivid orange

117

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 118

[1716
June

color, as at other mineral springs; the mud or ochre just

below is also of the same color and might, be removed in

large quantities . . . Underneath there is a sandy bottom of

white and fine sand, quite serviceable for hour-glasses, . .

. I have also examined the stones, on which there is some

glitter of a silver color, as if there had been a silver

deposit." He notes also a peculiar kind of blackish fish in

the marsh which hide in the mud. "The uppermost mud is used

for dyeing the finest black, which is just as permanent and

beautiful as the Parisian, and which has the great advantage

over the other in that linen and clothing may be dyed in cold

water." He then describes the method of dyeing." (Sc. and

Phil. Tr. I:2:67=68)

* Ryd at the eastern foot of Mount Billingen.

Elsewhere he notes that: "In the parish of Skarcke, near

the rectory at Hojentorp,* is found a kind of . . . slate,

which perhaps may also be used for making lime. In it are

found a great many small insects, in some of it in such

abundance that the stone has been altogether coagulated by

them." He notes also at Billingen "a mountain spot where are

also found some petrified snails," and he suggests a reason.

Then he notes the abundance of slate on the same mountain,

some of which would be very useful in industry. And by the

help of a stream found there, a mill could be ran for

polishing stones, etc. (Ibid. 1:21, 22, 44)

* A village at the western foot of Mount Billingen.

He notes also the geological strata of Mount Billingen,

the pulverized lime in Skofde, etc. (Miss. Obs. pp. 13, 46)

It was at this time that Swedenborg wrote "On Certain Kinds of Soil and Mud," being his observations made at Westerglyn. It is photolithographed (see Phot. 1: 94) and it is translated in Scientific and Philosophical Treatises, Part I, fascicle 2, pp. 67-68.

To excursions such as these must also be ascribed all those geological and other observations in Kinnekulle, Hunneberg and Billingen which Swedenborg afterwards incorporated in his Miscellaneous Observations. (H. of W.; Miss. Obs. pp. 12, 13)

Benzelius had sent him the Camera Obscura for which he had asked in June. He writes that from it he has already learned the drawing of perspective "to my own great pleasure. I have exercised from churches, houses, etc.; were I up at the works in Fhalun or elsewhere, I would draw them as well as any one, by the help of this instrument." (OQ. 1:253 = LM. p. 107)

And then, as one among the minor incidents of his quiet life in Brunsbo, came the birth of his sister Caisa's (Catharine Unge) child, a son, at whose baptism, on June tenth, Swedenborg was a witness or godfather. (Ibid.)

But things were very threatening for Sweden. Charles had failed in his surprise attack on Norway, and it was feared that Denmark would attack Skane; nor was there lack of apprehension with regard to Russia.

"It seems to me," Swedenborg writes in June 1716, "that

Sweden is now laid low, soon to come to her last agony, when

she will probably kick for the last time. Probably many

desire that the

118

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 119

[1716
June

agony may be short and we delivered, yet we have probably

nothing better to expect if the spirit remains in him.*"

(i.e. Charles XII). (OQ. 1:252 = LM. p. 105)

* Si spiritus Illum maneat.

Before proceeding further, something must be said as to Daedalus III, the publication of which was announced in the Stockholm Tidender for September 4th, as follows:

"It is announced that the third part of the so-called

Daedalus Hyperboreus containing: 1. Assessor Palhammar's

dividing of the steelyard; 2. Emanuel Swedberg's

investigation concerning an air pump, together with a

calculation and measuring of the volume and height of water

and air in such air pumps, and the copperplates belonging

thereto; is now issued from the press and is found for sale

with the booksellers on Nygatan." (OQ. 1:256 = LM. pp.

111-12; ACSD 105)

The number consisted of 24 pages and 2 double plates illustrating the two articles.

Polhem's article is an eminently practical one. In

making steelyards, the practice had been to take actual

weights of 1, 2, 3, 4, etc., lbs., and mark the beam by

actual tests. Palhammar shows how to do the marking by

geometrical measurements, and also how to mark not only the

Swedish weights but also the English and the Dutch.

Swedenborg's article on the air pump opens with an

historical introduction as to the invention of that pump by

"Boile" and Guericke, and as to how, both in England and

Holland, it had been much improved, especially by Hawksbee in

England. Unfortunately, their price was in proportion to

their perfection. Swedenborg, therefore, proposes a method of

making a pump which will be equally efficient but far

cheaper. In fact, he proposes two methods, each of which he

minutely describes, after which he adds mathematical and

mechanical calculations as to the amount of air displaced,

ending with some practical illustrations worked out in

arithmetic, "in order to give the matter greater clearness

and intelligibility."

The articles, as we have said, are illustrated by two double plates, but it is a singular fact that both these plates contain figures which not only have no reference to the text but which deal with utterly remote subjects. The first seems to exhibit a view of crystals, and seems as though designed to illustrate an article by Bromell (see OQ. 1:248= LM. p. 98); the second is plainly entitled "a gun machine worked by air," and apparently is the machine which constituted one of Swedenborg's many inventions; but although the plan shows details, it yet is not clear. This plan of the air gun is not found in all copies of Daedalus III, some copies containing only half the plate, the part namely, that gives the plans of the new air pump.

119

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 120

[1716
August

It is probable that the two plates of which we speak were prepared to illustrate the following number of the Daedalus, which was to contain an article by Bromell and one by Swedenborg on his air gun, and that the plates were printed (or issued) by mistake.

As already stated, Charles XII had desired to see Polhem in Stralsund, and Polhem had waited at Karlskrona for that purpose during the summer of 1715.

Immediately after his return to Sweden, in December 1715, Charles XII ordered the hastening of the preparation of war ships at Karlskrona, and even during the Norwegian War, Polhem was ordered to Karlskrona to give preliminary reports or estimates as to certain improvements contemplated at the naval base. (Bring, Chas.XII, p. 623)

Polhem was in Karlskrona from the middle of March on, in 1716, and it was perhaps at this time that he drew up the 12 recommendations for improvements to which Swedenborg subsequently added 2 more.

(OQ. 1:244, 255; Phot. 1:127s)

Polhem was in Brunsbo on September 9th. (Berg, Samlingar, pp. 289-90)

These improvements consisted mainly in the blasting out of a dry dock on the island Lindholm adjoining Karlskrona - the first dry dock in the world which was independent of tides. For this work, an estimate was made of "30,000 dal.s.m.; but for greater surety, one can reckon it as 40,000 to 50,000 dal.s.m." (Bring, Polhem p. 51, Phot. 1:127s.)

An important improvement was also the building of a dam on the stream Lyckeby, from which water power was to be obtained for flour and saw mills, etc., for the fleet.

There were also various improvements in rope making, anchor founding, etc., etc.

Polhem was to have returned to Karlskrona about June 15th, when Swedenborg was to have accompanied him. But he was detained in Stockholm, consulting with the authorities as to the making of copperplates for the new coinage, which had to be recoined with new dyes every three months to prevent forgery. (OQ. 1:253 = LM. p. 109; OQ. 1:255)

So far as Swedenborg was concerned, it seemed as though the Karlskrona work would have to wait until winter. He does not appear to have been over disappointed. At any rate, on June 26th, he writes that he now found himself "little disposed" to the journey; "for me," he adds, "it is little likely to come off," and so he sets to work to prepare the material for No. IV of the Daedalus.

It is not difficult to see that Swedenborg's lack of enthusiasm at the prospect of helping Palhammar in Karlskrona was due to the fact that he would go as Polhem's private assistant, whereas his great ambition was to meet the King and receive from the highest quarter that encouragement of his labors whereby he might look forward to the establishment of a learned society and a mechanical laboratory for the promotion of scientific and mechanical knowledge.

120

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 121

[1716
September

There was little to be hoped for from Polhem at this time; and Swedenborg once more settles down to his work on the Daedalus; and after sending the MS. of No. IV to Polhem for his inspection, he commences to prepare No. V. (OQ. 1:256, 257 = LM. pp. 112, 113)

A festal day was held at Brunsbo on August 28th, the sixty-third birthday of Bishop Swedberg. For this occasion, Swedenborg resumes the poetic pen and writes:

"A Sapphic Ode in honor of the Birthday of my dear Parent,

Doct. Jesper Swedberg, the most reverend Bishop of Skara, who

was sixty-three years of age on August 28, 1716, the year of

the great Climacteric.*"

* According to the ancients, every seven years was an event or climacter in human life.

Doubtless these ten Latin verses were read in the family circle enriched by friends; later, they were printed and published in Skara. After inviting the Muse to celebrate the occasion with lute and cithera, the poem then continues: (OP. pp. 26-27)

Full nine times seven, dear Father, hast thou seen

The heavens return; and times as many hast beheld

That hour which was to thee the dawn of light,

And so to us.

How pale I grew, when came that year

Which oft is wont to be the span of life

And terminus of age to those we love,

Old men and fathers.

Gladsome I see and celebrate with song its end.

And gladsome give thee greetings, Father, that thou hast

Survived the fates and overlived the perils

Of an evil age.

The quatrain concludes:

But though thy youth is now behind thee,

Yet lively age remains, wherein I pray

Thou yet may see as many August months

as Grandchildren.

A little diversion came in the first days of September. After the cessation of the Norwegian War, the King had been preparing for its renewal by inspections and consultations at Stromstadt, Uddewalla, Wennersborg,* etc.

* It is a curious and almost inexplicable fact that on April 23rd, 1716, when Charles XII was still in Norway but already on the retreat, Bishop Swedberg wrote him a letter from Vennersborg asking for nobility for his family. There is no record of any answer, and it would hardly be surprising if the King never received the letter, or took no notice of it (ACSD 98; Doc. 3: 1331).

And one day he suddenly separated from his suite and

undertook a lonely journey to see his sister Ulrica Eleonora

at Wadstena. On Thursday, August 30th, the King passed

through Skara incognito,

121

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 122

[1716
September

and a few days later, the lad who had served as his guide to

Hjo, forty-five miles away on Lake Vetter, came to the

Bishop's house and told his story to an eager and interested

group of listeners. (Bain, p. 294; Bring, Chas. XII)

Swedenborg writes an account of this to his brother-in-law on September 4th, as follows:

"The lad [who acted as the King's outrider] relates many

amusing questions and answers. Just one only: The King asked

if the King was not expected at Hojentorp. 'Yes,' said the

servant, 'I think so.' 'What should he do there.' 'Of that I

know nothing,' answered the servant, 'but they say he would

go from there to Stockholm.' Smiling, he then said, 'Tush,

to suppose that he is going to Stockholm. They say it is so

far away.'" (OQ. 1:257 = LM. pp. 113-14)

Having now given up the idea of visiting the King or of going to Karlskrona with Polhem, Swedenborg determines to pay a visit to Upsala where the affairs of the Daedalus, so long resting on the shoulders of his brother-in-law, demand his own attention. He leaves Brunsbo a little after the middle of September 1716, and takes his old attic room in Benzelius's hospitable house. Here he met his old friend Erik Alstryn who in October became Assistant Librarian. (OQ. 1:256, 257 = LM. p.114; UUH. 2:2:93)

Here he relieves Benzelius of his work in seeing the Daedalus through the press, and for the first time since No. I, he himself does that work in connection with No. IV which was to close the year.

Like its predecessor, this issue is without separate title-page, nor does it contain any note of its cost. This is the more surprising inasmuch as Benzelius had already told Swedenborg of the extortion of the bookseller. And though very soon Swedenborg himself experiences it, yet he did not print the price on the last two numbers of the Daedalus (V-VI) - perhaps the printer was the cause of this. At any rate, writing in April of the following year and referring to No. IV, of which we are now speaking, he says:

"For Daedalus no. IV, Ruger has asked no less than 20 styfers

[almost 1.8 dal.k.m.] and has refused those who offer 16,

which yet they ought to sell for about 8 [1/2 dal.k.m.].

Brother will please print the price on no. V, if it is not

already struck off. I will see that I trust myself to a wise

man." (OQ. 1:271 = LM. p. l53)

No. IV was not advertised, but it seems to have appeared some time in the Spring of 1717 (see p.126). Unlike the preceding numbers, it is marked as a quarterly, namely, "October, November and December 1716." It is also a larger number, having thirty-five pages and one double plate which illustrates both Polhem's article and one of Swedenborg's.

The contents consist of a single long article by Polhem and two or three by Swedenborg.

Polhem's article is entitled: "The Resistance of the Air

against falling weights and areas" - a 15-page treatise of a

technical and mathematical nature.

It is followed by "Suggestions for a Machine to fly in

the air, by N.N." meaning Swedenborg. He begins by referring

to the preceding article on the resistance of the air to

falling

122

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 123

[1716
September

bodies, from which, "and also from the flight of birds," says

Swedenborg, "it would be easy to come to the thought that a

mechanism might be hit upon which could carry and transmit as

through the air, and that we were not to be excluded from the

upper element even though no other wings be given us than

those of the understanding. Those who formerly gave thought

to such a work of Daedalus or Mercury have set before

themselves an impossible principium, and have set it in the

air on a foundation which is contrary to our atmosphere and

impracticable; that is to say, they have emptied great globes

of this air, which should thereby acquire such lightness as

to be able to help up both a machine and an Icarus. But if

one follows living nature, inquiring into the proportion of

the wing which a bird has, in relation to its body, it ought

surely to be possible to invent a similar mechanism which

might afford us the hope of following the birds in the air."

Then follows a brief outline of how such a mechanism should

be constructed; after which Swedenborg continues: ""But such

a machine seems easier to talk about than to put into

practice and drive in the air, in that greater force is

required and less weight than that which is found in the

human body." Swedenborg therefore lays it down as a requisite

before attempting to fly: 1. That there should be a good

wind, for otherwise "one would do better to keep quietly and

humbly to the earth." 2. That the machine should be pushed

from a height, or lifted up apiece by ropes, for "the

greatest trouble would be to force oneself up from the

level." 3. The proportions between the weight of the wings

and their size must be observed.

Swedenborg regards his suggestion merely as showing the

future possibility of flying machines. What he suggests is,

in effect, a type of glider, but it is in this, and not in

balloons, he sees the possibilities of the future -

possibilities and nothing more.

If consideration is given to what he has advanced, he

says at the end of his article, "perhaps in time to come

there may be some one who knows how better to make use of our

suggestion and introduction, to construct an addition such as

will make actual the suggestion we give thereon." And then,

after referring to the phenomena of bird flight, kites,

falling men being preserved from injury by the blowing out of

their capes, as evidences of the possibility of human flight,

he concludes: "Still, when the first trials are made, one

must expect to pay a price for experience, and let that price

fall on an arm or a leg."

Here ends the article proper. But, as will be recalled,

this article together with the rest of Daedalus IV had been

sent to Polhem for his comments, These latter, which were not

encouraging, are given in a letter of September 5, 1716, and

end with the suggestion: "But it can do no harm if what is

already written here on the subject is printed together with

the other [i.e. the article on the Resistance of the Air],

if only a distinction be then made, and the known be set over

against the unknown." (OQ. 258 = LM. p. 115) Following

this suggestion, Swedenborg, without any explanation or

apology for himself, appends Polhem's criticism to his

article: After a short French quotation from Fontanelle's

Plurality of Worlds, to the effect that in this matter of

flying "there is still something to do for the ages to come,"

Swedenborg continues:

123

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 124

[1716
September

"The learned Assessor Palhammar expresses a more doubtful

opinion thereon, as follows: 'Regarding flight or flying

artificially, this would seem to present the same difficulty

as the artificial making of perpetual motion, gold, etc.,

though at first glance it is no less feasible than

desirable.* When one considers the matter more closely, he

meets with something which nature will deny; such as, in the

present case, that all ordinary machines do not have the same

proportions in the large as in the small, though all the

parts are made alike and according to proportion in all their

parts. . . From this it comes about that large bodies are

finally unable to bear themselves, and, according to nature

herself, she provides not only a very light and strong

material for feathers, but also entirely different sinews and

bones in the body itself, such as are required for strength

or lightness, which are not found in other bodies. For one

comes to the desired result with so much the greater

difficulty because of lack of those suitable materials and

requisites which are demanded therefor, before a human being

can go in a machine. But, were it possible that a person

could move and direct all that so great a machine as carries

him can need, then the thing is done, yet one must indeed be

well able to make use of the wind, if it should be suitable

and steady.'" Swedenborg then adds: "Enough about our

Daedalus." (OQ. 1:257 = LM. p.114)

* Here in Polhem's letter come the words: "For all that one eagerly desires, one has generally a greater inclination to work out." (OQ. 1:257 = LM. p.115.)

Among Swedenborg's manuscripts preserved in Linkoping is found a description of the construction of this flying machine, together with a drawing of the machine itself. This description, while more detailed and exact, is in effect the same as the published account. It is probably one of those drawings and descriptions with which Swedenborg busied himself while at Rostock. (Mech. Inv. p. 20 or Suggestions for a Fly. Mach. 1921, SSA)

The third article concerns experiments on bullets made

by "Em. Es."

In the first, Swedenborg gives the reason why, if a

leaden bullet tightly covered with paper be thrust into the

flame of a candle, the paper will not burn off until the lead

of the bullet begins to melt.

The second deals with the experiments Swedenborg had

tried the preceding winter as to the resistance offered to

bullets in snow. From these, he draws the following

conclusions:

1. That the lightest thing, such as snow and water,

which seems to have hardly more power of resistance than

feathers and down, can determine the swift course of a

bullet.

2. That this power of resistance increases according to

the obliquity of the resisting material. Swedenborg proposes

to demonstrate this by covering a table three or four inches

with clay and then shooting bullets at it at various angles.

3. After first striking the snow, the bullet seems to

possess two determinations, the one given to it in the first

place and the other given to it by the angle of contact with

the snow - hence

124

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 125

[1716
September

its reboundings. This is illustrated by a billiard ball

knocking another in the course of its flight. "This subject

demands further investigation."

The number closes with a 15-page article entitled "A New and sure Method to find east and west lengths, that is, Longitudes of Places, both at sea and on land, by means of the moon; presented by 'Eman. Swedberg.'"

"It may be surprising," says the author, "that one will present a new and sure method of finding the longitude of places . . . by means of the moon, when yet the moon in this respect has defeated the foremost astronomers, in that each of them who thought he had found the longitude, it would seem as though the moon had deceived them and given them a good mind and a gladsome feeling that they would attain what was sought after; but, as soon as they have advanced to practice, the moon has made moonshine and mockery of it, as it were, and so has given them a false appearance for the right. So also, it may be thought, might it be with the present method which I venture to present and make public as more sure than the former. The whole matter might, moreover, be brought into great doubt because of the fact that for twelve centuries the whole learned world has worked on this problem in vain, though a great number of men have made it their highest study, and given it their care and the utmost efforts of their brain; and also the fact that the most learned men, both in former ages and in ours, - men who surpass me one-hundredfold in astronomy, both practical and theoretical - have not yet found the solution in this matter, and they who thought they had found it, have yet in the end acknowledged their mistakes and also have demolished and discredited their own discovery. What has been said would be the best of reasons for overthrowing and demolishing the thoughts and imaginations which I have embraced with respect to this method, and also to give to others a strong prejudice and prejudgment, that no such method can any longer be discovered - and still less by means of the moon, which has already led so many into error and has deprived the learned of so much hoped-for honor, gain and reward.

"But if one examines into the cause which produced their failure, that cause is by no means found in the moon itself, which God seems to have established and ordained to guide mariners on their course, but in the way in which she has been observed."

Swedenborg then proceeds to point out the uncertainties of former methods based on the moon, due to the difficulty, especially at sea, of finding the true position of that body. This has been admitted, he continues, by "Ricciolus, Kircher and other great mathematicians . . . and they conclude their investigations . . . with the wish and hope that in time some one will come forward who will show how to observe and point out the moon without the abovementioned obstacles and difficulties; and him they call by anticipation, the Discoverer of the Longitude. Thus, I know not whether I have too much confidence in myself in absolving this method, which I now present, from all the difficulties which those mentioned above have been subject to; and [in believing] that with this method, is removed from our path that which has prevented the moon from being taken as a lamp for voyagers to the east and the west. This, in all humility, I will submit to the judgment of the learned."

125

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 126

[1716
September

Then follows the method itself - or rather, two methods,

one easier than the other. It is based fundamentally on

observation of the moon when in line with any two fixed stars

whose latitude and longitude are known from the astronomical

tables. Thus, the apparent position of the moon is

ascertained, and then, by a mathematical calculation which

Swedenborg explains, its true position, and so the longitude.

The method of observing the longitude on land was by

observing the moon in eclipse; and by his new method of

observing the moon when in line with two fixed stars and then

observing its progress across that line, Swedenborg produces

all those phenomena of a lunar eclipse on which calculations

for ascertaining the longitude on land may be based.

The last paragraph of the article refers to those lunar

tables which Flamsteed himself had assured Swedenborg that he

would construct. "Yet, before one can put into actual

practice our discovery of finding the longitude, one must

have accurate and particular tables of the longitudes,

latitudes, right ascensions and declinations of all the

stars. One expects these from the learned and experienced

Flamsteed in England who already had this matter in hand four

years ago, and very likely has now brought it to the light of

day, though they have not come into our hands. When one gets

the opportunity of consulting them, it remains only to

continue in the way now commenced."

Ever since his acquaintance with Flamsteed, Swedenborg

had been looking forward to the publication of his lunar

tables. Indeed, as above indicated, they were indispensable

to the use of his method, and the lack of them was apparently

the only reason which had deterred him from writing up that

method for presentation to the French astronomers.

The closing words of his Daedalus article indicate

Swedenborg's firm faith in the utility of his method - a

faith which he retained all his life.

"Meanwhile, I feel assured that the longitude of places

can be found by this method," he says, "and as yet I see no

reason that can overthrow and demolish this assurance, save

the uncertainty of the astronomical tables of the progression

of the moon. This cannot be taken as any reason whatever

since, so far as I know, no astronomer has yet used it to

overthrow earlier investigators who sought to find the

celestial and terrestrial longitudes by means of the moon."

This article constitutes the most important scientific work thus far written by Swedenborg, and as such, it was not long in receiving notice, namely, in a Disputation "De Planeta Venere" by Birger Vassenius, which the author dedicated to Polhem and Emanuel Swedberg. The latter is especially lauded for his mathematical work and his skill in astronomy, as shown by the lately printed Longitude. This is the first known public mention of Swedenborg as an author. (ACSD 143)

126

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 127

[1716
September

Daedalus IV was not advertised until April 1717, when the following advertisement appeared in the Stockholm Kunggorelse of April 2d:

"Herewith is announced that the fourth* part of the

so-called Daedalus Hyperboreus came out some time ago,

containing Councillor of Commerce Polheimer's Notes on the

Resistance of Medium and on the property of falling weights.

Also N.N. suggestions for a machine to use sail and wings and

attempt flight. Some experiments and their resistance in snow

and water; and a new invention to find the longitude of

places, by Emanuel Swedberg."

* The original has "fifth."

Swedenborg had hoped to get something from Professor Bromell,* who was well known for his geological collections; but, as usual, he failed. From beginning to end, the burden of the Daedalus rested on his own shoulders alone. (OQ. 1:257 = LM. p. 113)

* Adjunkt Bromell was appointed professor in Stockholm in 1716.

Polhem designed to follow up his article on the resistance of air, and he writes to this effect in a letter addressed to Swedenborg in Upsala and dated September 1716. Some things in this letter are worthy of quotation as illustrating both Swedenborg's own work on the Daedalus and, more especially, the intellectual position of a man with whom Swedenborg was so closely associated for a number of years.

"If the learned desire enjoyment and honor from what

they teach others," Polhem writes, "they ought to have a

better knowledge in various particulars of that which is now

taught; for in many things nature has wholly different

conditions than Des Cartes, and almost all his followers

think - which can never be learned better than by daily

experience in mechanics, and also a thoroughgoing search into

causes; and, though it is very little that I have gained

herein . . . yet I hope my principles will be able to pave

the way to what remains, for I never approve of anything

which cannot bear examination for all the cases and

circumstances which follow therewith, and as soon as one

thing contradicts it, I hold the whole foundation to be

false.* It should, moreover, give the learned mathematicians

no little honor if they could show what use all their fine

figures serve in practical matters. . . In short, so long as

I live, I hope matter for printing will not be wanting, as

long as Mein Herr is pleased to take the trouble to

calculate, draw, write up, and prepare all that pertains

thereto; for such work wearies me, what with many other

occupations and cares which daily occasions bring me."

(OQ. 1: 260 = LM. p.117-18)

* Swedenborg, in his writings, occasionally expresses the same thought.

While Swedenborg was thus busily engaged on literary work in Upsala, a vacancy occurred in the University which seemed to promise him a more advantageous position, in the event of a laboratory or observatory being founded.

In October 1716, Professor Upmarck, the Skyttian Professor of Eloquence and Politics, received a call to become Censor of Books at Stockholm.

127

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 128

[1716
October

It was generally expected that the Secretary of the University would be appointed as his successor, and with this in mind Swedenborg, early in November, addressed the following letter to the Rector and Consistory:

"Since by the advancement of the well-born Herr

Secretary Upmarck, a professorship becomes vacant in the

Academy, and probably Herr Secretary Gronwall will be

remembered as his successor, I approach your Magnificence and

the venerable Consistory in the deepest reverence with the

humble request that, with the coming vacancy after the above-

mentioned Herr Secretary, the venerable Consistory will be

pleased to keep me favorably in their thoughts; I seeking

thereby to serve the venerable Consistory and an opportunity

of showing with what great pleasure I am ever," etc. (UUH

2:79; LM. p. 120)

The letter was read at a meeting of the Consistory on November 14th, as coming from "Student Emanuel Swedberg." No action was taken. This might have been a disappointment to Swedenborg, but even before the letter was read to the Consistory, very different thoughts and expectations were filling his mind. He had heard from Polhem that the latter had been summoned to attend on the King at Lund, and Polhem asked Swedenborg to go with him. (ACSD 108A; Doc. 1:559)

The prospect of actually seeing the King, and in person asking his gracious support of the Observatory, the Laboratory, and the Daedalus Hyperboreus, was now to be realized. Much preparation had been made for this visit.

The four issues of the Daedalus were bound and issued with a new title-page, and with that Preface which, perhaps, had already been written a year before for presentation to the King himself, and Swedenborg took some copies with him when he left Upsala.

On the new title-page, a new verse, taken from the second edition of Ludus Heliconius, was substituted for the one printed on the title-page of no. I (see p. 101): (OP. p. 80)

Lo Daedalus, once mounting in the air

Laughed at the snares King Midas set for him on earth.

So, by thine art, my Daedalus, mounting on high,

Laugh at the snares the many doth set for thee.

The Dedication reads:

"Mighty and ever gracious King

"That I make bold to come forward with some small

mathematical investigations and observations and lay them

down in deepest submissiveness at your Majesty's feet is

because of the gracious solicitude your Royal Majesty is

pleased to show in respect to literary art in general, and

mathematical studies in particular, whereof it is a signal

proof that your Royal Majesty has ever regarded with grace

the arts and machines which Herr Assessor Palhammar, for the

service and use of your Royal Majesty and of the Kingdom, has

either already set up or has given a humble proposal for

their setting up.

128

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 129

[1716
November

"Some of them I have described in this little work, and

added the observations of other learned men, your Royal

Majesty's subjects, together with my own investigations,

which I have sought to mature by the most earnest reflection

both at home and also in a five-year's expensive journey in

foreign lands where mathematical studies are most cultivated

and are in the highest esteem.

"This is merely a beginning, ever gracious King; much

more still remains over, and hidden away, which, presumably,

will contribute great advantages to your Royal_ Majesty's

Kingdom, especially in the development of Manufactures,

Navigation, Artillery, and the art of shooting.

"If this work wins Your Majesty's Royal Grace, it will

certainly awaken many more, in submissiveness, to discover

their thoughts and to offer them for your Royal Majesty's

gracious pleasure. I remain, to the hour of my death,

"Your Majesty's

my ever Gracious King's

most humble and faithful subject

EMANUEL SWEDBERG."

With regard to the other preparations for the visit to Lund, record of them was kept by Benzelius and is still preserved in Linkoping Diocesan Library. They consist of several documents, all of which have been photolithographed, but none of which has been published either in original or in translation.

The first is a comprehensive outline of the ultimate aims for which Swedenborg was to be the spokesman with the King: (LM. p.123)

[Projects for the King] (Phot. 1:2)

1 The Mechanical Laboratory to be moved to Upsala, and

appropriation to be made for the Laboratory's support.

2 The models in Upsala to be given to it.

3 Under Assessor Polhem's direction.

1 A celestial Observatory at the Castle and elsewhere. 2 The

iron and metal pipes are appropriated to this. 3 Under the

ordering of the Governor of the Province [Per Ribbing].

1 A mathematical society. 2 For this, there is proposed an increase in the price of every almanac - its privilege.

3 A double stipend. 4 Half of what they receive in net

profit on what is awarded them in new inventions and machines

- a beginning of which is Assessor Palhammar's Threshing

Machine, he retaining one quarter of the profit for himself.

5 President thereof. Assessors who are now in actual

service, and when means come in, something should be

appropriated [for those] who are taken into service.

6 A Director of threshing and other machines set up in the

country, who shall have one-sixth of the profit. (See Sv.A.o.AR Prot. p.368)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 130

[1716
November

7 That the aforesaid society shall first of all fix on

inventions of mechanical machines serviceable for

manufacture, shipbuilding, artillery, mining, military power

mills, the art of shooting.*

* Among Polhem's inventions which had been used by Stenbock in the Danish War of 1710 was a mill for grinding corn which could be carried around with the army, and of such mills, Stenbock ordered one for each regiment; also a device whereby a cannon could be raised and lowered in sighting with great ease and exactness. The "art of shooting" mentioned in the text perhaps has in mind Swedenborg's air gun. (Bring, Polhem, pp. 43-45, 42.)

The above is further developed in a note, as follows: (Phot. 1:200)

Three Points to the King

1 That the Machines which are in Stockholm be moved to Upsala; from the Bergscollegium.

2 That there be a professor of mechanics in place of some other, to which I be recommended.

3 That there be a society, or that there be a collegium curiosorum in Upsala as in other countries . . .

5 That the stamping of small coins be approved by the King, which is handled in the Bergscollegium; and that it be granted in the same way as the grant was made to Mons. Lunstrom.*

* Probably Magnus Lundstrom. (1687-1720). He was an inspector and building master in Stockholm until 1716 when he was appointed by the Bergscollegium as Konstmastare at Falun (in charge of all machinery). He had to leave, however, in about a year, because Polhem had secured the appointment of another person. In a letter sent to Benzelius in Dec. 1715, Swedenborg passes some severe criticism on a "Machine of Monsieur Lundstrom of Avsta." It would thus seem that Lundstrom was in Avsta, i.e., Avesta; and since the copper coins were made in that place, that he had the monopoly of making them. (OQ. 1:233 = LM. p. 75)

The following, which is not in Swedenborg's writing, deals

more particularly with the proposed society: (Phot. 1: 1)

Petition for a Literary Society.

1 The privilege and name of a Royal Society.

2 For its members, the characters of Assessors, Socii, or members of the Royal Society; a notary and two amanuenses.

3 His Royal Majesty's gracious declaration and command from his Royal grace, and advancement for these man above others.

4 It is petitioned that either his Royal Majesty will in his graciousness command that none other shall be president save the Chancery Collegium; or will establish a perpetual presidency, or will give leave to the existing members to request and choose a president for themselves.

5 Leave and authority afterwards, with the consent of the president or Chancery Collegium, to receive many members or collegiates ad libitum, and also a vice-president.

6 Item: To set up certain laws, and freely to arrange and order all else that concerns the existence of this society.

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[1716
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7 It is petitioned of his Royal Majesty or the Chancery Collegium;

1. One copy of every half or quarter ark which is printed, in

Sweden, which shall at once, by the first post, be sent here,

whether it be from a book which is being published or some

smaller writing; with a fixed fine for all book printers or

commissioners [who fail to comply].

2. Free postage for letters, both to and from the society.

3. The right of censuring to belong to the society's

assessors.

4. Freedom from duty on paper.

5. A privilege [monopoly] on what is published.

Moreover, a long paper was prepared, by Elfvius or

Benzelius, showing the necessity of an astronomical

observatory as soon as ever peace comes; especially in

Sweden, where the skies are clearer, where best could be

observed the Aurora Borealis, etc., and where not even the

longitude of Stockholm or Upsala was now known. (Phot. l:

3-6)

The Royal Society of England had invited them to send in

meteorological observations, but, while they must ask that

Society for much information in astronomy, they could offer

nothing in return. All could be done if there were a single

observatory in Upsala under the professor of astronomy -

"unless his Majesty should graciously be pleased, here as in

other places, to appoint one or more observers and pensioners

for this purpose." The use of the observatory to the students

is also noted.

On November 12th, Swedenborg and Palhammar paid a short visit to Brunsbo on their way to Lund, Swedenborg having probably joined Palhammar at Stiernsund. (ACSD 109)

A few days later they arrived at Lund, then the capital of Sweden, where Swedenborg lodged at the same house as Bernard Cederholm, a chancery secretary who had been with Charles XII through all his sojourn in Turkey, including the Kalabalika. Swedenborg had last seen Cederholm at Greifswalde where the latter was on his way from Turkey to Stralsund. But Cederholm seems to have been a friend of the family, or, at any rate, of Bishop Swedberg. The latter writes him from Brunsbo on December 20th on sundry matters, after which he continues:

"I am glad to learn that my son Emanuel has the good fortune

to have lodging in the same house as Herr Secretary. His

drawback, according to human judgment, seems to be that he is

young; but when God has given a young man as great

intelligence and experience as an old one, God must have the

honor." (OQ. 1:259, 230 = LM. pp. 117, 63; ACSD 12A)

In Lund also Swedenborg again meets his old student friend Rhyzelius, who had arrived in Lund one month earlier in order to take up his new duties as one of the army chaplains, but who was already, in favor with the King. (Helander p. 75)

Another friend he now met was Martin Hegardt who, with Erik Alstryn, had resided with Doctor Edzardus (1709-12) during the time Swedenborg was in London.

Hegardt, who was three years older than Swedenborg, was a

native of Scana and had now become Professor of Theology in

Lund University. It was in his house that Charles XII lived

during the whole of his two years' stay in Lund. Regardt also

was in favor with the King who, in 1717, became a godfather

to his son.

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[1716
December

In Goteborg also he probably became acquainted with the Senator General Count Carl Gustav Morner (1658-1721), with whom he seems to have been intimate. (Doc. 1:302, 306)

Swedenborg seems to have lost no time in presenting himself before the King. At last he actually stood before that Hero whom so long he had admired at a distance, and he had the honor of handing to him in person the bound copy of his Daedalus for 1716.

Charles XII, though in his government an extreme and

unbending autocrat, was yet very democratic and familiar with

those whom he met in his daily life, if also somewhat trying.

Thus, he would receive his friends and others in his bedroom,

and sometimes as early as three o'clock in the morning - for

the daytime he devoted very often to long rides. (ill.

Pommern-Jahrbuch, pp. 44, 77, 80)

The King viewed the Daedalus, and especially the intention behind it, "with grace," Swedenborg writes, adding:

"The Daedalus has enjoyed such grace that it has lain on his

Majesty's table this three weeks and has given matter for

many talks and questions, and is shown to many persons by his

Majesty himself." (OQ. 1:263 = LM. p. 135-36)

We also learn from Eric Benzelius that the Daedalus Hyperboreus "put Swedenborg in very favorable consideration with the great King Charles XII." (Brefwaxl. s. XIII)

On December 6th, one week after his arrival in Lund, Palhammar addressed to the King - doubtless with the King's previous knowledge - a letter recommending Swedenborg for service. Appealing to the King's well known Interest in mechanics, and to his recognition of the difficulty of this subject and the scarcity of men who are able to advance it, he continues:

"At this time, I know of no one who appears to be better

fitted for mechanics than Herr Emanuel Swedberg; but his

present application to other studies is caused by the small

regard which . . . is meted out to the science of mechanics."

He therefore appeals to the King "to grant some honorable

advantage to one who by nature is fitted for mechanics,

rather than, in lack thereof, to allow so useful a subject to

apply himself to some other pursuit. And as the Royal

Bergskollegium no less needs some one member who understands

mechanics, than such as know the mining regulations . . .

therefore, I would submit to your Majesty's gracious decision

whether this Swedberg - who otherwise has fitted himself for

a profession in the Academy - may not be advanced to the post

of an Assessor in the above-mentioned College, so that he may

thereby be kept in that field wherein he will likely be of

greater service to your Majesty than if he were at an

Academy. And if your Majesty should graciously grant this,

one of the mechanical stipends would at first suffice for his

salary together with a gracious assurance that, at the first

vacancy, he should enjoy the salary of an ordinary Assessor

without applying for further authorization."* (NCL 1895: 151)

* The State had two mathematical stipends which were much sought after. They were used to support students under Polhem. The salary was 300 dal.s.m. The salary of an Assessor was over 1200 dal.s.m., whereas an Extraordinary

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[1716
December

With a recommendation from a man like Polhem, whom the King so greatly admired, Swedenborg's appointment would seem to have been assured. Yet the King instituted inquiries, including inquiries of Swedenborg himself, "as to my mind, studies, etc." Moreover, Swedenborg's friends were consulted - among them, presumably, Hegardt, the King's host, and Rhyzelius, his Chaplain. At any rate, Swedenborg himself informs us that he had "the good fortune to have good backers." And then the fact of his being the son of the ecclesiastical favorite of Charles's father, must also have had its influence; but to a man of Charles XII's clear discernment, what must most have influenced him was his own meeting with the eager, ambitious, learned and traveled man, now twenty-eight years old, and the testimony of his attainments and tastes as seen in the Daedalus Hyperboreus.

The appointment was made but not without exciting enmity and secret opposition. To advance one at once to the equivalent of being an Assessor without first going through the various preliminary stages of auscultant, magister, etc., was opposed; and doubtless for reasons of direct self-interest; for Lund was now the center of glory from which alone favors, honors, gains were to be hoped for. With regard to this opposition, Swedenborg writes:

"What pleased me most is that the King gave so kind and

gracious a judgment concerning me, and himself defended me

before those who thought the worst of me, and afterwards

assured me of further grace and consideration, of which I

have become assured both directly and indirectly." (OQ.

1:262 = LM. p. 135)

Swedenborg writes to Benzelius that the King offered him "three characters or functions" to choose from. What these offers were specifically, we do not know; perhaps they were: 1. A mechanical stipend, or to become Palhammar's general Assistant. 2. Assessor in the Bergskollegium. 3. The teaching of mechanics as a Director of a mechanical laboratory. (Ibid.) However this may be, Swedenborg chose the office suggested by Polhem, namely, to become an Assessor of the Bergskollegium at the first vacancy, and meanwhile, to assist Polhem in the great, difficult, and highly important undertakings which the King, at this time, ordered him to carry out.

It seems, however, that even to the last, an effort was made at least to minimize the fruits of Swedenborg's favor with the King.

"Since my ill-wishers played too many intrigues with the

above-mentioned warrant," he writes, "and couched it in

ambiguous terms, it was sent back to his Majesty together

with some comments, I well knowing that I had wherewith to

back myself up. A new one was then at once made out for me,

and with it a gracious letter to the Bergskollegium. The

opponent had to sit at his Majesty's own table and write in

duplicate in two forms, of which he chose the best. Thus,

they who sought to do me the worst harm were glad to come out

of the matter with honor and reputation - so nearly had they

burned their fingers." (OQ. 1:262, 263 = LM. pp. 135,136)

Both the warrants here referred to have been preserved.* The first is dated December 10th, and the second December 18th. The difference between the two is that in the first, Swedenborg is appointed to accompany

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[1716
December

Polhem, "with the rank and character of an Assessor Extraordinary of the Bergskollegium"; whereas in the second he is specifically appointed Extraordinary Assessor in the Bergskollegium, yet at the same time assigned to accompany Polhem and assist him. (CTO MSS. 3; ACSD 112)

* The earlier one, in State Archives, Biog. Swedenborg, and the later one in the Bergskollegium, Kongliga Bref.

At the same time that the second Warrant was made out, the King also sent a letter to the Bergskollegium, notifying the College of Swedenborg's appointment as Extraordinary Assessor, and his assignment, for the present, as Polhem's Assistant, and commanding them to give him a "seat and voice in the College whenever he can be present, and especially when such matters come up as concern mechanics." This letter gave particular pleasure to Swedenborg as being a signal mark of royal confidence, and he is careful to send a copy of it to his brother-in-law. As significative of the honor given by the King, it may be noted that no extraordinary assessor had been appointed since 1684, and that no past holder of this appointment had the right of a seat in the College; they could merely cooperate with the regular Assessors in their work. The Bergskollegium administered the mining laws, which were very carefully administered. (OQ. 1:263 = LM. 136; Almquist, p. 97; Robinson, p. 17)

Perhaps because he saw something of the plots to injure Swedenborg, the King, as a mark of honor to Swedenborg and, it may be, also of punishment on the plotters, relieved Swedenborg of those payments to lower officials which always accompanied royal favors. At any rate, Swedenborg writes:

"The journey [to Lund] went off with very little expense,

beingonly travel money. In other words, what otherwise it is

ordinarily the custom to lay out for warrants has not cost me

a styver; this I affirm by my soul's salvation." (OQ. 1:263

= LM. p. 136)

The work which Polhem had been ordered to carry out, and for which Swedenborg was to be his Assistant, consisted in general of two important and difficult operations - the dock at Karlskrona and the inland canal.

We have already spoken of the improvements recommended

by Polhem, to be carried out at Karlskrona. The chief of

these were: (1) The building of a dry dock by blasting out

the rock of an island, and (2) the building of a dam strong

enough to supply more than one mill. There were also

improvements in the making of cables and of anchors, a

machine for careening ships, and another for drawing them on

land; the establishment of saw mills and planing mills,

supplied by the great dam, etc.; to which there is added in

Swedenborg's hand the recommendation that sweet water be

brought to the island city of undersea pipes, and waste hemp

and rope be used for making coarse paper. Doubtless, all

these recommendations were considered favorably, but Polhem

was ordered only to commence building the dam.

According to Nordberg, Scheldon showed Charles XII a

model of the proposed dock, but he was unable to build the

great dam necessary before the proposed dock could be

excavated. On this, he was ordered to consult Polhem, and

probably the consultation took place before Polhem visited

Lund. (Carl XII, p. 602)

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[1716
December

The other great work to which we have alluded, the canal building, was more, far-reaching but not so immediate. Its undertaking came about in a singular way. After Swedenborg had left Upsala for Lund, he received a letter from his brother-in-law Benzelius, intimating "that it would be useful for merchandise to pass through Gothenburg and the Gotha Alf and Venner," and calling attention to a letter on the subject written in 1523 by Bishop Brask of Linkoping, who was the first to suggest this inland water passage.

"Of this letter," writes Benzelius, many years later, "I gave

a copy to my brother-in-law Emanuel Swedenborg, as he was

then with his Majesty in Lund, 1716, and from it occasion was

taken to consider a channel between Vetter and Venner and

also navigation from Goteborg to Venner." (Brefwaxl.

XXIII; Linkop. Handl. pp. 189, 191)

Erik XIV and Charles IX had both taken up the plan, and

also had done some little work in connection with it by means

of Dutch builders who had worked for securing navigation

between Lake Venner and Goteborg. The ruling motive which led

to the desire for a canal to connect Stockholm and the

interior country with Goteborg by a water way, was the same

now as when it was first broached in 1523, namely, to avoid

the imports and hindrances, especially in time of war, which

the Danes imposed on all vessels traveling through the

Oresund; and Holland was just as interested in the matter as

was Sweden. (Bring, Troll. Kan. Hist. p. 42 seq.)

King Charles XII was at once enamored of the idea; for

despite all his faults, he had a keen vision of the benefits

which would thence result to the commerce of Sweden. He was

attracted, moreover, by the fact that in Polhem he had a

genius who could manage the whole affair without recourse, as

ever in the past, to the Dutch Canal Builders. And so Polhem,

and with him Swedenborg, was given a commission first to see

about the Karlskrona work and then to investigate the whole

matter of the canal and report on its practicability and

cost.

The assignment of these tasks to Polhem was a high

honor, and the honor was still further emphasized by the King

who, on Tuesday, December 18th - the day when Swedenborg

received his appointment - raised Palhammar to the rank of

noble, when his name became Polheim.

While these negotiations were going on with the King, Swedenborg was busy with his literary work in preparation for Daedalus V; and we can imagine also that these days had their pleasant moments in the meeting of old friends, in the discussion of the deeds of the hero King, and also of science and literature; and we can well imagine that Swedenborg did not neglect the opportunity to talk to the King's Secretary Cronhjelm (who had signed his warrant) concerning that book of fables which he had dedicated to his older brother Gustaf.

The King was interested in the Daedalus, and evidently encouraged Swedenborg to go on with his undertaking; and, in consequence, Swedenborg anticipated both support and advantages from subsequent issues something which he holds out in his effort to get literary cooperation.

"If Doctors Roberg and Bromell do not fail to increase Part V

with their own contributions, it may lead to their own

profit." (OQ. 1:263 = LM. p. 136)

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[1716
December

Swedenborg's inability to get practical cooperation in the Daedalus, in the way of contributed articles, is astonishing and would seem to indicate inertia or absence of enthusiasm. Even in the single case when Dr. Roberg contributed his thoughts, it was yet Swedenborg on whom devolved the labor of writing them out suitable for publication, and indeed, so considerable was his work that he wondered whether Dr. Roberg would wish his name to appear at all. It was certainly not due to any omission on Swedenborg's part. In June 1716, he asks Dr. Roberg to continue his articles on salt, as promised in the article itself (Daed. Hyper. II, pp. 29 ad fin). In September, Benzelius is asked to contribute a life of Stiernhelm; and Dr. Bromell is not only asked to write something about his "curiosities," that is, his mineral and geological collection, but he appears actually to have promised to comply, and plates were made to illustrate his articles. In December, Roberg and Bromell are again urged to contribute, as noted above, and early in 1717, Dr. Roberg is asked specifically to "contribute his thoughts on snow and freezing, which he promised" - but all these requests were in vain. In the end, the whole work of writing fell on Swedenborg alone. (OQ. 1:263, 239, 252, 256-7 = LM. pp. 136, 86, 106, 112-3; D. Hyper. III pl. 1) (OQ.1:266 = LM. p. 145) (D. Hyper. V pl. 1)

As to the Mechanical Laboratory, the Astronomical Observatory, and the Learned Society, nothing apparently was done. "In respect to the establishment of the Society," writes Swedenborg, immediately after his departure from Lund, "nothing is as yet declared; yet I shall not forget it in the proper time, though the Upsala letter* will probably lie over." A few weeks later, when speaking of reprinting his article on Finding the Longitude, he writes:

* Perhaps the documents by Elfvius or Benzelius concerning the necessity of an observatory, spoken of above.

"Thus also I hope that something can be determined concerning

an observatory and the society; as to which, nothing is yet

done, though a word would have been enough to accomplish the

matter if the Councillor of Commerce had found that it could

have been brought into being and could have been maintained

without the person who was in mind attending the society or

at least without him being present in Upsala. Yet, at the

next time [i.e., when he next sees the King], request shall

certainly be made concerning the observatory." (OQ. 1:265 =

LM. p. 139)

It would seem from this that, while the idea of a society and an observatory was looked on with favor, Polhem was lukewarm owing, it would appear, to some jealousy of Swedenborg; at any rate, nothing was done about the matter, and Swedenborg writes from Karlskrona that the "Upsala letter will have to wait over." He refers, perhaps, to the letter by Elfvius or Benzelius showing the necessity of an observatory in Sweden. (OQ. 1:263 = LM. p. 136)

As already stated, the King was greatly interested in the Daedalus itself - the first learned journal to be published in Sweden - and he suggested to the delighted Swedenborg that it should be printed in Latin as well as in Swedish; he even went to the trouble of pointing out exactly "where the Swedish should be [and] where the Latin." (OQ. l: 266 = LM. p.144)

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[1716
December

One can well imagine the cause of the King's suggestion.

The King being himself a mechanical and mathematical genius,

was interested in the journal and proud of it as giving

promise of European fame for some of Sweden's sons. Its

articles gave matter of discourse for many royal

conversations, and these in turn resulted in the King showing

the Daedalus to others, including some of the educated

foreigners, ambassadors, and others who were in Lund, few if

any of whom knew Swedish. There can be little doubt but that

the King was impressed by the advisability of printing a

translation in Latin, the language of the whole cultivated

world, so that his auditors could read for themselves. (OQ.

1:263 = LM. p. 135)

The King was especially interested in the article on salt which had appeared in the second number of the Daedalus, and which dealt with a matter whose vital importance to the country had been but recently demonstrated by the almost prohibitive price of salt.

"As to the project with respect to the making of salt,"

writes Swedenborg, "his Majesty discoursed thereon and took

the opposite side, proving it from Hungarian wine which can

be entirely frozen. He related concerning himself when he was

in Poland, that he had distributed it to the lads piecemeal

with his sword, though it left an inner kernel of the very

essence as large as a musket ball." (OQ. 1:266 = LM. p.

145)

But perhaps the most signal mark of the King's favor which Swedenborg experienced was in the matter of their conversations on mathematics. Swedenborg greatly admired the mathematical genius of his hero, and at the same time, his unassuming modesty. Of this Swedenborg testifies some years later:

"He must have had a deeper understanding than he showed

outwardly," he writes, "especially as, in his intercourse

generally, he gave people to understand that he deemed it low

and vulgar to put on the air and the ways of superiority and

learning in the company of such as have regarded and still

regard the external and superficial as wise, and the internal

and real as unwise." One of his expressions was that "he

regarded him who was ignorant of mathematics as only half a

man." But he exhibited "all his grace and favor toward those

whom he considered able to bring a useful science to some

degree of perfection." (Doc. 1:564)

Five years after his first meeting with the King, Swedenborg wrote concerning his attainments as follows:

"I suppose that not one man in a thousand would imagine

that a Hero of such renown, acquired from so many

achievements, possessed also a most profound and acute

judgment, and a force of mind the most penetrating, in all

matters belonging to arithmetical calculation. But it was my

good fortune frequently to hear him discourse on such

subjects, in particular, as belong to mathematics and

arithmetic. . . Another proof of his skill in calculation was

afforded by the ease with which he could solve the most

difficult problems by mental operations simply, which would

have required others the most laborious and fatiguing

methods." (Miss. Obs. 113, 116)

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[1716
December

"I confess," says Swedenborg, elsewhere, "that I have never been able to understand how by mere reflection, and without employing the customary mode of algebraical computation, such things could be wrought out." He then adds that the King wished to sharpen his wits with Polhem whom he knew to excel in these matters. This is undoubtedly true, and explains also the cause that led Charles XII to be so gracious to the brilliant, mechanical genius Swedenborg, who was so eager and zealous in striving to advance his country in science and in manufacture. (Doc. 1:560)

During this visit to Lund in December 1716, Swedenborg and Polhem frequently waited on the King, when the discussion turned mainly on mechanics and the computation of forces, and also on geometry, arithmetic, etc., and the King showed "decided interest" in asking questions as though he wished to obtain information without it being observed; yet, "now and then," says Swedenborg, "he would let us perceive that he was by no means as ignorant in these matters as he pretended, which caused us to be more careful and guarded" not to speak of generalities or uncertainties. (Doc. 1: 559)

"One day," says Swedenborg, "the conversation was as to

the origin of our numbers, and the explanation was given that

it was due to people having originally counted on their ten

fingers, and that with the invention of figures this system

had been retained. The King pointed out how inconvenient the

number 10 was as the basis of our calculations since it so

soon diverts into a fraction, and contains no squares. It

would have been better if 8 or 16 had been used. (Miss.

Obs. 113,114)

The King was highly pleased with the talk, and desired

that a trial be made of a system based on 8 or 16. It was

pointed out, however, that new names would be necessary.

(Ibid.)

The King then commanded Swedenborg* to carry out this

work on the basis of 8. Swedenborg did this in the course of

a few days in a paper wherein he pointed out the agreements

of his system with the current Swedish coins, weights, and

measures, and the ease with which the system could be used

for the more speedy finding of cubes, squares, etc., and for

other calculations. (Ibid. 115)

* That Swedenborg saw the King alone on this occasion is shown by the fact that in 1740, when Polhem was still living, he wrote that he was the only living person who could tell of this incident (see p. 600).

"When his Majesty had looked at my specimen twice or

thrice, although he saw that it clearly had certain

advantages unknown in the decimal calculus, yet he would not

honor it with his approbation because, so far as he could

judge, he considered it too easy both in conception and

practice. He therefore immediately said that he wished some

other number than eight to have been selected; some number,

in short, which might contain both a cube and a square, and

yet be referred to the octonary scale and reducible to unity

by constantly halving." The number 64 was the

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[1716
December

only nominator which would fill these conditions, but

Swedenborg objected that with 64, the multiplication table up

to 64 times 64 would read 4,096, and the system would require

the memorizing of 3,969 numbers. "But in proportion as I

raised difficulties," he writes, "his Majesty only became

more eager and desirous to try this calculation. He seemed to

court difficulties and would answer only that those I had

adduced would be compensated for by greater advantages."

(Miss. Obs. 115)

One or two days later, Swedenborg was again summoned to

the royal presence, and the subject was again brought up. But

just as Swedenborg was commencing again to point out the

difficulties of the 64 system, the King took from his table

a paper which he handed to Swedenborg, "and to my great

astonishment," says the latter, "I saw that he had invented

not only new characters and numbers (bearing a considerable

resemblance to the letters of his own name), and which

proceeded in a regular series to 64, by a most happy and

easily remembered division, but likewise fresh denominations;

both being so contrived that they might be extended to

myriads, whilst the character and denomination would

constantly vary. But when I perceived collaterally some new

methods for performing addition and multiplication by this

calculus, which were produced artificially, or by

characteristic marks in the numbers themselves, together with

other most ingenious attempts to facilitate the employment of

this system, I could not but admire the heroic force of his

mind; and, full of wonder, I felt obliged to confess that

this great monarch and man was not merely my rival but my

conqueror in my own department." (Ibid. 226)

The King's autographed paper* was given to Swedenborg, and some years later he writes of how highly he treasures it and, at the same time, promises eventually to give it to Upsala Library. Its whereabouts is now unknown.

* Consisting of 2 arks containing characters, names and rules (OQ. 1:275 = LM. p. 165)

As to the new system of numbering, Swedenborg not long afterwards wrote a little work, on this subject, and we shall defer to the consideration of that work any further discussion of this subject.

The immediate result of this visit to Lund, prior to the actual investigation of the Canal Route, was that on January 31st, 1717, Charles XII gave out an open letter for the establishment of a private company, a "sluice guild" which was to build, maintain, and profit from the navigation between Venner and Gothenburg; other privileges were also promised for the future. The sequel showed, however, that despite these promises, and despite the fact that Polhem himself offered to subscribe one thousand dal.s.m., the appeal for subscribers, if ever made, was not successful. (Bring, Troll.Kan.Hist. p. 62)

A few days after his appointment, Swedenborg set out for Karlskrona together with Polhem. Here they stayed a week or so, looking over the ground, laying down the plan for the new dock, taking preliminary measures for its building, especially the building of the preparatory dam, and, of course, consulting Admiral Wachmeister and the shipbuilder Charles Sheldon* who had charge of the whole work. (Sv. Merc. 1761: 46-47)

* See Familjebok.

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[1717
January

During his brief stay at Karlskrona, Swedenborg finds time to work on Daedalus V, which must now, be translated into Latin, and which he hopes Benzelius will be able to have published by April for presentation to the King. He also thinks of having a reprint made of his article on Finding the Longitude.

Before leaving Karlskrona, he receives from his brother-in-law congratulations on at last having secured honorable employment. For these he writes:

"I am very grateful; I give the assurance on my conscience

that the only pleasure I find therein is that it will

presumably please my parents and d: Brother. This pleasure is

my greatest advancement and good fortune." (OQ. 1:264 =

LM. p. 139)

We have already stated that Charles XII was especially interested in the Daedalus article on saltmaking with its suggestions as to the practicability of developing brineries in Sweden. It was in consequence of this royal interest that Polhem and Swedenborg, while at Karlskrona, took the occasion to make experiments to ascertain whether saltworks would be profitable on the Baltic. But they

"found the water of this lake very slightly impregnated with

salt on account of being toward the north and diluted with

the waters of the rivers, so that it scarcely contains a

thirtieth part of its weight in salt, and still less at

certain periods, as was ascertained by an instrument."

(Person. Tids. p. 92, Miss. Obs. 65-66)

Swedenborg thus misses his Christmas holidays, when he had hoped to meet Eric Benzelius at Brunsbo, but, as he writes in January 1717:

"To leave Councillor of Commerce Polheimer in a place where

weighty designs are in hand, is as opposed to his Majesty's

intention and pleasure as to my advantage in the long run."

(OQ. 1:264 = LM. p. 139)

He writes this from Goteborg where he and Polhem arrived in the beginning of January 1717.

But on the way from Karlskrona to Goteborg, some important investigations were made to ascertain the amount of salt in the water at different places, with a view to the establishment of saltworks. From Karlskrona, Swedenborg and Polhem proceeded to Goteborg. (Person.Tids. p. 92; Miss. Obs. 65)

Swedenborg gives some account of the fruits of this journey in his Miscellaneous Observations which he published in 1722. About the straights of Helsingborg, he says: There is little salt because the North

Sea was mingled with the Baltic. At Halmstadt, 60 miles

farther north, there was too much river water entering the

sea; 50 miles still farther north at Warberg, the water was

richer, containing 1/16th of its weight in salt. Here, on a

nearby island, salt boiling had been carried on for some

time, and it had the advantage of a good supply of peat. From

Warberg to Gothenburg, the prospect was poor owing to the

rivers and especially the Gotha Alf. (Miss. Obs. p. 66)

From Gothenburg, they pursued the northward journey, still studying the question of saltworks. At Marstrand, the sea was found to be very salt, and the place was favorable for saltworks save for the high price of fuel; but from Uddevalla on to Stromstad, and particularly at Gulmarsberg a little northwest of Uddevalla, the prospects were excellent. There, Swedenborg

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himself counted twenty-seven saltworks, all of course on a small scale; yet they supplied all the salt used in Bohuslan - a fact not known to one person in Sweden out of a thousand. (Miss. Obs. p. 66, see p. 69; Pers. Tids. p. 92)

"Here," Swedenborg writes, "is found the best opportunity in

the world for saltmaking since there is sufficient abundance

of woods and streams which can advance the work, and one

could be confident in promising to procure as much as is

needed at from 8 to 10 d.k.m. per ton;* which will likely be

demonstrated at the place itself. Probably also I shall

confer with Dr. Roberg something thereon which can be sent to

the King, so that he can see a drawing of new salt pans which

are economical with wood and hasten the work in many ways;

also a drawing of a pump and graduating pipes, which are

likewise new; though there also, as in other places, by means

of evaporation and wind in the summer, and of freezing in the

winter, it can be refined to such a degree that it can be

worked up and boiled with the least trouble. There is a

brinery at Stromstad, but constructed with the greatest lack

of judgment, without any other graduation processes save that

it is pumped from the deep. It has also the most unsuitable

salt pans possible, yet with a single cord of wood they

succeed in actually producing three tons every twenty-four

hours.** If such work could be set going, the country would

take in more than the whole [value] of its iron manufacture

in which one must sometimes suffer a loss; but here there

would be a real gain for the country since it then keeps the

money in the country. We hope that the journey we made there

will in time become of importance." (OQ. 1:266 = LM.

p. 145)

* In peace times, the price was 42-1/2. Imported salt, on the other hand, in war times rose as high as 100 dal. a ton (Underrat. om Dock. p. 6; Bring, Pol. p. 53).

** In his Misc. Observations p. 67, speaking of the Saltworks at Stromstad, the author says that with a load of wood, 3 ells square, one man can produce in a single day one ton, or four tons Dutch.

It may here be added that the information concerning salt boiling which Swedenborg acquired on this journey, is incorporated in a work De Sale which he completed in 1729. In that work, pages 43-46, he describes the whole process used in Stromstad, and gives a delineation of the salt pans used.

During these journeys, Swedenborg was not satisfied merely to confine himself to the question of establishing saltworks. His keen sight observes many things which may be of use to him in his desire to enter into the causes of things. And it is not improbable that on this journey along the western coast of southern Sweden, he began to formulate in his mind those geological hypotheses which later he wrote out in his Height of Water. At any rate, he closely observed and made note of many of the phenomena which went to the forming of that theory.

Thus, at Helsingborg, he notes the formation of the strata of the ground. Here (he says, in his Height of Water)

"there are several layers of stone and earth; lowermost we

find brown stone, then red stone, and then granite; on top of

this sandstone of a fathom's thickness, and then layers of

slate, white, brown, blue and black; on top of this a layer

of coal; then a

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[1717
January

blue slate like stone, which dissolves in water and is full

of salt like the sea." (Sc. and Phil. Tr. I:1:41)

In Miscellaneous Observations, he describes still another series of layers which he had observed near Helsingborg. (Miss. Obs. p.19)

In Uddevalla and Stromstad also, he was keenly observant of geological features, and there he makes certain observations which strongly indicate that Sweden was formerly the bed of a sea. (Ibid. p. 149)

"On a high hill, not far from the city of Uddevalla," he

writes, "there is an entire tract of land consisting of

different kinds of shells [mussels and snails, Sc. and Phil.

Tr. I:1:21, 41] and of tortoises; a similar formation exists

near Stromstad [between Stromstad and Sundborg, ibid. 44]

in a still more lofty hill 70 ells above the level of the

sea; and also in the islands of Tiorn and Oroust.* These

remains are so abundant that the inhabitants burn them and

thus obtain a most excellent lime which they sell;" and he

adds, with scientific interest, "It would be worth while to

engrave the several species of these tortoises."

* Two islands a few miles south of Stromstad.

It was probably at Uddevalla in January 1717, that Swedenborg jotted down the notes on Mussels and Snails, etc. (Phot. 1: 19) which are translated in Scientific and Philosophical Treatises I:1: 21-22; for though he dwells on the fields of shells found at Uddevalla, he makes no mention of the similar fields which he saw later in Stromstad.

At Stromstad, and also at Gullmarsberg, he noted in the granite what are called potholes - "one very near Stromstad, over which hangs a cliff having a large crevice in which a great many round and polished stones have been found," - which he takes as a sign of swirling water grinding into the granite by means of stones. (Sc. and Phil. Tr. I:1:43)

The investigation of saltworks, however, while important, was not the only work that lay before Polhem and Swedenborg. They were also to investigate as to the building of a water way through Lake Venner to Gothenburg. This study involved more than the building of sluices or locks between Lake Venner and Gothenburg. It involved the greater question of a water passage to the interior of the land, and, eventually, to Stockholm. At Uddevalla, they investigated the question as to whether the outlet should be there instead of at Gothenburg, which was a much longer route (60 miles as compared with 16-1/2); but, mainly for commercial reasons, Polhem favored Gothenburg. (Bring, Troll., p. 69)

They went also to Trollhatten where are the greatest falls; and they examined the falls at Wennersborg and the route whereby to circumvent them. From Wennersborg, probably via Skara and Brunsbo, they went to Gulspang and thence crossed over to Lake Hjalmar. It would thus appear that the route they examined did not include any part of Lake Vetter but was to pass through Orebro and Lake Hjalmar, some forty miles north of the route of Skagern and Toften

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[1717
February

the present canal. In 1718 this route was changed to a more southern one, but after the death of Charles XII, Polhem again proposed it. (OQ.1:263, 264 = LM. pp. 136, 139; Bring, Troll. p. 73)

During the journey to Lake Hjalmar, Swedenborg is struck with some geological features which later he makes use of to show that the highest parts of Sweden were formerly isolated islands. Thus, he notes that Orebro on Lake Hjalmar is 60 ells above sea level, sinking down to 30 ells at Trollhatten, and to 10 at Gullspang; he also notes in the neighborhood of Orebro the existence of great isolated boulders, indicating the former presence of the sea. Of this journey of investigation with a view to reporting the canal project to the King, Swedenborg writes from Stiernsund, where their journey finally led them:

"All was found to be feasible, and at a cost which was not so

high as was thought. If I could contribute nothing more to

the matter, I am a stimulus to it" - which
indicates that Swedenborg was enthusiastic with regard to this project whereby to secure cheap transportation, and at the same time escape from the exactions of the Danes. (Sc. and Phil.Tr. I:1:52, 36, 2:87; Miss. Obs. p. 151; OQ. 1: 267 = LM. p. 146)

After his work of exploration, Swedenborg accompanied Polhem to the latter's home in Stiernsund, arriving there after the middle of February 1717. At this peaceful home he found much needed rest after his continuous and strenuous journeys. Here, the copy of Daedalus V - which should have appeared in January - was at last completed and sent off to Benzelius, "with the humble request that d: Brother will give it the same unsparing kindness as before." Swedenborg had already sent him the first installment from Brunsbo where he had made a short stop en route. The delay in getting the Daedalus ready was partly due to the advice received from the King to publish it in Latin and Swedish. Swedenborg's constant journeys since the time of that advice had given him little time for the translation work until he found rest in Stiernsund. (OQ.1:265 = LM. p. 144)

Swedenborg remained but a short time at Stiernsund, during which be probably assisted Polhem in preparing a report and estimate for the proposed canal building. At the end of February he went to his Starbo property, and later made a short journey of investigation around the neighboring mining district. Finally, on March 22nd he arrived in Stockholm and determined to stay there until Easter. After Easter he expected again to be called to Lund, and he hoped that Daedalus V would be ready by that time for him to offer it to his Majesty. On March 24th he writes to Benzelius:

"Ah, if only I were so fortunate as to get Daedalus V, yes,

and Daedalus VI, if it could be ready before Easter, to take

them down with me to offer to his Majesty. . . If it be

possible, it ought to be done." (OQ. 1:267, 268 = LM.

p. 149)

In Stockholm he had plenty with which to occupy himself in preparation for the visit to the King; particularly in the marshaling of facts, suggestions and improvements connected with the proposed establishment of Swedish saltworks - a matter which greatly interested the King. In order to put the matter before his Majesty, Swedenborg now writes a Memorial on the Instituting of Saltworks in Sweden. Whether this Memorial was actually sent to Lund is not known, though it would seem probable in view of the King's support of this work. Swedenborg's draft is still preserved among his papers, and from this it appears that it forms the substance of a chapter in a little work he published two years later on The Dock, Sluices, and Saltworks. (Phot. 1:74; ACSD 133)

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[1717
March

The Memorial in question sets forth the advantages Sweden has, especially in its cold whereby the water can be frozen to concentrate its salt before boiling, and the abundance of its forests supplying wood for boiling.

He then shows that the saltmaking at Uddevalla and Stromstad is very inefficient and could be greatly improved in quality, and cheapened in price by graduating and improved salt pans, etc.

[Note: Among the improvements contemplated by Polhem were a floating barge with a pump operated by a windmill, to pump the saltiest water from the bottom of the sea and convey it to the brinery by pipes; new gradier works, etc. (Person. Tids., p. 92; see De Sale p. 76)

After this, he proceeds to answer the various objections that may be raised. In this part of his Memorial, we see the presence of those liberal economic principles which later were so to the fore in his political writings. The objections and answers are:

1. There would not be enough wood for fuel, especially now when wood economy is enforced.

Answer: There are abundant woods around the present

saltworks and, moreover, they can use the waste wood of the

sawmills.

2. Being near the border, the works would be subject to enemy attacks.

Answer: This could be guarded against by placing the works

where their approaches could be guarded.

3. Our shippers would lose the present profit they get from carrying salt from foreign parts, and so business would suffer.

Note: This objection from powerful interests was probably the most potent in destroying Polhem's plans, for the salt trade, especially with Portugal, was an important one. (Person. Tids., pp. 92-93; Robinson, p. 146)

Answer: Salt is often brought to us by foreign ships, and

in any case, payment must be made in specie which should be

kept in the country. Moreover, the country cannot truly aid

business by injuring itself.

4. The establishment of saltworks would lower the streams and decrease the fresh water supply.

Answer: They need not be situated at streams.

5. The summer in Sweden is too uncertain.

Answer: But plenty of salt can be made when the weather is

dry and hot.

6. The matter should be proved before being approved.

Answer: Saltmaking is already proved at Uddevalla and

Stromstad, despite the faulty processes of making.

He concludes by stating his willingness to submit, plans for improved graduating works and salt pans.* (LM. p. 140)

* In the same MS. volume in Linkoping is a copy of this Memorial, but not in Swedenborg's hand. (It was Polhem who presented the Memorial on Salt. The present Memorial was perhaps for reserve.) (Doc. 1:287; Stroh 2:82)

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[1717
April

We might add that at the end of the paper on which this Memorial is written, Swedenborg has entered a note of the subjects on which Elfvius, Vallerius and Roberg might write for the Daedalus. Alas, he never succeeded in getting their contributions. His intention in making the note was probably to write to Eric Benzelius asking him to get one or other of these professors to contribute an article for Daedalus VI, the make-up of which he seems to have intended to leave in Benzelius's hands. (OQ. 1: 273 = LM. p .158; Phot. 1: 77)

Both as to the saltworks and as to the canal building, Swedenborg is optimistic. Both projects, he writes on March 24, 1717, "are in a good way," and he thinks they will win the royal authorization. (OQ. 1:268 = LM. p. 149)

Nor does he remit his efforts to secure the royal approbation of an astronomical observatory. He sends a "Project" for the institution of such an observatory to deputy Councillor Fahlstrom, a military captain who was with the King in the Kalabalika, and was closely attached to his person in Lund; and he supposes "that his Majesty will approve it, and will also send to Upsala to present a plan for establishing a society," and this probably before the end of May. (OQ. 1; p. 268 = LM. p. 149)

A week later, however, he begins to entertain some doubt. On April 4, 1717, he writes:

"I wonder what decision has been come to in respect to

what has been laid before his Majesty concerning the

Astronomical Observatory, inland navigation, and the brinery

. . . the present time seems untimely for all good

proposals." (Ibid. 271 = p. 152)

About a week after his arrival in Stockholm, Polhem's two daughters, "Maja and Mensa" (Maria, aged 19, and Emerentia. 14) came to the city on a visit and brought him from their father a continuation of the article in no. IV of the Daedalus, on the Resistance of Mediums. Of these draft continuations, Polhem writes in his accompanying letter:

"I did not afterwards give myself the time to read through

them, and therefore, the sense rather than the words is to be

observed. Should Herr Vice-President Hierne find pleasure in

the clean copy and so approval, it may be printed; but if any

objection is made which demands more exact explanation, it

had best remain until the whole is connected together."
A few days later he writes that it was not his intention to have the second Part printed at this time, "but that something can be extracted from it in illustration of the former part." (OQ. 1:269, 270 = LM. pp. 150, 152)

Whether Swedenborg did any work on preparing this continuation for the press is not known. Swedenborg added to his advertisement of Daedalus Hyperboreus V, which will be mentioned presently, the following:

"There is also, by Councillor of Commerce Mr. Polheim, a

little commencement to a Geometrical, Arithmetic and

Mechanical Course, called Wishetens andra Grundwahl til

Ungdoms prydnad which came out in Upsala and is sold there."

(ACSD 135A)

It seems that the Stockholm copies had all been sold, and this encouraged Swedenborg to contemplate the possibility of continuing the printing:

"I wonder if it is sold out in Upsala," he writes on April

4th, 1717, "which I should like to know in order to see

whether a continuation is justified. Here it is sold for 5

styfvers; perhaps I shall get back 1-1/2." (OQ. l:271 = LM.

p. 153)

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[1717
April

As we have already noted, the work was never continued, though perhaps from other than financial reasons.

We might note here also an interesting observation made by Polhem in his letter, that suggests the familiar teaching about the spiritual genius of the Swedes. He greatly approves of having Benzelius write a life of Stiernhielm for the Daedalus, and suggests that some poems be prefixed to it,

"to the honor both of Sweden and of the person whom the

subject matter seems to serve. In the degree that the sun

gives to Sweden short and cold days," he continues, "in that

degree are they longer and more lovely in summer; so that in

this respect southerners have nothing to boast of when the

year is up. So likewise also, though Sweden nourishes the

most stupid people which other nations just despise, yet, on

the other hand, there are there lively geniuses who would

surpass and teach other nations; though these two extremes

together constitute no more than the average in other

places." (Confer Robinson, An Account of Sweden, p. 46

seq.) (OQ. 1:269 = LM. p. 151)

Meanwhile, Benzelius gratified his brother-in-law by pushing the printing of Daedalus V, and he was so far successful that it was actually on the market by the first week in April. On the 4th of that month, Swedenborg writes to Upsala "for twenty copies on the fine paper, and some of the other kind, since I must complete theirs with the same paper as they had before, both here and in Lund." (OQ. 1:270 = LM. p. 152)

No. V was the most pretentious of all the six issues of the Daedalus Hyperboreus. It consisted of 40 pages (Swedish and Latin translation facing each other) and 1 double copperplate. It was provided with a separate title-page as befitted a journal almost under the auspices of the King.

It was on the appearance of this number that Swedenborg proposes to take a definite step to increase the sale of the journal, and also to protect its purchasers from the exactions of the booksellers. On April 4th, he writes to
Benzelius:

"I think I would rather hold to a certain selling agent for

them, and give him a definite compensation, since the

booksellers are unreasonable in setting a price on them and

so they make little advance; yet the price paid me is 2

styvers less than that which was agreed on," etc. (OQ. 1:

271 = LM. p .153)

Nominally, no. V was advertised in the Stocholmiska Kundgiorelser of April 2d, but actually the advertised contents were those of no. IV. After reciting these contents, the advertisement then continues:

"The work for the whole year is sold for 32 styvers by

the bookseller on Nygatan and in Upsala" -

from which it appears that the price of each number was 8 styvers (1/4 of a daler s.m., or nearly 3 dal.k.m.) (ACSD 135A)

The first article in this number does not lack an element of comicality. In the Swedish it is called Polhem's ingenious tap," and in the Latin, his "ingeniously made pump whereby the drawings from the barrel can be observed." Swedenborg opens it as follows:

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[1717
April

"Here is presented a new invention of a tap which is

well known both for its ingenuity and for its merits; and it

has already been used by many with pleasure and advantage.

Its merits consist principally in this, that it puts a check

on the greed of some maid- and menservants who, when the

opportunity arises, tap the keg as much for the advantage of

themselves and their friends as for that of their mistress,

making themselves glad and merry at the expense of their

master. . . The present machine will serve to check all such

peculation and abuse, setting against it a lock and bar, as

it were. For when the house mistress wishes to place her key

and give it into the hands of the butler, she can rest calm,

being assured that no water will run by the mill while the

miller's wife is sleeping; for if it should happen, the

vessel would at once carry the mark of it. From which it can

be concluded that its use is as great as its ingenuity, and

its ingenuity as great as its use; though, doubtless it will

not be liked by the lower classes. Its outer shape is already

known by a large number of persons, but since the mechanism

is concealed and lies inside, one will now open it up and set

forth its parts, both in combination and separately, and show

the hiding place of this mechanical wine- saver which checks

the pleasure and desire of the servant folk."

Then follows the description of the tap itself, which is

fully illustrated in the accompanying plate. This tap was

manufactured at Stiernsund, and attention is called to the

fact that keys also are made there, and among them a key "on

which one can see whether the door has been closed or not, so

that the mistress need no longer take the trouble to look

after her servants' faithfulness, save merely from the key."

One of these taps at Stiernsund, according to tradition, was

invented by Polhem when he discovered that when he wished

ale, his maid's lover happened to be equally thirsty at the

same time. This he found by the maid's reporting the barrel

empty when, according to Polhem's calculation, ale should yet

be left. (Daed. Hyper., p. 112; Stroh l: p. 63)

The second article of Daedalus V consists of several tables compiled by Swedenborg himself, to show the quantity of liquid contents in cubes, cylinders and spheres, and continues as a general treatment on the subject of stereometry, with the required mathematical operations and an analysis and explanation of them. The first draft of these calculations is preserved at Linkoping, and consists of 2 folio pages entitled "Stereometric Proportions and Stereometric Rules." It includes also the specific gravity of metals with water as the standard. (Phot. 1:100-1)

The matter of getting the plate made to illustrate the article on Polhem's tap gave Swedenborg considerable trouble. He had contemplated printing this article in the third number of the Daedalus, and had asked Prof. Roberg to execute a copperplate to illustrate it. But on April 2d, 1716, Benzelius writes him that Doctor Roberg, in case he were willing to draw this tap, "would have to open one, and here there is no one who will allow his tap to be destroyed." Such was the practical and ever-needed use of this cunning mechanism that the unwillingness to sacrifice it on the altar of science continued, and finally, when the tap must be drawn for Daedalus V, Swedenborg writes:

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[1717
April

"As to the engraving of the tap, I know not how to provide

for it . . .

Could Dr. Roberg, in some pleasant and engaging

way, be invited to interest himself in the matter, this would

be the best way to do it, especially since some minute

details are involved which Mons. Aveln will not be able to

deal with. For the rest, if it should be necessary to examine

the tap itself, it lies in the bureau in the room which I

occupied, in one of the top drawers, which also should be

given to Doctor Roberg if he took charge of the matter."

(OQ. 1: 248, 266; = LM. pp. 98, 144)

Another difficulty which Swedenborg encountered and which might be mentioned here was the lack of complete sets of types in the print shops. Swedenborg notes the need of a sign for division, and wonders whether the print shop has such a sign. In the end, the sign was made by the letter "1" laid on its side with two period signs set above it and two below it. The same and other clumsy contrivances were adopted when Swedenborg's Algebra was printed in Skara a year or two later. (OQ. 1:267 = LM. p. 147)

Before leaving Stockholm, Swedenborg saw through the press another little work which probably he had written or, at any rate, prepared for, during his brief stay at Polhem's home. Its Swedish title (translated) reads: "A Relation concerning Stiernsund's Tin plated ware, the use of it, and the tin plating, Stockholm, 1717." It does not have the author's name, but in the Stockholm Royal Library copy is an annotation by Librarian Stahl "af Swedenborg." It is also attributed to Swedenborg in the earliest catalogues. (Doc. 3: 889)

This work is somewhat in the nature of an advertisement,

intended to show housewives how they should use the tinplated

spoons, plates, etc., made at Stiernsund, and how to replate

them in case the tinning wears off. And as an advertisement

it came out quite appropriately as a supplement to the

Stockholm newspaper Stockholmiska Kundgiorelser - though

this was like the tail wagging the dog. The appearance of

this supplement was undoubtedly due to Polhem's suggestion,

and it is of interest to note that in the beginning of the

Collegium Curiosorum, Polhem had the idea of printing the

papers or transactions of the Collegium as weekly supplements

to the Stockholm paper Ordinarie Stockholmiska

Posttidingar. (Bring, Polhem, p. 74)

It may also be noted that when Polhem had visited the

King in December 1716, he had brought with him a set of his

iron dishes, plates, spoons, etc., covered with tin. They

were tinned by an ingenious hydraulic machine invented by

Polhem. "The King thought so much of these tin goods," says

the traveler Mottraye, "that he banished from his table and

room everything of silver, and would have no other dishes,

plates, spoons, salt cellars, candlesticks, etc., than those

from this manufactory or, better said, aquafactory." The King

also carried these goods with him on his Norwegian Campaign.

This was in signal contrast to the lavishness allowed Goertz.

(Mottraye p. 176; Bring, Polhem p. 51; Fryx. 29: 90)

It was doubtless partly because of this royal favor that

it was suggested to Polhem to spread the use of his tin

goods; moreover, his manufactures were receiving much

opposition from tinsmiths and others. In addition to printing

its appendix, the Stockholmiska Posttidingar printed the

following editorial notice: (Underrat. Pref. 1923)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 149

[1717
April

"Since it is already well known everywhere what general

use is served by the iron implements which are made at

Stiernsund and carried on by the ingenious machines which

have been set up, one has therefore set up for the pleasure

and at the same time for the use of the kind reader, on the

tin working at Stiernsund [etc.] which follows herewith on

half an ark." (ACSD 139A)

Swedenborg commences his paper by noting that the tinplated wares made at Stiernsund require more careful attention to keep them clean than in the case of tinware. They must be washed and dried after every meal, for otherwise the salt in the food will in time eat into the tin and cause rust. When the tin is worn off, he adds, the goods may be exchanged for new goods for one-third of the selling price; thus, for three dozen worn out, one dozen new ones are given free, or they will be returned for l ore s.m. per plate. On the other hand, they can be used after the tin has worn off, even for fifty years, provided they are scoured after every meal.

As a final paragraph, he adds:

"It has been noticed that if children who are afflicted

with worms eat food that has been standing over night in

untinned iron vessels, especially sour food, the worms are

thereby destroyed. This is left to be tried out by other

people."

It seems also that during his stay in Stockholm, Swedenborg wrote out his first draft of "A New Theory concerning the Stoppage of the Earth," which, in 1719, he published under the title, "The Going and Stoppage of the Earth and Planets." At any rate, in a letter dated Stockholm, April 4, 1717, after speaking of the printing of Daedalus V. he writes: "I ought to be able to follow with the theory of the earth which I mentioned in my last." (OQ. 1:270 = LM. p. 152)

We give a brief view of this work, though its contents will be considered more fully later when we come to the printed book. It may be premised, however, that it was when Swedenborg was in England that his mind seemed to have been turned more particularly to a "Theory of the Earth." In England, Burnet [d. 1715], the Master of Charterhouse, had published a Theoria Telluris - a somewhat fanciful one which Flamsteed said he could demolish on a single sheet of paper, and which had caused considerable discussion. Doctor Woodward also has a theory of the earth and the flood; and it is not improbable that Swedenborg discussed the matter with both authors, and certainly he studied Burnet's book, for among his MSS. are found extracts from it. (D. of NB. s.v. Burnet; Cod. 86: 165-69)

And now Swedenborg essays his own Theoria Telluris - a theory of the stoppage of the earth.

Briefly, the theory is that since all finite things come to

an end, the same must be true of the earth. Swedenborg then

argues that the motion of the earth is becoming slower; at

first, its diurnal motion was so rapid that there was a

perpetual spring; otherwise there could have been no

creation; but not so now. Consequently, paradise and the long

age of the ancients was then possible. In this connection, he

denies the existence of pre-adamites. He then discusses the

physical cause of the flood and, incidentally, opposes the

theory of "a good man in England" [meaning Burnet] who hold

that steam burst the earth and then the waters rushed in.

(OQ. 3: 271, 274, 276)

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[1717
April

Swedenborg holds that before the flood, the earth was round, and in its motion offered little resistance to the air; but with the flood came mountains which offer much resistance. Hence, chapter 14 (the last) is headed: "The earth would have lasted 18,212 years had there been no flood."

That this conclusion is reached mathematically is seen from the MS., but how, does not appear since the work stops just at this point.

It may here be remarked that while Swedenborg was a skilled mathematician, his imagination, his dwelling on the idea, was too strong to allow him of always giving the exclusive attention to mathematics which is so necessary to exactness. This is the reason why, both in his Principia and also in his argument with other mathematicians, his mathematical claims were not always defensible. In Emanuel Swedenborg sasom Matematiker, Gustaf Enestrom (Stockholm 1890), who is the only author to study Swedenborg purely as a mathematician, says how totally unknown Swedenborg was and is to the world of mathematics. He adds:

"Swedenborg's purely mathematical contributions to Daedalus

Hyperboreus bear witness of a remarkable many-sidedness for

Swedish contemporary conditions, and a certain cleverness in

the use of them, but do not contain anything particularly new

or valuable from a mathematical point of view. One also finds

here one or two attempts of his in free hand, to construct

statements which, on closer investigation, are not found to

be mathematically tenable, and to come out with mathematical

philosophical speculations which lead away from actual exact

investigations instead of simplifying them."

Before leaving Stockholm, Swedenborg, on Saturday April 6th, presented himself at the Bergskollegium on Mynt Torget, and after taking the oath "with his hand on the Bible," took his seat in the Collegium as its youngest Assessor, and so commenced that labor which, with some considerable interruptions, was not finally to be laid down for thirty years. His Warrant was of course recognized, and he signed the letters of the Collegium as one of its Assessors. (ACSD 139, 225A)

At this time, the famous physician Urban Hjarne was the Vice-president of the Bergskollegium, and it may be presumed that Swedenborg now met him for the first time.

Swedenborg attended daily at the Bergskollegium up to and including Wednesday, April 17th, when he received leave of absence "to go in company with Councillor of Commerce Polhem to Karlskrona and Skane." He left Stockholm on the same day for a visit during Easter (April 21st) to his brother-in-law at Upsala, whom he afterwards accompanied to the latter's country estate Ribbenbeck, some miles due east of Upsala. For some unknown reason, he left Ribbenbeck hastily and without taking leave - probably the opportunity of transportation - and he took the way to Stiernsund where he visited Polhem, and the two then proceeded to Karlskrona to superintend the building of the dry dock and the great dam. Swedenborg's work on the former

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[1717
June

seems mainly to overlook the building of the dam which was to prepare the way for the blasting; but, in any case, his work like Polhem's was that of a consulting and advising engineer on whom the planning of that work devolved; but its actual execution was under the direction of the naval ship-builder Scheldon. (OQ. 1:270, 269 = LM. pp. 152, 151; ACSD 140; Doc.1:284; Fr. det Forna. p. 133)

* For a description of this dam, see Swedenborg's "New Plan for constructing Docks and Moles, (Amsterdam 1721).

From Karlskrona they, at any rate, Swedenborg proceeded to Lund, where they arrived on May 22nd. Here Swedenborg lost no time in presenting the fifth or Latin-Swedish number of the Daedalus "to his Majesty, who," he writes, was pleased with it, and even more." (OQ. 1:272 = LM. p. 157)

During this visit, he also tried to make some progress as to the Observatory. He tried to interest Secretary Cederholm but without success because he did not have a formal letter from the Upsala "Society." Polhem would not stir in the matter; in fact, he "adopted the attitude of not bothering himself about anything save what concerns himself," and naturally so when he found so many things ascribed to him of which he knew nothing at all.

On June 11th, Polhem's report of the canal investigations was laid before the King in a document which was written in Swedenborg's hand and possibly was his work, but was signed "C. P." (ACSD 142)

In this report, three large locks are proposed, two at Trollhattan and one at Carlsgraf.* For the sake of economy and expedition, the sides always under water were to be of wood, and those above, of wood faced with stone slabs from Kinnekulla. Thus faced, they would probably last a hundred years, (Bring, Troll. KH, p. 323)

* The present canal has 11 locks at Trollhattan. 2 or 3 sluices at Trollhattan were planned by Polhem to be so deep that part of each lock would be a tunnel (Bring, Troll. KH., pp. 63, 60).

Each of the three sluices, it was estimated, would cost

between ten and twenty thousand dal. s.m. In addition, extra

expenses would be incurred in the dredging of a part of the

river; which it was proposed to have done by the help of

Russian prisoners or soldiers who would receive less pay;

also in the erection of a temporary dam and in the

compensation to mill owners for the temporary losses incurred

before they could transfer their mills to the new sluices.

Moreover, the old dams at Ed would require to be improved

before through navigation can be secured. The whole work

would cost at least 100,000 dal.s.m., "whether more or less,

one cannot rightly say."

"This then is a short memo on navigation between Wenner

and Goth," ends Polhem's report. "As soon as it comes to some

resolution, I will present a plan for the rest of the work

between Wenner and Hielmar."

In an autograph P.S. to this very informal report,

moreover, Polhem proposed that the water power at Vennersborg

be used by the building there of works for the making of

nails, iron sheets, salt, dams for which could be put in at

little cost while the river bed was dry for the building of

the great sluices.

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[1717
June

It will be remembered that on the preceding January 31st

(see p. 138 above), the King had issued an open letter for

the establishing of a private sluice guild to which certain

valuable privileges would be given. Nothing came of this, and

in the report we are now considering, Polhem makes a new

proposal for the financing of the canal work, namely, that a

certain capital sum be put up by private persons for the

whole work, under the guarantee of ten per cent from the day

of cash subscription until the work was finished; and then

the King would grant privileges which would ensure a return

of at least ten per cent.

Polhem was optimistic as to the success of this plan,

and as for himself, he was content with "some little shares"

in payment of his valuable services.

The document closes with an estimate of twenty per cent

profit for the owners of the canal shares.

This plan was approved by the King, and a few days later (June 13th), a general announcement was made authorizing the formation of a private sluice company with one thousand shares, and promising to such a company a guarantee of Privileges and approval of a profit of at least twenty per cent. (Troll.K.H. p. 325)

A similar plan, namely, the authorizing of a private company, was contemplated for the proposed salt works, and Swedenborg viewed both projects with great hopes.

"The brinery goes," he writes in June, "and to it his Majesty

has resolved to grant great and powerful privileges which

will probably make many persons eager to venture their means

in it; and should interested persons be lacking in other

places, Lund with its Deputy Councillor should contribute

most of the money. The establishment of sluice works between

Gothenburg and Wennersborg is also in a good way." (OQ.

1:272 = LM. p. 157)

A day or two after the above was written, the salt privileges were formally granted by the King.

The report made by Polhem, as a result of his and Swedenborg'sinvestigations, had been specifically for the establishment of salt works on Gullmarsfjord which could easily be defended from the enemy and in addition contained very good salt water. Polhem proposed the institution of some new graduating works which he had invented, and also industries to be combined with the brineries. He had, moreover, invented new methods of refining whereby the salt could be made equal to the foreign salt. (Bring, Polhem, p. 53)

The whole plan was approved, and on June 26, 1717, while Swedenborg and Polhem were still at Lund, the latter was given the monopoly of saltmaking. A company was to be formed of 200,000 shares at 1 mark s.m. All applications for shares were to be made to Polhem before September 1st of that year. Various inducements were offered to subscribers, including

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June

twenty years' freedom from taxes and then freedom from half of the taxes; no other salt company would be allowed to operate; the salt workers would not be subject to military conscription, and the shareholders were free to sell their shares for their full value and not at par. This royal letter was printed as an advertisement in the Stockholmiska Kundjiorelser for August 6th, with the following editorial introduction, characteristic of the times: (OQ. 1:273 = LM. p. 158)

"Since Councillor of Commerce Christopher Polhem has

humbly set forth to his Majesty . . . that saltboileries

could be established in this land with advantage, if some

persons in the same industry would take an interest in

conjunction with Mr. Polhem, and will put in their money, and

if the undertaking should be honored with certain privileges

and advantages: therefore, his Royal Majesty has graciously

granted his subject certain privileges which are here printed

under the title his Royal Majesty's Open gracious Letter

concerning the institution of salt boiling works; dated Lund,

June 26th, 1717." (ACSD 145A)

It appears from this that it was expected that all existing

brineries would buy shares in the new company - as, indeed,

they would be forced to if no other salt company was allowed

to operate.

Swedenborg was pleased, though not excessively so. On the same day that the monopoly was granted, he wrote:

"The salt company's privileges have been signed. They

are fairly good, to wit, that they . . . have freedom to

purchase whatever wood is found available, to choose what

place they will, to get twenty years' freedom from all taxes,

and afterwards, for all time, never to be liable for more

than one-half of the dutyor tax which foreign salt pays.

After the company has been formed, which consists of 200,000

shares, at 1 mark s. sm. a share, no other company will be

permitted. . . For the rest, it promises many other

advantages whenever required. If any one in Upsala wishes to

subscribe, he can do it through Assessor Cameen in Stockholm.

. . We have already put out from thirty to forty thousand

shares in this city. According to all appearances, it will be

filled within the last date for subscription [end of

September]. The subscriptions will amount to 50,000 [dalers]

s.m." (OQ. 1: 273 = LM. p. 158)

Swedenborg himself seems to have taken a more or less active part in the promotion of the work by the sale of shares. At any rate, we learn from a contemporary diarist that Nils Reuterhjelm, one of Charles XII's war counsellors,

"together with Swedenborg and Polhem, was down in Skane and

Bohuslahn to enlist the people for the saltwork which it was

proposed to set up in Bohus"; Reuterhjelm adds: "Polhem is

going to make a barge with a pipe to fetch the saltiest water

up from the bottom, to institute graduating works, etc., and

has promised to make a salt as good as they wished, and

whatever kind they desired. He also made different trials

with one salt water, so that no one had reason for blame. He

would also get the best salt at Bohus for five daler. But

there were some who thought that it was not in agreement with

their interests, and who represented that commerce would

suffer by it, as though the kingdom is to adjust itself to

commerce; and a lot of other bagatelles of a like

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[1717
June

nature, which yet Polhem had shown the unreasonableness of

with full proof. But here no reason that any may be brought

forward is of avail. So it goes. When any useful work is to

be under taken, so some one's mere caprices and interests

which destroy the general interest so that the whole kingdom

must suffer on their account." (Person. Tids. p. 92)

There seemed at first a real prospect of success for the undertaking, and in the Stockholm newspaper of September 24th, as a last call for subscriptions prior to October 1st, it is announced, that since this salt company, with its assembled capital, will commence this autumn, all who wish to take part in it can give in their names to Councillor Polhem in Karlskrona for as many shares as they desire; shareholders or their representatives would have a voice in the management, or Polhem would undertake to sell salt to them at the works for 2 dal. s.m. (ACSD 146A)

Evidently, this was a last effort to arouse a somewhat

dormant interest, and perhaps a last effort against the

active antagonism of the saltmakers and others. It failed.

The "30 to 40 thousand shares" sold in Lund were merely

revocable applications. In fact, the company was not even

established. One great trouble was the demand that shares be

paid for in cash, and cash was too scarce or too desirable;

the other was secret opposition, especially by shipowners and

importers. See ACSD 252A. (Bring, Polhem, p. 54; Samml.v.

Nat.u. Med. Art.IV p. 104)

Polhem had entertained high hopes of wide support, but

alas, on December 19th he writes: "The shareholders here in

Karlskrona ask to be allowed to pay in tokens, or else to be

struck off the list of subscribers. If all the others do the

same thing, then there will be a beginning such as a large

number of persons desire - those, namely, who are outside the

company. God knows," he adds, "what fearful fate Sweden

experiences with all her useful undertakings. I think she is

bewitched on all sides, for neither will nor science avails

to meet all the disasters which come upon her in such

abundance." (Bring, Polhem. p. 54)

Meanwhile, Swedenborg had a special Memorial of his own which he presented to the King on June 11th, the same day as the Canal Report, and presumably together with it. (ACSD 142A)

Swedenborg here asks for the following ordinances, in order that manufacturers in Sweden may look for profit: (LM. p. 155)

1. That the right to become master workers shall not be confined by the guilds but shall be open to all, especially if working with their own materials.

2. And, that the number of these workmen may increase, "which will result in the cheapness of their goods, and the cheapness of the goods in larger sales, and larger sales in profit and development for the country."

No workmen will be tolerated but those who can be reckoned as masters, journeymen or apprentices. Those who will not support journeymen and apprentices in their workshop, who could do the coarser work cheaper "than the master himself who must support wife and children," must work as journeymen under another master, or must work at the same trade in the army.

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June

3. That masters outside the guild come under the civil law.

4. These judges shall be responsible for the condition of the shops, and the master shall obtain advancement according to his encouragement of manufactory.

5. All new shops which do not belong to the guild shall enjoy twenty years' freedom from all import and export tons, but only for masters who employ at least three or four persons; the

6. Rank of the masters to be according to the number of their workmen, and not according to age.

7. Contracts with apprentices must be written, witnessed and faithfully kept.

8. If a workman goes to foreign lands, he must give a guarantee that he will return in a given time.

9. All disputes between masters and workmen to be judged according to the contract, the circumstances, reason and rules which can be applied.

During the six weeks of Swedenborg's stay in Lund, he was occupied with literary work. Here perhaps he worked on his Theoria Telluris. Here also and likewise in Stockholm, he met many persons who were interested in his Daedalus, and among them those who desired to have a Swedish work on Algebra - which was the inspiring motive that led him a few months later to write and publish his Regel konst. (OQ. 1:276 = LM. p. 169)

But what seems mainly to have occupied him was the writing out of that new system of reckoning which he had already discussed with the King on several occasions during his previous visit in Lurid (see p. 137s above).

"For the rest," he writes in a letter of June 26th, "I

have had to busy myself with a new system of numbering which

his Majesty has invented, namely, to let the numbering go on

to 64 before it turns, in the same way that it turns at 10

according to the customary numeration. He has himself

dictated for it new characters, new names, etc. He has

written and made many changes with his own hand. . . The

system of numbering is difficult in multiplication, etc., but

has its use and weight in solving equations, and in the

extraction of square, cube, and biquadrate roots. . . His

Majesty has powerful perception." (Ibid. 272 = LM. p.

158)

During this visit, he "got to talk with his Majesty no more than two times, and that was all about playful matters in Mathesis, puzzles in Algebra, etc. For the Herr Councillor of Commerce's sake, I have sought with all diligence not to get this grace more often." From which it would appear that some slight jealousy had been felt by Polhem, who had not been altogether successful in his many applications. In a letter of December, 1717, Swedenborg writes that Polhem had "put forward twenty things, but got only the decision in respect to the salt works." Even the project for the canal work was left in a nebulous state. (Ibid. 274 = LM. p. 164)

Swedenborg left Lund in the first days of July (July 4th) and traveled through Skane, Halland and Bohuslan to Stromstad, but now with the definite purpose of looking out for suitable sites for the establishment of salt works by the projected company. Throughout this journey he was on the alert for all that might be of use to his country. Thus, when going to Governor Hardz' estate in Gralle, he inquired of a peasant who was with him as to salt

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[1717
July-August

or hot or other springs, and learned that there was a hot spring in the neighborhood, but he was unable to follow the matter up. (OQ. 1:273, 277 = LM. pp. 159, 171; Doc. 1:291)

Arriving at Brunsbo, he found a condition that at once excited his commercial as well as his mechanical interest - namely, a falling off in the supply of printing paper - a commodity which was almost the breath of life to his father, and was almost as equally necessary to himself. The cause was naturally the falling off in imports due to the war. With his intimate knowledge of science and of the country, the manufacture of paper in Sweden came at once to Swedenborg as the remedy. He therefore entered into an arrangement with his father and the widow of General Lars Hjarta (1648-1711), that the three of them, should form a stock company for the operation of a paper mill to be built at a waterfall on the River Mossan on the Bonde estate. With this in view, at the end of August Swedberg drew up a memorial to the King whom he had so recently left, asking for privileges as follows: (LM. p. 160; ACSD 147)

After stating the present need of paper mills, he goes on to

say that "there are certain interested parties who, with

myself, are minded to establish the above works in one or two

places," if his Majesty would be pleased to grant them:

(LM. p. 161; ACSD 146)

1. The right to build mills "by free waterfalls provided this be done without injury to existing rights.

2. That there be undisturbed possession of them.

3. That they have a few years exemption from taxation, as per custom with new works.

4. That the workmen, who are hard to get and must sometimes be got from abroad, be not subject to conscription, as is usual in such cases.

5. That, since the difficulty of getting raw materials has hitherto been the chief hindrance to the manufacture, the King should allow the peasants to pay a small part of their taxes in rags and old clothes, delivering the latter to the factory and receiving a receipt to be accepted in payment of taxes and redeemed by the manufacturer.

6. Further to induce farmers to sell rags, that the company be empowered to exchange useful goods for rags.

This Memorial was received in Lund on September 1st, but on November 2nd, Bishop Swedberg felt under the necessity of writing to the King and reminding him of the matter. "Secretary Cederholm" - he refers, of course, to his friend with whom Swedenborg had been a fellow lodger - "knows about this matter." The letter is officially stamped "granted," but despite this, the project seems never to have been put into operation - at which one ought not to be surprised - for up to 1820, the only paper made in Sweden was made by a small works in Upsala. (Familjebok, 20: 1495)

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[1717
September

Swedenborg was, of course, not free to do as he pleased; after his examination of sites for the proposed salt works had led him to Uddevalla and Stromstad, with a brief visit home, he must return to Karlskrona to assist Polhem, who had remained there, in the construction of the great dam which was to prepare for the blasting of the dry dock, and of the lesser dam which was to provide water power on the Lyckeby River nearby. (OQ. 1: 273 = LM. p. 159)

The work on the great dock was not going "altogether according to plan," Swedenborg writes, "yet one does not doubt but that what is aimed at will finally be attained - though with this there is some petty complaint." These words were written in Brunsbo where Swedenborg went for the Christmas holidays. He did not again oversee the work at Karlskrona. Presumably, Polhem and he had finished, and what remained was to carry out the plan. (OQ. 1: 377 = LM. p. 172)

The work that had been thus far in hand was the building

of a great retaining dam. Swedenborg's work seems to have

been to direct the soundings and make the calculations, etc.,

required for this dam. The latter was over 60 feet long with

a maximum height of 36 feet. It was built upon posts, its

power part being exactly adapted to the bottom of the ocean,

as ascertained by "a pendulum with an iron ball," and

attached but movable boards and skins were so arranged that

they could be drawn up or let down from above after the dam

had been sunk. (Bring, Pol. pp. 218-9; Chem. pp. 234.

233)

September 17th was the day fixed for the sinking of this

great dam. For this purpose, it was attached by ropes to

masts stationed on the land. The posts on which it had been

built were then cut away and stones were loaded into it in

receptacles duly provided. Swedenborg and the others watched

carefully to see the result. For the first few days, there

was disappointment. The pumping had no effect on the water,

even after the manipulations of the loose boards and hides;

but as the sand and other matter accumulated against the dam,

the water was more and more held back. Still, there was some

complaint and dissatisfaction even with the settling of sand

against the dam, unexpected leaks developed, and it required

the labor of eleven months and of many men before, in August

1718, the space for the blasting and for the building of the

lock gates was laid bare. Polhem was somewhat bitter at the

criticisms directed against his work, and plainly hinted that

the defects in the dam ware due not to the plan but to undue

economy in carrying it out. (Bring, Polhem pp. 51, 219; Chem.

pp. 234; LM. p. 162)

The first ship did not enter the new dock until

September 1724 when the Konung Carl, the biggest ship of the

navy, with a draught of 23 feet, was dry-docked, but already

in 1721, Swedenborg was able to write confidently of its

success - and of its invaluable use and economy. (Bring.

Polhem p. 219; Chem. p. 35)

It is perhaps to this period that we can ascribe the few notes on a "Siphonic Machine" which are preserved among the Linkoping MSS., and which perhaps were written with a view to the contemplated work of pumping out the water behind the Karlskrona dam; but see above, p. 67. Also his description of a crane "whereby one can lift up a thirty-two pound cannon." (Phot. 1:20, 102-4; Hyde, n. 95)

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[1717
September

In a long document in Swedenborg's hand which he sent to Eric Benzelius (perhaps for the Daedalus VI) and which perhaps he copied on his return to Brunsbo in the beginning of the following year (1718), is described a curious meeting which Polhem had "last year," that is to say, just at the time of which we are now speaking, with some strangers in Karlskrona, one of whom showed him a highly confidential document which dealt with the very subject on which his thought and attention had so long been dwelling, namely, the development and extension of Sweden's manufactures and commerce. (Phot. 1:7)

This document is entitled "Copy of an Instruction and

Authorization which was acquired by means of an incident set

forth in the Introduction." Then follows this Introduction

which is signed "Ch. P." This incident is there described as

follows:

He was at a coffeehouse in Karlskrona, and on one

particular occasion he got into conversation with some

strangers on the subject of the raising of the currency - a

subject which was evidently occupying his serious attention

at this time - and other public questions. The strangers

noticed from his conversation that he was well informed on

these subjects and also, to quote his own words, that he

"showed an inclination to everything that looked to the use

and advantage of the Fatherland."

On the following day, one of the strangers gave him a

long paper to read. He was not allowed to see the beginning

or end of this paper, "and still less," he says, "was I

permitted to copy it." He then continues: "And since its

contents gave an inkling of several things worthy of

consideration which all people in general ought to know,

namely,) by what means and maxims a country can easily be

weakened in wealth and power by those who secretly suck from

it its juice and marrow, therefore I considered that it would

give all right-minded inhabitants of the kingdom particular

benefit and delight to have a copy of it, if not in respect

to its actual words and their order, at least in respect to

their meaning and content. This I have here desired to reveal

so far as memory allows me, in the hope that, if all should

not be exactly at one with the original itself and those to

whom it was known, especially as to those parts which do not

so especially concern our dear Fatherland, it will yet be

agreeable to those who love the welfare of their Fatherland

and who allow their hearts to be touched by its impoverished

condition, and this, so much the more because to its own

fatal misfortunes we must add still others, like stones added

to a burden." (Phot. 1: 8)

Then follows the copy itself. Were this really a copy of an actual document, the whole incident as described by Swedenborg would be inexplicable. For why should strangers, and spies at that, show such a document to a perfect stranger? and in a public place! And having gone so far, why should they conceal the "beginning and end of the document."

But the internal evidence furnished by the Introduction and "copy" indicates with sufficient clearness that the whole story is the fruit of an imaginative mind which chooses this dramatic way of setting forth in ironical vein, the deadly restrictions which Sweden herself was imposing on that development of her manufactures, trade and commerce which was so necessary to raise her from the low state into which she had been reduced, and to which Polhem, or it may be Swedenborg, so ardently and in so many ways had striven to contribute, by his fertile pen.

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September

This is indicated not only by the sheer unlikelihood that Swedenborg would be shown a highly confidential and dangerous document in a public house and by perfect strangers, presumably spies, but also by his purported account of the contents of the document itself, which covers eleven folio pages of minute details, when yet, according to his own statement, he was allowed merely to read the document in a public coffeehouse, but not to copy it.

With this in view, we can readily understand why the document is presented in so impersonal a way, without beginning or end, that is to say, without any indication of its source.*

* In reading this document, it should be borne in mind that only one artisan was permitted to dwell in a town (Robinson, p. 51), and "that the trade of Sweden was mostly in foreign hands" (Ibid. p. 148).

The purported copy itself is headed: "Now follows the Instruction itself, the beginning and end whereof I did not get."

"Above all things," are the opening words, "the holders

of our commission, wherever they reside, must give us a good

report of all that goes on there, and especially the

direction of the inclination of their King and foremost men."

(Phot. 1: 7)

Their ordinances and proclamations "must be sent to us

at once." They must be carefully examined, and if found "to

run counter to our service," they are to be obstructed until

they can be counteracted; and to avoid delay, "all our

authorized agents wherever residing" have full authority of

action but must report for confirmation as soon as possible.

"A certain sum of money which stands to our account" is

to be used for yearly pensions to all merchants' sons "of our

extraction," who can enter into positions where our

interests" are taken into account. (Phot. 1: 9)

All commissaries* are especially to see that the raw

materials of the country in which they are, come to us, while

our manufactures go to them, and also that no new

manufactures are set up, to make use of their own raw

material. For this, the following rules are laid down:

* A commissary was an official who corresponds to our Consul.

1. As soon as we know what factories are to set up, we send in large quantities of such goods to be sold cheaply - even at a loss.

2. Contempt for the new factory must be disseminated.

3. Their trade must be hindered by all possible means, such as royal interests, state privileges, etc.

4. In particular; in the places where these new factories are to be established, custom officers must be persuaded to make difficulties in order to discourage the work. (Phot. 1:10)

5. Workmen should be aroused not to teach others lest their own wages be reduced; not to show the utmost they themselves can do, lest they be held to it when they grow older.

6. If a foreign master workman comes in, whether to work for

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[1717
September

another or for himself, he must be told not to teach his trade to any of his children save one - the others to be, taught some other trade "at our expense." (Phot. 1:11)

7. Guilds must be supported in power, so as to make the term of apprenticeship longer and harder, and so discourage promising apprentices.

8. Apprentices also should be encouraged to move away and become masters - when they will not wish to return.

9. The needed raw material must be made as dear as possible.

10. That the workmen may be led to demand high wages, they must be oppressed with local difficulties.

11. They and their wives and children must be incited to vanity and pleasure and, if necessary, this must be commenced by money and by marriage with such women as fail not in pride, even if the dowry comes from our own purse.

12, Especially must newly arrived tailors be induced to bring in new fashions for which we will provide the material. [Confer Robinson, An Account of Sweden, p. 51] (Phot. 1:12)

Students going to foreign countries must have free credit so far as their home conditions allow, so that they have no need to practice economy or to give an account of their funds. This benefits us in two ways.
Those who have a vote in appointments, must observe the general rule never to vote for one who will make inroads on their own position; the weaker their intelligence, the better they are for us.
But if some one gets in who would injure us, then he is to be advanced at our expense in some remote district.
Our merchants and tradesmen who live in those places must be kept in good relations with us so as to feel that their interests are ours, and vice versa; and that their children and shop boys may imbibe this feeling from childhood.
Good apprentices who have served their time should be equipped
with our wares on credit, that they may learn to hate domestic goods.(Phot. 1:13)
When they have become heavily involved, native products in raw material must be bought up for us. But to do this to our advantage, no pains must be spared to secure a rise in the coinage whereby their wares will come to us in large quantity for little money.
Our merchants in those places must be careful not to raise their prices too soon after a rise in the currency, so that the natives may not do the same with their goods.
But to provide for any such rise, our merchants must send in long beforehand inferior goods but of the same appearance, etc., that they may be sold for the same price.
Everything should be so arranged that the King's income may be increased. It is none of our business if their King profits 20 or 30 Per cent by us, if we profit 100 per cent from their country.
In order that their silver coin, which the people love, may not be hoarded, we must work on the problem of how the coinage can be debased by mixing with copper, etc. The people will then not have enough confidence in it to hoard it up. Thus we will secure all the coin of the country and then need not fear its power in war. (Phot. 1:14)

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September

It is of the greatest importance to us that we get their foremost men, especially dealers in raw material and their products, in debt to us, which is best done by credits, for which we will take the risks.

It must be arranged that their cities get no other privileges than free and unhindered trade whereby our sales can be advanced. (Phot. 1: 15)

But above all, a city must be prevented from being dependent on certain special manufactures - as with us. This must be prevented at all costs. Otherwise, we would suffer two losses in one place.

We must arrange to get our merchants settled and trading in their mining centers, so arranging it that by credits, etc., they may get the works and the old owners become workmen. Their wares will thus become cheaper for us, and we shall see how much the avaricious miners have appropriated. For this purpose, our merchants should secure all needful privileges.

All their business, which is not profitable to us, must be killed, e.g., if they make the same goods as we. The higher classes must be trained to despise native goods, even if this is prepared for by gifts on our part.

We must have a good understanding with all who can advance our interests, and, in case of mistakes, restitution must be made at once. (Phot. 1:16)

No opportunity should be neglected to have many officials advanced in the country; these are our best customers.

Those who control public purchases must be influenced to prefer our wares.

We must suppress by all means all propositions to improve the production in their own country of things they most need and with which we have been supplying them. Here the following rules apply:

I [To encourage] all that can make their country poor.

For this we have the following means: (Phot. 1:17)

1. The people must be made extravagant, for which we will supply abundant material.

2. We must gradually prevent the country from manufacturing its own clothes and other necessaries by free advances of money, until they despise their own goods.

3. Our glittering wares should be in all markets so that parents will buy them for their children; the children will then brag of having foreign goods, and the home-made will be despised.

4. Continuous unsteadiness in ordinances and officials is well calculated to produce poverty, so that when the lowly are elevated and the noble debased, hatreds, jealousy, covetousness are the result, and one may be sure the kingdom cannot flourish.

5. As soon as young kings come to the throne, they are soon involved in war, and here we come to bribes. Then it is to our interest to milk the cow while two are quarrelling over her.*

* No. 5 is crossed off - perhaps from a feeling of loyalty to Charles XII.

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September

6. In peace, we should try to prevent traveling to foreign countries to learn the new methods of war. (Phot. 1:18)

7. To impoverish the land, we should see that the farmers do not own the land they farm. In this way, the farms will receive more damage in ten years than could be repaired by the owners in twenty.

8. The public can best be burdened with new taxes by raising the coinage.

9. When the loose property of the people is such that it costs much to get and brings little at forced sale, one has a good means of impoverishing the country.

Such then is this remarkable document which, in general, may be presumed to give Swedenborg's view of the abuses so prevalent in Sweden, and to which he ascribed the great difficulties in pushing any of the proposals which he and Polhem had made for her advancement.

Swedenborg remained at his post in Karlskrona until September 17th

when the great dam was sunk. After this, he accompanied Polhem to Uddevalla and Wennersborg to see about the establishment of a brinery on Gullmar's Fjord, and to make investigations in connection with the carrying on of the canal project. Interest in the salt works does not seem to have come up to expectations; and now, in September, the Breslau Sammlung von Natur und Medicin Geschichten had come out with an article on the subject, to the effect that Polhem had received privileges to build a brinery at Uddevalla,* but was not very encouraging as to results. (Bring, Polhem p. 51; Samml. N.u.M. Gesch. pp. 103-4; Miss. Obs. p. 65)

* Printed "Uckewille."

The canal project was also languishing. No one bought the shares - if any were actually issued. About October 20th, Polhem wrote to the King proposing that one sluice be built at Karlsgraf at the King's expense, and until a favorable answer from the King, Swedenborg had nothing more to do.

He therefore returns home, and one of the first things he did was to ask Dr. Hesselius to inquire about the purported Hot Spring in Skane, and about December 1st, we find him in Brunsbo for the Christmas holidays. He found that his father had gone to Lund* to wait on the King, mainly on the Consistory's behalf, for the purpose of seeking some amelioration for the teachers and ministers of the Diocese whose tithes and compensation had been sequestered. On this visit he also held a disputation on his Schibboleth. Swedenborg was somewhat alarmed, since the Bishop had gone to wait on the King without permission, but he hoped that his office and good friends would secure his exoneration. And yet, according to Jesper Swedberg himself, he had been ordered by the King to appear in Lund and dispute his Schibboleth. (Doc. 1:291,156; OQ. 1:277, 274 = LM. pp. 171, 163; Tottie 2: 198)

* For Jesper Swedberg's experiences in Lund, see Doc. 1: 131, 157. He arrived in Lund Saturday November 30th (Starback, J. Svedberg, p. 11).

Swedenborg's active thought at this time, on the subject of commerce, would indicate that it was in the Fall of 1717 at Karlskrona, or in December

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December

at Brunsbo, that he draw up a somewhat remarkable plan for the consolidation of the Swedish iron and tar industry into one stock company. Its opening words would seem to indicate that at first Swedenborg had contemplated a company to handle the whole of Sweden's manufactures:

"After closer consideration" he commences, "it seems that it would be difficult to bring all citizens with all their business under a single general company, especially under present circumstances. . . But the destruction of mining and manufacture in particular must inevitably come if some remedy be not soon had against enemy pressure. Could then the whole iron and tar industry within the kingdom be now given to a single company whose sole care should consist in depriving the foreign trade of the profit it has heretofore enjoyed, and still enjoys at this day, from the toil, sweat and labor of our poor iron miners who, like foreign slaves, work for their benefit, and themselves have hardly the necessaries of life, nay, and obtain work to their own injury and death." (Phot. 1:68 seq.)

As the remedy for this, Swedenborg proposes the formation of a company for the selling of all Swedish iron. By this means, not only will the foreigner lose his advantage but the finest iron can be kept for manufactory in the country, and both miner and merchant prosper.

Swedenborg then gives the laws which should govern such a company in order to avoid its becoming a private monopoly:

1-3. That all Swedes buy shares at 100 dal.s.m. a share, paying for them either in cash or, preferably, in iron and tar.

4-6. The shareholders to elect directors, each share having one vote.

7-8. The directors are to be salaried, and are to employ salaried servants "of whose honesty they can be assured."

9-10. Moreover, the directors must be absolutely honest, and allow the company to be ruined rather than use any chicanery or deceit.

11-12. The capital will be small at first, but it would be greatly aided if the King forbade the export of iron or tar for two years, save in ships provided with the company's pass.

13. At first it will be necessary to allow foreigners to ship out what they have in part paid for;* but in case they have purchased at unreasonable prices, the directors could force them either to pay a just price or to give back the goods and then buy them from the company.

* See Bihang till Riksdagen i Stockholm, p. 57: "Most of the iron found in Stockholm stands in English names" (Gortz to King, April 19, 1718).

14. The foreigner will be content with this when he finds that the company's pass is a sure safe conduct as regards Swedish man of war or privateers.

15. The directors to be subject to death if they give their pass to ill-meaning people.

Nothing came of this at the time, though it may be noted that the present Swedish Iron Office does serve now the use contemplated by Swedenborg, namely, the stabilizing of the industry.

Meanwhile, during his stay at Brunsbo, it became more and more evident to Swedenborg that selfishness and intrigue were threatening the establishment of the proposed salt company, the one definite thing Polhem has secured from

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[1718
January

the King. On January 7th, he writes in a gloomy vein:

"Something will come of the salt works if selfishness

does not rule too powerfully which - it is to be regretted -

is making some considerable beginning I ward it off as much

as I can. I am thinking of entirely withdrawing from having

any hand in the matter so that the blame may not come on me,

in case it should go awry and slowly. Meanwhile, I think it

will not stand on any good footing unless Councillor Polhem

is supported as much as he thought he would be. The salt may

indeed turn out to be tolerably good like the Luneburg salt,

quite serviceable for cooking purposes." (OQ. 1:276 = LM.

p. 166)

A week later he writes:

"I hope to get along well with the brinery, if

selfishness does not wish to have too strong a hand in

it." (Ibid. 277 = 171)

Swedenborg is not alone in this thought. A contemporary who had been with him and Polhem when they tried to get shareholders in Skane and Bohuslan for the salt company writes:

"Some also thought that it would not agree with their

interests, gave out that trade would suffer by it, and the

Kingdom should adjust itself to trade, and a lot of like

trivial objections, which yet Polhem had previously and with

good reasons shown the unreasonableness of. But no reason was

of avail here. They would get their way. So goes it when any

useful work is undertaken, then there are some caprices and

interests which entirely upset it so that the whole kingdom

must suffer because of them." (Person. Tids. pp. 92-93)

He is absolutely sure that the project would be a highly profitable one, and maintained that "it would be more useful to the country than any proposition in the world." That it was highly practical, much more so than people imagined, was evidenced by the profitable though utterly inefficient salt works at Stromstad which "have been in use now for a hundred years," and which supply the whole of Bohuslan; and, finally, he sums up: "I find no chimera in this matter, although it commences and continues in a foolish way. If I were to get the handling of it, one would soon see its advantages. God grant that all other propositions were of the same kind." (OQ. 1:280 = LM. pp. 175-76)

This is the last we hear of the proposed salt works. The scheme conceived in patriotic vision and designed to be carried out with all the aids of science, was defeated by selfishness, laziness, lack of enterprise, or what not, and Sweden continued with her expensive salt supplemented by poor salt which the stolid peasants continued to make by their slow and expensive methods on the shores of Bohuslan; and this at the very time when salt was at its dearest, and food was rotting for want of it. (Miss.Obs. p. 65; Bring. Chas. XII, p. 511)

It was probably in the realization of the hopelessness of making any advance even in this matter which offered such prospects of success and almost certainly of profit for the individual, and of great advantage to the country - it was the realization of this perhaps that led Swedenborg to the copying of that fictitious episode at Karlskrona, where the country's ruin is so subtly aimed at. Polhem was probably at one with him in the view thus expressed, for in 1720, Polhem wrote that "Sweden seems to have sworn herself to be for the foreigner's benefit and not for her own." (Bring, Troll., p. 331)

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[1718
January

At Brunsbo, during the December holidays, Swedenborg completed the writing out of his new system of reckoning, which he had commenced at Lund; and then, at the end of December and the beginning of January, he composed a Swedish textbook on Algebra, something absolutely unique in Sweden.

Early in January, the New System of Numbering was ready for printing, and on January 9th, it was sent to Upsala to be examined by Professor Vallerius and then to be printed under the care of Benzelius. (OQ. 1: 275 = LM. p. 176)

It may be well briefly to describe this work, which caused some little dispute between Swedenborg and his brother-in-law.

The System is based on the numbers 1 - 8, corresponding to

our 1 - 10; and 8 - 64 corresponding to our 10 - 100.

Naturally, new signs and new names were required, otherwise

there would be endless confusion. Charles XII had, indeed,

invented new characters, but since no printshop had such in

type, Swedenborg was forced to use letters.

These new names are:

el (1), es (s), en (n), em (m), et (t), ef (f), and ev

(v), being nos. l-7; 8 is ly - written lo.

In this System, 8, 16, 24, 32, etc., correspond to our 10,

20, 30, 40, etc., and 64 (8 X 8) corresponds to our 100 (10 X

10); 512 (8 X 8 X 8), to our 1,000 (10 X 10 X 10), etc.

The noughts were written at each turning point. Thus 8 = lo;

16, so; 24, no, etc. 8 X 8, 100; 8 X 8 X 8, 1000; but each of

these new characters received special names based on the

seven vowels:

a e i o u y - but read backward.

Thus: lo = ly; loo, lu; looo, lo; loooo, li; looooo, le;

and loooooo, la.

Thus we have the following table as written and as pronounced:

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
l s n m t f v lo
el es an em at ef ev ly

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
ll ls ln lm lt lf lv so
lyl lys lyn 1ym lyt lyf lyv sy

Then follows:

16 24 32 increasing by 64
so no mo eights loo
sy ny my to lu

And then:

64 128 192 increasing by 512
loo soo noo sixty-fours looo
lu su nu up to lo

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January

Swedenborg shows how to use the system in arithmetical operations. He also gives a table whereby one can at a glance turn the new numbering into the old, and vice versa. But the use of his new system on which he dwells at greatest length and which he evidently considers the most important is its application to weight and measures. In Sweden, these were based on an octave system. Thus:

32 ore = 1 daler
8 styver = 1 mark
8 marks = 1 riksdaler
8 ore(s.m.) = 1 mark
8 quintals = 1 ounce
8 ounces = 1 skalpund

With such weights, the new numeration would naturally be just as convenient as our numeration in relation to the American and most European coinages which are based on the decimal system.

For the rest, Swedenborg can have regarded this numeration only as a playful diversion - certainly he realized it could never be introduced with use, even if this were desirable. When sending the MS. he does indeed write: "It would be of great use if it could come into use," but he also writes that it is not likely to be adopted. (OQ.1:275, 280 = LM. pp. 166, 176)

Vallerius' judgment was evidently adverse to the publication of this work.

The serious minded and conservative Benzelius was shocked at the proposal to publish a revolutionary calculation, with no hopes of being adopted. Not only did he regard it a useless novelty having no practical purpose, but he felt that in these critical times when the values were being made merely by stamps impressed on copperplates, that the publication of the work, would be a possible source of disturbance among the ignorant who in this new reckoning would see and might be led by mischievous persons to imagine there was concealed some plan to still further lower the value of their money by calling ten eight.

He writes Swedenborg somewhat to this effect, and his letter caused the latter such sheer astonishment that at first he could not understand his brother-in- law:

"Why does my Brother think it good counsel he make delay

with the publishing of the new reckoning. . . It was truly a

little discouraging to me . . . that my mathematical

discoveries will come to be reckoned among novelties which

the country cannot stand. I wish I had as many novelties in

literary matters, yea, a novelty for each day of the year;

thus, the world would find pleasure therein." And here, in a

spirit of self-assurance, he adds: "In a century where are

enough of those who go in the beaten track to be in accord

with what is old, but perhaps three or six or ten in a whole

century who contribute novelties which are grounded in reason

and something else."

After thus expressing his great surprise and

indignation at his brother-in- law's objections to his work,

he then adds: "But I understood that what was meant was

something that concerns the exchange of money, buying and

selling, that they would have another name. I am now

conscious of not having put forth anything which in the least

degree was incommodious." As a final argument he adds:

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[1718
January

"Since the King has already approved the octonary series, my

Brother should not have any concern about letting this come

out. (OQ. 1:279 = LM. pp. 175-76)

Benzelius, however, continues to have concern in the matter, and still objects to the printing, and so Swedenborg, in his next letter, makes a new appeal and offers a new argument:

"I had intended the New Calculation for the learned," he writes.
He again assumes all responsibility and adds:

"In respect to laws, war, and taxes, the King has the free

determination of matters, but in respect to words, language,

and calculations, none at all."

Then, talking about novelties, he remarks:

"One has, indeed, cause to be impatient at all the novelties

which are being introduced. Would to God that such novelties

had not been introduced into the coinage but only into the

calculation of the coinage; with this, the country would have

been better off. O Lord God," he adds, with feeling, "what

kind of a regulation has been issued in regard to relays; its

like has never been heard of," etc. (OQ. 1:282 = LM. 179-

80)

Swedenborg appealed to Benzelius once again and for the last time when early in February he informs him that he is again to work for Polhem, and that the latter reports the King as displeased at the discontinuance of the Daedalus; he then adds:

"I should much like to take down with me something which

would please the King. Let nothing interfere with my way of

reckoning. It may be very useful for those who will use it."

(OQ. 1: 283 = LM. p. 182)

Despite all his appeals, however, Swedenborg did not succeed in getting his new Reckoning printed. He seems, moreover, to have taken back the MS. with the intention of submitting it directly to the King - but of this we shall speak later. See Enestrom, p. 25.

The Algebra, to which we have already alluded, was intended as a companion volume to the New Reckoning so as to be bound together with it. It was a work which Swedenborg had undertaken at the request of friends. It was completed by January 14th, and had been composed probably in two or three weeks, as it were, without any aid from books. It was designed to comprise ten books, but only seven were published, filling 136 pages 12mo. The last three were to deal with factors and differential and integral calculus, but whether or not Swedenborg ever wrote them is unknown. (OQ. 1:276 = LM. p. 169; Enestrom, p. 9)

The work is above all a practical one, and applications are made to problems that occur in common life, and especially in the measuring of bulk goods, in surveying, building, fortification, etc. (see above, p. 12). Swedenborg explains in his Preface that his design has been to make the work simple and understandable by the learned and unlearned, and to show its use by practical applications. The work does indeed begin with very simple expositions, and the simple expositions are given in other places when some new aspect of algebra is to be dealt with. But the work advances far too rapidly, and its problems are far too difficult to satisfy the modern standard for a good textbook. Swedenborg's genius was not that of a school teacher. (Enestrom. p. 9)

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January

The most remarkable feature of the work, however, was the fact of its being in Swedish - the very first work of its kind.* This required either the adoption of Latin technical terms, or their translation into new Swedish words. Swedenborg chose the latter course, but posterity has not followed him. He says in his Preface: (See Enestrom, p. 22)

* Perhaps an exception must be made of the andra Grundwahl published by Swedenborg in 1715; but Swedenborg is unique in his introduction of new Swedish terms. Moreover, at the time Swedenborg published his Algebra, Duhre's Algebra already existed in MS., and was published in the same year. This also I have not seen. See also Enestrom, p. 22 note 2 and ACSD 477C.; LM. p. 83.

"I have sought to put into Swedish some expressions

which formerly have received their law and their name from

the Latin. We also indeed have a rich language just as well

as other peoples, all of whom have given themselves the

advantage of expressing such terms in their mother tongue.

Therefore, we also would seem poor enough both in words and

in understanding if we did not avail ourselves of the same

advantage. We have relied too much on the foreigner in other

matters."

As illustrations of Swedenborg's adaptations of words, we give the following:

periphery = ring (ring)

degree = circle step (cirkel-steg)

horizontal line = water line (vatn linie)

tangent = touch line (ror linie)

parabola = throw line (kast linie)

hyperbola = the overthrow line (ofverkast linie)

ellipse = a long circle (lang-cirkel)

cylinder = roll (rull)

cone = pointed roll (spitzig rull)

algebra = regel konst

Unfortunately for the clarity of some of these definitions - so far as a beginner is concerned - the work was published without the figures (over 70 in number) which are referred to here and throughout the book. The work was printed "I Herrens Namn" in Upsala, and published in the Spring of 1718, though without date, and its publication is an evidence that even in those trying times, and though Swedenborg was receiving no compensation for his labors with Polhem, he yet was not in need of money. The Algebra and the New Art of Reckoning were to be printed "in fine style, indeed, even finer than the andra grundwahlen," and the costs were to be paid as soon as the work was printed. (Enestrom, pp. 9-10; OQ. 1:283, 276 = LM. pp. 181, 170)

But if Swedenborg had no trouble in financing the work, or in securing an editor and prospector, he did have trouble owing to the poor equipment of Swedish printshops, even in Upsala, for any but the most ordinary works. L horizontal must be used for - and =; a maltese cross or a dagger or an L upside down with dashes on either side for * ; capital X placed sideways for the multiplication sign, and small x for the plus sign; while

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January

the minus sign is represented by a *. Some of these are noticed at the end of the book, where also we learn that the work was published on writing paper for 3 dal.k.m., and on printing paper for 2-1/2 dal.k.m.* (Regel Konst, pp. 13, 23, 136, 33, 69)

* In the present Swedish coinage, about Kr. 1.33 and 1.11 (Enestrom, p. 8).

The work was published toward the end of March or early in April. The MS. had been sent to Upsala on January 14th, and at the beginning of March, Swedenborg himself was in Upsala, where he read the proof of pp. 1 - 69 (all then printed). He had asked Benzelius to request a competent algebraist, Hasselbom, to look over the proofs. In any case, the pages from 1-69 still contain over 14 typographical errors, and the rest of the pages over 50 - which would manifestly unfit the book as a textbook for beginners. (OQ. 1:283 = LM. p. 181; Enestrom, p. 21)

The work "was at once received with great acclaim by those

who were interested in the matter." says a contemporary

notice,*". . .(The author is) the first of all our countryman

who has taken on himself not only to lay down the

fundamentals of an analytical science in a remarkable way,

extremely easy and clear to all students, even the most

uncultivated, but also to demonstrate, by examples selected

from many sources, the signal use of this most excellent art,

especially in mechanics. Finally, he has done all this in the

common vernacular, contributing words, even such as are of a

technical nature, in a way which constitutes a most happy

omen for our country." (NP 1929: 26)

* Baron v. Beskow, in his Minne o Swedenborg, said that the work made no impression in Sweden, and in this Enestrom shows reasons for agreeing with him. The reviewer in the Acta Literaria, like his times, uncritical and, moreover, he went on the assumption, or at any rate, observed the general opinion that Swedenborg had done what he promised in his Preface (Enestrom, pp. 23-24).

Swedenborg seems to have regarded the first eight books

as containing elementary algebra, says Enestrom, though such

is not the case. Each book, he continues, has three parts, of

which only the third deals with pure algebra. The other books

do indeed contain algebra as applied to the solution of

various mathematical and mechanical questions, but they also

contain much which cannot be considered as being a part of

elementary algebra, which also seems out of place in that it

cannot be understood by those not versed in the art of

calculations for whose sake the work was written. The book,

moreover, has many signs of having been hastily written. It

is full of misprints, and could not possibly have been used

as a textbook. On the other hand, Enestrom remarks that

Swedenborg "solved a great number of geometrical and

trigonometrical problems and problems in measuring, weighing,

mixing, the movement of running streams and of thrown bodies

- problems which in part could be solved by the usual methods

only with difficulty or, in some cases, not at all. On the

other hand, Enestrom remarks that the problems are so illy

chosen as almost to defeat their purpose. (Enestrom, p. 21)

Summing up his estimation of this work, Enestrom

observes: "Swedenborg hereby showed himself, in comparison

with the Swedes of his day, as possessed of very

comprehensive knowledge in pure

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[1718
January

mathematics - elementary algebra, geometry, trigonometry,

conic sections - and the ability to adapt it to mechanics. It

must by all means be added that his knowledge appears

sometimes fragmentary, and that the efforts he made to fill

the gaps . . . still more exposed them"; and he concludes

that, without doubt, Swedenborg was not a deep mathematician.

(Enestrom, p. 23)

Later on, he says that Swedenborg, while he took note of

branches of mathematics then little known in Sweden; while he

made praiseworthy efforts to introduce algebra in Swedish;

while he himself showed great originality; yet, "a closer

examination of his writings shows that his mathematical

studies were from the beginning not pursued with the

necessary foundation, and that this lack was not helped at

the time he came out as a mathematical author. In the fact

that his mind was ere long drawn away to a wholly different

field of investigation, lies the sufficient explanation of

the fact that in no way did he advance the science or even

exercise any actual influence on it." Because of his

"singularly creative mind, however, adds Enestrom, the result

would have been different had he remained in the study.

"Therefore," Enestrom concludes, "in the history of

mathematical studies in Sweden, Swedenborg may with reason be

given an outstanding place, and on that ground he has

deserved that respect as a mathematician which he enjoyed

among his contemporaries. . . He can be named as a

predecessor of Sweden's first mathematician, Samuel

Klingenstierna."

It appears that to this period we must ascribe the Latin Algebra (with figures) contained in Codex 86, pp. 1-164, and the Notes from Burnet written on the next following pages (165-71), - Notes which were undoubtedly written out while reading Burnet's work in preparation for the re-writing of the Earth's Going and Stoppage. Perhaps it is in the same connection that Swedenborg commenced making those short notes from Loccenius on early Swedish History which occupy several pages in Codex 86 (pp. 163, 175, 183, 186, 204, 209, 217, 239, 249, 257, 265, 273, 283, 293, 305, 315, 325, 335, 345, 355).

* The contents of this work are as follows:

1. Algebraica

2. Principia calculi differentialis

3. Calculus integralis

4. Geometrica

5. Regulae mechanicae

6. " geometricae et algebraicae in physicis

Two pages on Centripetal force

As to the Daedalus VI, Swedenborg seems to have laid this aside to devote himself to what he regarded as the more promising work, of writing books.

In April 1717, when Daedalus VI should have come out, no. V appeared. But then Swedenborg seems to have made some arrangement to get Benzelius to secure articles for no. VI. At the end of June, he writes from Lund:

"How goes it with Daedalus VI?" (OQ. 1:273 = LM. p. 159)

But, meanwhile, Benzelius had done nothing, or had not succeeded in persuading others to write, and Swedenborg had busied himself with writing books.

We do not again hear of the Daedalus until January 14, 1718, nine months after it should have appeared in print, when Swedenborg remarks that

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January

besides his new mode of reckoning and algebra, he "still has enough for the Daedalus." (OQ. 1:276 = LM. p. 170)

Later, in the same letter, he proposes delaying

"that something more mature" may come out, "if only

there were time and diversion for it. A portion of the

Daedalus," he adds, "has been written with too little

reflection; this I wish to offset with something else. In

Spring, I intend to have one thing or another completely

ready." (OQ. 1: 277 = LM. p. 170)

Writing a few days later, he expresses the desire

"hereafter not to put forth anything which does not have

better foundations than what has gone before in the

Daedalus."
And it is noteworthy that during this whole period he purposely avoids the Daedalus, and has his works printed separately.

"The productions or mechanics of Councillor of Commerce

Polhem I shall leave to the Daedalus," he writes; from which

we judge that Swedenborg had not yet prepared for Daedalus

VI, which did not appear till nine months later - and that he

was disposed to make his name known in the literary world by

means of his own books, and not in the reflected glory of

Polhem; and by means of philosophical studies, and not merely

of mechanics. (OQ. 1: 281 = LM. 179)

It was during these early days of 1718 that Swedenborg appears first to have entered professedly upon the study of chemistry. He himself marks this time as the beginning of his study of chemistry. It consisted in the reading of Urban Hjarne's work on that subject. He found Hjarne

"to be little grounded in the way in which chemistry should

be built up" - indeed, this is a mild putting of the matter,

for a few months later he wrote that if Hjarne did not stop

his attacks on Bishop Swedberg, "another person may show him

in like measure his own puerilities and crudities in science,

wherein he has ventured to utter himself." [See also page 212

below.] OQ.1:278, 287 = LM. 172, 198) It was not until

Swedenborg came to the study of Boerhaave that he began to

see clear light in chemistry.* (See ACSD 225A = ortz to King)

* The work referred to is Urban Hjarne's Acta Chemica Holmensium Parasceve, id est, Praeparatio at Tentamina in Reg. Lab. Holm. Peracta. Holm. 1712. This work was the first published product of the Chemical Laboratory established under Hjarne's direction. Despite the fact that Hjarne was one of the leading scientists of his day, and in many respects was in advance of his age, yet it would have been no hard task for a close thinker like Swedenborg to show up several puerilities in Hjarne's Chemistry. Thus, primitive salt is defined as: "That which is generated by the rays of the sun and moon, and is more intimately bound in with corporeal elements, to wit, air, water and subtle earth." This salt then becomes more specific according to the proportion in which grosser elements flow in. Acid salt has more of water and sulphur. Urinous salt has more of air; fixed salt, more of earth, but it is never found without the presence of fire and sulphur" (pp. 54-55).

Swedenborg's dawning interest in chemistry led him at this time to some reflections as to the nature of water particles, and for the investigation of this question, he was led to make many observations on the ice crystals and their form, and it was perhaps these experiments that led him

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January

to the theory on which he later wrote, as to water and air being constituted of round particles. The observations themselves, he wrote out in Leiden, November 1721, and later published in his Miscellaneous Observations III. 1.

It is to this period, perhaps, that we may ascribe the date of an MS. called "Discourse between Mechanics and Chemistry concerning the Essence of Nature." This work, which occupies 25 folio MS. pages but of which at least 2 pages have been lost, is in Swedenborg's handwriting; but it is without the slightest doubt a writing up by Swedenborg of one of Polhem's numerous dialogues on scientific subjects, where Chemistry listens humbly and affirmatively to the lessons of Mechanics. Perhaps it was written up with a view to inserting it in Daedalus Hyperboreus VI. It contains several statements which may be assumed to have greatly impressed Swedenborg. Thus:

The earth is held to maintain its equilibrium by virtue of a

central fire which fills its centre and which is lighter than

ether. By the depth and weight of the primitive ocean, round

particles near the bottom are pressed into tetrahedral

particles, hence they become salt particles as distinguished

from water particles. The heavier primitive particles would

sink to the bottom, and the finer would come to the top; the

one might make the ocean sand, which is neither salt nor

water. (OQ. 3:250-52)

Oil particles are of the same kind as water, save that their

parts are smaller and rounder than water particles; they

combine with salt particles to make a body in equilibrium

with water, and form matter containing air and ether. All

this is the result of "Mathematical and Hydrostatic

Principles" which "drive away all occult qualities." (OQ.

3:253, 254)

The interest of the MS. dwindles as it goes on to the subject

of eating and drinking as a cause of disease, and it may be

that for this reason Swedenborg abandoned it.

Toward the end of January, Swedenborg heard from Benzelius the announcement of the death of Professor Elfvius on January 12, 1718:

"God give him peace and read," writes Swedenborg on January 21st.

"I think his wish was also the same." (OQ. 1:278 = LM. p. 174; UUH. 2:2:78)

To Benzelius, this death now really offered to Swedenborg the opportunity of entering into an "honorable" position in which he could be of great use to the country. His work with Polhem was now apparently at an end, since nothing had been done about the locks, and the salt works seemed doomed. Of course, Swedenborg was still extraordinary Assessor of the Bergscollegium, but the position was not only without pay but was also somewhat indefinite. Clearly, Benzelius thought, with the death of the Professor of Astronomy, the opportunity had arrived of having Swedenborg appointed as Professor.

But Swedenborg has changed from the time when he proposed to reduce the Professors' salaries or the Professorships, to provide a Professorship of Mechanics to be filled by himself.

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[1718
January

"In what my Brother was pleased to counsel me concerning

the succession [of Professor Elfvius], I recognize my

Brother's goodness. . . None of my family has desired me such

good in every respect as my Brother. . . My Brother's

reasons, therefore, are quite good though, on the other side,

I also have retained for myself other good reasons; such as:

[1] That which I have is likewise an honorable position. 2.

In this also I can be of use to the Fatherland, and in actual

practice more than in a College, which has not been my

genius. My genius is mechanics, and it likewise will become

chemistry, and our College* is noted for having members who

have little understanding of that subject; and so I, on my

part, shall seek to offset that, and I hope that my genius in

this will be of such advantage to them as their genius is an

advantage in other respects. I also think that no one will

have cause to judge me unworthy." (OQ. 1:278 = LM. p.

174)

* i.e., the Bergscollegium.

Benzelius had evidently suggested that were Swedenborg made a Professor, he would have to put up with that envy which would be sure to be excited by the appointment of a practical man as a professor, and not one who had had training as an auscultant. For Swedenborg continues his letter as follows:

"As to envy, this gives me more amusement than trouble, for

I have ever striven to be envied, and should in time become

more so. The only reason which would encourage me then

thereto [that is, to accept the Professorship if offered]

would be to get to be with my Brother, and also to get to

enjoy one or two years diversion to put on paper some of my

thoughts - a thing which I have a little difficulty with

[now]." (OQ. 1:279 = LM. 174)

And yet, Swedenborg is not quite decided against his Brother-in-law's suggestion; but he is sure he will never seek for a Professorship.

"In no way will I solicit the Consistory and the Rector in

this matter in writing," he says, "for, in case it should not

succeed, I should have had the annoyance of having sought to

separate myself from a position of such honor, wherefrom in

time, I can gain greater good fortune than in one which I get

the promises of holding to my dying day. I should also have

had the annoyance of declaring myself unworthy of the

position I have. Therefore," and this is his final

conclusion, "if the Academy finds me useful therein, they

will do it [i.e. appoint me] without any prayer on my part;

but if they do not find me useful - to that I am

indifferent." (Ibid.)

In answer to this letter, Benzelius wrote again, urging a professorship on Swedenborg, for in a letter dated January 30th, the latter hopes his Brother will accept his decision, as already expressed:

"I hope to be of as great use," he adds, "in that which is

entrusted to me, and likewise to be of as great use and

benefit to myself, seeing that I now have a step to further

advancement, which I can not look forward to at Upsala; nor

do I think that his Majesty would have me leave my position."

(OQ. 1:282 = LM. p. 179)

But though not contemplating a professorship, he does hope so far to perfect himself in physics and chemistry as to be a worthy member of that Collegium which Benzelius evidently contemplated even now as the successor of the Collegium Curiosorum.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 174

[1718
January

Swedenborg's letter was not taken as an absolute refusal, for when the question of Elfvius's successor came before the Upsala Consistory, Professor Rudbeck actually proposed Swedenborg - but without success. Indeed, Rudbeck would have nominated him as being "clever in mathematics," in the meeting of the Consistory of June 10th, 1719, to elect a successor to Professor Vallerius who had died the preceding August, but he did not know how Swedenborg then felt about the matter. (ACSD 274A, 176)

But while Swedenborg, during these weeks of leisure in Brunsbo (Dec. 1717 to Jan. 1718) was engaged in mathematical writings, he was also busily employed in writing on more theoretical and abstract subjects. In a letter dated January 21, 1718, he writes that he has five tracts which he hoped to publish in the Spring. We can name them with some certainty, as follows: (OQ. 1: 280 = LM. p. 176)

1. On air and water particles, showing that they are round. (Ibid. 281=178)

This was finished on January 21, 1718, and was sent to Upsala some days later by the hands of Dr. Rudbeck, with the particular request that it be printed as a separate tract in 8vo. Swedenborg describes it as "subtle" and says of it that it will

"likely be contrary to the philosophy of many; but," he adds,

"since it is built on evidence and geometry, I hope no one

will reasonably deny it. The prejudgment one has acquired

from Descartes and others will likely cause the most

objection. Dr. Roberg, who is himself subtle in all that is

minute and subtle, can best judge concerning it. . . I should

like to hear his judgment. If Professor Vallerius would lay

aside his own and his d: Father's Cartesianism, his Judgment

also would be esteemed by me."
The work was to have been dedicated to Abbe Bignon. (Ibid. 281, 284:=178, 183)

Despite Swedenborg's earnest request, Dr. Benzelius did not have this work printed. It is not, however, among the Linkoping MSS., because Swedenborg took it with him to Amsterdam where he published it - probably rewritten - as Part III of his Miscellaneous Observations on the Bullular Hypothesis.

Here we have Swedenborg's first teaching that creation was

affected by motion in the infinite, and proceeded by the

motions of particles. It is of interest to note this early

conception of the Principia theory and also its relation in

Swedenborg's mind to Cartesianism.

He speaks of what he had written in January 1718, as

"a matter which I have had it in view to bring out in a

large book . . . but since one has not the facilities for so

large a store, my appetite must adapt itself to the food at

hand." The use of his tract on the round particles will be,

he supposes, to show that "nature can better be searched out

in all her parts in the air and in water; for if one finds

the correct figure of the particles, one will in turn get to

know all the properties which belong to the figure." (OQ.

1:281 = LM. p. 178)

2. The second of the five works which Swedenborg speaks of as being ready was the Longitude which he had now completely rewritten. This he proposes to dedicate to Professor Halley of Oxford. It was preparatory to the re-writing of this work that Swedenborg makes the notes and extracts contained in Codex 86, pp. 176-82, 184-86. (Ibid. 284 = 183)

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[1718
January

3. The third work was the Height of Waters, a work to which he refers in his Theory of the Round Particle as printed in his Chemistry.

4. The Motion and Position of the Earth and Planets, which in point of time was the first of these five works; see above, p. 148.

Nos. 2, 3 and 4 were actually published by Swedenborg in 1719; but:

5. which was on the Nature of Fire and Colors, was never published by Swedenborg but remained in Benzelius's keeping. Its conclusions, however, put in clearer form are incorporated in a section of Miscellaneous Observations, Part III (The Bullular Hypothesis). (Miss. Obs. pp. 92-4, 104s; Sc. and Ph.Tr. I: l: 11)

The writing of it seems to have been inspired by

Swedenborg's actively entering into the study of chemistry:

"My genius," he wrote on Jan. 21, 1718, "is mechanics, and it

will likewise become chemistry." (OQ. 1: 279 = LM.

p. 174)

The work is a recital of theories that have been advanced, and a tentative putting forward of new or modified theories, with suggestions as to the experiments which might be made in the way of tests.

It opens by questioning whether one can judge concerning

fire and colors merely by comparison with water and its

nature. Better than this theoretical reasoning would be the

examination of actual experiments; otherwise, Swedenborg

adds, we should be like one who, from the shape of men,

concludes as to the shape of angels. (OQ. 3: 237)

That fire consists of the elasticity or "fermentation"

of the air, he thinks likely, since fire is nourished by air.

But does rapid motion of air cause color and fire? He

suggests that this may be ascertained if air be introduced

through an aperture into a vacuum, and observation be made as

to whether it generates any heat. In any case, a flame does

not consist of ether. (Ibid. p. 238)

Color does not consist of undulations which have their

own activity, but is caused by refraction, as shown in

prisms, bubbles, etc., where the percurrent ether is

refracted into the air. The white of foam, shaved ice,

powdered glass is due to the irregularity of the particles,

but all other colors depend on the regularity of the

particles resulting in refraction. (Ibid.)

That Sight is effected by undulations of the ether,

like hearing by undulations of the air, Swedenborg considers

an "ingenious speculation which can hardly be overthrown";

that it is not due to the air, is shown by experiments.

Hearing is due to undulation in the air, which is like the

waves in water: but sight is due to a tremulation in the air,

as when one particle strikes another and causes each to

vibrate but not the whole volume.* (Ibid. 239)

* Confer AE 726:3 - volumatim, singulatim.

This hypothesis also needs to be proved.

There is undulation and tremulation in water; the latter

is, for instance, caused by a shot fired over the water which

a submerged

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 176

[1718
January

man will hear by a tremulation of the water particles. There

is an analogy between the flow of heat and the flow of water.

But theories must be built on experiments, not on analogies,

"for by analogies one may embrace . . . the theories which,

in the experiments, nature herself disproves. (OQ. 3:

240)

The colors of the rainbow arise from ether refracted

through water bubbles. That fire flies in and out of the

spaces in fat, saltpetre, etc. (Hjarne), he questions; it

also receives nourishment from them, as shown by their charge

into substances that cannot be burned. The rest of this

argument is left to be filled in later, and Swedenborg turns

his attention to ether.

This, he asserts, is 55,600 times lighter than water, as

"may be established by experiment," but whether it is swifter

or more subtle or lighter in the same proportion is

uncertain. Some experiments in balls of different weights and

size, etc., are then suggested. (Ibid. 241)

The particles of one element may be equal in size to

those of another which is different in weight and so in

motion; or the two may have approximately the same weight and

yet differ considerably in local axilliary, undulatory and

tremulatory motion - all of which must be looked into.

And then Swedenborg ends with the words: "The continuation another time."

The end phrase suggests that the work is a first draft for an article in Daedalus VI.

With regard to the above five tracts, it must not be supposed that they were commenced and finished during this holiday at Brunsbo. They were doubtless completed then or, at any rate, looked over in preparation for sending them to the printer; but the writing of them must have occupied Swedenborg's days and especially his evenings, while he was in Karlskrona and Lund.

On January 22nd, Swedenborg left Brunsbo for his stepmother's property in Starbo where he arrived on January 29th, visiting on his way ironworks on the Skinnskatteberg homestead, where probably he studied the nature of fire experimentally. (OQ. 1:280 = LM. p. 176)

This homestead had been part of the property left by Albrecht Behm, Swedenborg's maternal grandfather, to his children - one son and four daughters. The son Albrecht Behm died childless in 1693. Thus, the property, including Skinnskatteberg and Axmar, belonged to the four daughters, Anna Margaret, Ingrid, Sarah and Brita, who were consequently endowed with considerable wealth.* Sarah married Jesper Swedberg, and when she died in 1696, she left her share to her husband and children who, in 1718, were six in number. Sarah's older sister, Anna Margareta, married Peter Swedberg (Schonstrom), Swedenborg's paternal uncle, and in 1697, their daughter Anna Catharine

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[1718
January

married Professor Rudbeck Junior, who thus became Swedenborg's cousin and a co-heir in the Skinnskatteberg ironworks.

* Note: According to Swedish law, estates must go to the children equally, the sons having 2 shares, the daughters, 1 (Robinson, An Account of Sweden, p. 20).

The children, doubtless poor and pressed for money, were very desirous of selling some or all of this property, their plan being to sell it to a certain Jonas Ahlgren for 32,000 dal.k.m., at 6,000 dalers a year. Swedenborg was agreeable to the proposition, especially since the price of iron had been fixed by the government; its working, therefore, Swedenborg thought, gave very little profit, and he writes: "If I do not find any profit in the works, I shall seek it where I can." (OQ. 1.282 = LM. p. 180)

The family assembled in Starbo to discuss this matter. Lars Benzelius and his wife who resided there - Lars Benzelius being the Master of Mines in the East and West mining districts - Cousin Rudbeck who arrived the day after Swedenborg, and perhaps also Captain Lundstedt. Eric Benzelius was fully represented by Emanuel, and Jesper was in America. (Bergskollegium p. 168)

It was not an harmonious family, and there was much discussion and hard feeling expended on the distribution of their joint inheritance, both at the time of which we now speak and also in 1721 when the dispute concerned another and much more valuable property, and was taken to the law court.

Whether the sale to Ahlgren was agreed on or not, we cannot say; probably it was not agreed to. But in any case, only a part of the Skinnskatteberg property was thus sold; moreover, subsequent to the Ahlgren business, Bishop Swedberg presented the whole of his share to his children, with the pious but unfulfilled hope that they would work in harmony. There is an entry in the Bergskollegium which indicates that Swedenborg and Rudbeck bought out the rest of the heirs. This entry, which must be dated subsequent to Swedenborg's ennoblement in 1719, reads:

Schillon, Skinnskatteberg,

Managers: Erland Cameen and Ludwig v. Hagen.

[Owners:] EMANUEL SWEDENBORG AND RUDBECK,

Iron-furnace and force. (Doc. 1: 373)

In any case, Swedenborg experienced much trouble both from his own family and from his neighbor Ahlgren, probably with regard to payments and distribution. There seems to have been another conference held in Brunsbo the following October, 1718, for Swedenborg in that month writes:

"I wish that it may come out all right. Brother Lars is

somewhat unpleasant toward me. It would be well that he do

not desire to continue in this course, for, to look more to

the benefit of an Ahlgren than to his own brother-in-law does

not seem proper for relatives. Among all my brothers and

sisters," he continues, "I find none who has willed and does

will me well save d: Brother. In this I was singularly

confirmed by a letter which my Brother wrote to d: Father

during my journey abroad.* If I can in any

way show my

gratitude, it shall not be lacking. Brother Unge likes no

one; at least, he has shut off d: Father's and Mother's mind

from me now for four years; yet, it will boot him nothing."

(OQ. 1:287 = LM. pp. 198-99)

* Either Jasper or Eliezer is referred to. Jasper stayed in London during the year immediately after Emanuel's departure; and then went to America where he taught in the Swedish Church School at Wilmington.

And yet, only a few months previously he had suggested that the post of Professor of the Swedish language be created at Upsala, and that Unge be

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 178

[1718
January

nominated to fill it!

On his return to Brunsbo, Swedenborg probably continued his Latin Algebra by writing the parts on Calculus (Codex 86: 191-205).

It will be recalled that in answer to a canal plan presented by Christopher Polhem, the King had authorized the formation of a private sluice company with a thousand shares at 100 dal.s.m. a share. (See above, p. 151) The company did not materialize. After finishing the dock work at Karlskrona, Polhem and Swedenborg went to Uddevalla to establish a saltwork in Gullmarsfiord. Polhem proposed to establish also a smithy for iron plates, also tinwork, etc., at Karlsgraf, making use of the water power there. At the end of November, he writes to the King asking for privileges; he also states that this would be the time to build the sluice at Karlsgraf as a part of the canal scheme; and since many hold it impossible to build sluices at Trollhattan, and since this will cause many to think twice before investing their money in the sluice company, even though the King's guarantee be thereby slighted; to avoid this, he suggests a lock should be built in Karlsgraf at public expense in order to demonstrate how locks can be built at little cost without using "bricks, cement, and building masters from Holland at great cost." This demonstration would create the desire to build

canals, not only at Trollhattan but also between Venner and

Norrkoping, etc., and so the company could be established.

Even if no capital came in, yet it would be a model for

posterity; for "who knows when a Swedish mechanic will again

be found who has his four necessary parts, Theory, Practice,

Physics, and Inventions, not counting resolution which is not

the least." (Bring, Troll. p. 326)

The proposed sluice was to be 30 X 8 ells,* and 16 ells

deep, and the estimated cost was 4,000 dal.s.m. or, including

clearing Karlsgraf, 6,000 dal.s.m. For his part in the work,

Polhem asked for himself and heirs the rights to the revenue

of this one lock. (Bring, Troll. p. 328)

* Even now, regret is expressed that the sized locks planned by Polhem were not adopted. The present lock at Karlsgraf prevents large vessels passing through the canal (Guide, p. 52-53).

Polhem has great schemes in his head - including the

establishing of a great manufacturing city at Wennersborg,

which would greatly benefit from the navigation, when the

latter was opened. In the middle of December he is summoned

to Lund to talk with the King, and the result of the

interview was that on January 18, 1718, the King issued a

decree empowering Polhem to build a canal between Stockholm

and Norrkoping and Goteborg. The work was to be completed in

five years, as follows:

1st year, sluice at Karlsgraf; 2nd year, sluices at

Trollhattan; 3d year, navigation between Wennersborg and

Goteborg; 4th year, between Venner and Vetter;* 5th year, to

Norrkoping.

* Via Mariestad (on Lake Venner, some miles below the present canal). Bokwetts Gillets Protokoll, p. 27. - Halno [? Hallna] through Lake Vik down to Vetter.

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1718
February

For this work, Polhem was to have 40,000 dal.s.m. a year at

his disposal, and personal compensation of 5 dal.s.m. a day,

besides his salary as Councillor of Commerce. Moreover, on

completing the work, he was to have 5,000 dal.s.m. the first

year, 10,000 the second, 15,000 the third, 10,000, the

fourth; 10,000 the fifth. This applied either to Polhem or,

in case of his death, to his successor. (Bring. Troll. p.

330)

The work, however, was not to prevent Polhem from going

on with the dock at Karlskrona.

The work was authorized on January 18th, and Polhem went at once to Wennersborg to prepare for the actual work which, in his eyes, gave such bright promise for Sweden. Naturally he turned to his old Assistant at Karlskrona; and very early in February, Swedenborg, in his peaceful retreat at Starbo, learned of the news which was again to bring him face to face with the King, and to give him the opportunity of devoting his talents to his Fatherland.

"Today," he writes, early in February, "I got a letter

from Councillor of Commerce Polhem from Wennersborg, who is

urgent and insistent that I shall go there. He has got the

decree that the work on the sluices is to commence and

navigation be instituted between the Baltic and the North Sea

by way of Venner and Vetter to Norrkoping at his Majesty's

own cost - whereby one is likely to incur a vast amount of

work." (OQ. 1:283 = LM p. 182)

Yet, despite his own eagerness, Swedenborg could not at once join in his new work. He was obliged to remain in Starbo until the middle of February in connection with his work as mine owner, and then, the very necessities of his life demanded a breathing space in Upsala - and perhaps a chance to see personally if he could not persuade his brother into agreeing as to printing the New Reckoning - a work which, naturally, he would dearly love to present printed to the King.

"Let nothing interfere with my Way of Reckoning," he writes

to Benzelius, after telling him of the revival of the canal

work.

"It may be very useful for those who will use it." (Ibid.)
Moreover, Swedenborg, it will be remembered, had two works ready to print, and these he would wish to present to his Majesty whom he would be bound
to see.

Polhem had written that the King had expressed himself as being displeased at the discontinuance of the Daedalus. But somehow, Swedenborg seems to have taken a dislike to continuing this work. It did not advance him, since everything was overshadowed by the fame of Polhem. Moreover, in this journal, he felt under the necessity of presenting some of Polhem's inventions, and perhaps he had none at hand, or perhaps he was so actively engaged on his own ideas which already had been written down in five separate books, that he had neither the time nor the appetite to turn to Polhem's mechanics.

And so he hoped to present to the King something more peculiarly his own, and something also more developed and thought out. Therefore, as soon as the business at Starbo was completed, he rushed post haste to Upsala where at once he began the publication of his Longitude, which was issued a little later. It had been Swedenborg's desire to print a separate and enlarged edition as his Longitude, in time for presentation to the King at

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 180

[1718
February

his first meeting with him in June 1717, when doubtless he thought the work might have some influence in connection with the petition to found a Royal Observatory in Upsala. But Swedenborg had been too busy with his work, and whatever time he had had to spare was devoted to Daedalus V on which he laid great stress.

The Longitude is the first of Swedenborg's works to contain his official title on the title-page, "Emanuel Swedberg, Assessor i Kongl. Bergskollegium." It will be noted that he entitles himself Assessor, not Assessor Extraordinary, and, indeed, a careful reading of his warrant of appointment justifies this title. Yet, the fact remains that he received no salary from the Bergskollegium.

The work is dedicated to Herr Edmund Halley*, "Prov. Savill. in Oxford, England." Swedenborg's intention had been to translate the work [into Latin or English] and present it to Halley "in such a way that I hope it will meet some one's approval," but whether he did so is not known. It would seem that Swedenborg had not entirely forgotten that a handsome prize was attached in England to the solution of the Longitude problem; but that this was not in his mind in the writing of the book is shown by its style which stamps it as being addressed and accommodated to the ordinary man and not merely to the learned. Indeed, the fact of its being published in Swedish is in itself sufficient evidence of this. (OQ. 1.284 = LM. p. 183)

* Halley was also Secretary of the Royal Society and, as Savillian Professor of Astronomy, was a member of the Commission on the Longitude. He became Astronomer Royal in 1719 at the death of Flamsteed.

The 1718 edition consists of 25 sections in 38 pages, as compared with the 16 sections and 13 pages of the Daedalus Hyperboreus. It is entirely rewritten with the general motive of making it simpler and adapted to a wider public. Unfortunately, while it refers to ten figures, no copy has ever been found with any figures, whereas the Daedalus article had two figures. We doubt not that Swedenborg left Upsala intending to send the figures on, or perhaps he had left the figures with Benzelius, or given instructions to have them made. But with the stress of work that followed, they were forgotten. Expense also may have been in the cause; this also seems to account for the fact that Swedenborg published only the Longitude and not the Going and Stoppage of the Earth or his Round Particles.

In the Preface, he pays a compliment both to Halley and to his country:

"It is better" he says, "to trust oneself to one who had

understanding in the matter rather than to many who approve

and disapprove a thing, and yet have no wisdom or right

foundation in it." "Among the learned in England, there is

no one," he continues, "who has gained from experience a

better understanding of this subject than the Herr Professor

who has twice been sent out to distant places south of the

Equator and elsewhere, and has there made many investigations

and observations for which the learned world pays him honor.

He has also shown how the east and west longitude might be

found by the eclipse of the large stars by the moon. In

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 181

[1716
February

England, others also have been encouraged by the Members of

Parliament, and by the renewed promises of other kingdoms;

but it is unfortunately to be observed that no method has yet

been found which can be generally accepted. What I, in brief,

have comprehended on this matter, I leave first to the Herr

Professor's riper judgment, for he and his knowledge herein

have had rich experience, as already stated. Here in Sweden I

have had no further occasion than to compare it with the

methods which have been given out before; and in this way I

have found many easements and advantages which have given me

the hope that it can be brought into practice for the use of

navigators."

He goes on to say that in Sweden they set high value on astronomy, though they cannot show this like other countries.

"If the Almighty God provides our great Monarch with

long life, then Sweden also will be encouraged ever more and

more in these and like literary arts. For his Majesty," adds

Swedenborg proudly, even though addressing a subject of the

Duke of Hannover, "not only sets great estimation and value

in them but he himself has likewise a lofty understanding and

profound judgment in such matters; so great that many of the

great mathematicians do not measure up to him. And therefore,

we are looking forward to this advantage, that these sciences

will come to their flower, that we will get the encouragement

to make many investigations and tests which may be compared

with those which are made in England and elsewhere, and

perhaps may in many respects be of enlightenment to them.

Astronomy seems to have better opportunities here than in

other places, because we have so pure and clear a sky, such a

good horizon, and also suitable places for observations,"

etc.

In the first chapter, Swedenborg, following the example of his Regel Konst, translates into Swedish the technical terms involved, having in many cases to coin new words. Thus

Eccliptic = sol-linean (sun line)

Zodiac = planet-linien

Meridian = middags-linien

Horizon = watn-linien (water line)

Refraction = Luftbrytning (air breaking)

Quadrant = fierdund (a quarterer)

Then follow chapters on:

(2) Definitions of East and West Longitudes.
(3) The Use to be expected from finding the Longitude.
(4) The methods hitherto suggested. Eleven different ways are pointed out, with explanations and objections, and the chapter shows a wide reading on the subject.
(5) The possibility of finding the Longitude.
(6) The advantages of the new method.
(7) The parallaxes and the difficulty of finding them in the ordinary way

Chapters 8-12 and 21-23 set forth the Author's method in great detail and how to use it.

Chapters 13-20 answer objections to the method.

Chapters 25 and last chapter shows how many natural opportunities are afforded for using this method:

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 182

[1718
March-May

If the learned world would be pleased to test this method and

compare it with others, Swedenborg concludes, "I know it will

at least win the verdict that it is the easiest that has

hitherto been offered for finding the longitude by the moon

. . . Therefore, should the impartial judge be pleased to

compare it with the method of others and try it, then I give

myself the hope that it can be put into practice for the use

and delight of seamen."

Swedenborg's hope was never realized, for though he printed his Longitude twice afterwards - in 1721 and 1766 - yet he never succeeded in attaining his design, namely, its actual use in navigation.

After completing his work at Upsala, Swedenborg joined Polhem at Wennersborg, which was the Headquarters of the canal operations.

A part of Karlsgraf or Charles' ditch was originally a small

stream running into an inlet of Lake Venner. This had been

enlarged by Charles IX and continued all the way to the Gotha

Elf a distance of from 7 to 8 miles. It was necessary for

Polhem to clear out this waterway and prepare it for

navigation, as well as to build the one sluice which he had

planned. There were immense difficulties in the way. There

was no real money in the country. Workmen were hard to get,

since the Army had absorbed one-fifth of the whole

population, and crops must be attended to. This difficulty

was relieved later by the use of Russian prisoners.

Difficulties were also caused by the arbitrary fixing of

prices, sometimes at a figure which made men unwilling to

sell.

(Bring, Troll., pp. 51, 58, 71, Polhem, p. 202,

Chas. XII, pp. 513-14; Lindeberg, p. 103)

When Swedenborg joined Polhem in March, work on the sluice itself was commenced. Swedenborg seems to have been Polhem's chief Assistant in this work, and as such was naturally looked to by young men who were ambitious to be employed - especially under the great Polhem. At the end of June 1718, Swedenborg writes:

"We are daily occupied with the first sluice in bringing it

to completion, which, however, cannot likely be done before

Michaelmas (Sept. 29th). The cost amounts to little beyond

all expectation since all the work is in wood, and yet it is

so constructed that it can endure for a long time and can be

rebuilt at any necessary point without making necessary to

renew the whole work."

(Bring, Pol. p. 202; OQ. 1:284, 286 = LM. pp. 186-7, 192)

There seems no doubt that Swedenborg's admiration was fully deserved, for in several respects Polhem had advanced beyond the Dutch canal builders who hitherto had ruled supreme; not only had he provided stone facings to prevent rotting, and such a mode of construction that any part could be repaired with little delay and without upsetting the whole, but he had also invented a mechanism whereby the lock gates were to be worked by a windmill. (Bring, Polhem, p. 202)

As to cheapness, Swedenborg spoke somewhat too early. When the work was stopped, the actual cost had been 22,000 dal.s.m., as against the estimate of 6,000 dal.s.m. See above, p. 177; also Riksdagerna, p. 540. (Ibid. pp. 200, 203; see Troll. pp. 331, 73)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 183

[1718
May-June

But with all this, Swedenborg was highly satisfied with his literary prospects. Thus far, literature had brought him nothing but expense, and though he was working with Polhem, the work brought him no financial returns:

"It seems to me," he writes, "that the trouble of further

advancing science receives little reward, both because of the

lack of money to enable one to advance therein so far as one

ought, and likewise because of the jealousy which so strongly

prevails against those who in any matter show more industry

than others; when a country in general is leaning toward

barbarism, it is vain for one or two to hold it up."

(OQ 1:285 = LM p. 187)

The jealousy Swedenborg here speaks of probably refers not so much to the work at Karlsgraf as to Swedenborg's literary work which be lost no opportunity of introducing to the King's notice.

On May 15th, he had the good fortune again to meet the King, who was then visiting at Wennersborg prior to departure for Lund. On this occasion, Charles visited Trollhattan and inspected the scene where Polhem's work was to be in 1719. It would seem that both Polhem and Swedenborg attended him on this occasion, and great stories of their might were told in the country round Wennersborg. It was reported, for instance, that they stopped up the Falls at the moment the King was there: "Such is the confidence they have in art," observes Swedenborg. He writes also that on this visit he talked much with the King, and offered him his last published work, the Algebra and the Longitude, which Swedenborg "left on the table where he sat for a good while and read it." (Bring. Troll. p. 70; Rhysel. p. 83; Nordberg, p. 666, see p. 66; OQ 1:285 = LM pp. 187-88)

When the King returned from Lund in the middle of June his attention was evidently called to the fact that Swedenborg, despite all his work at Karlskrona and Karlsgraf, had not received single penny in compensation, and it was probably about this time that the King orally promised advancement to Swedenborg. At any rate, on June 22nd, Charles issued from Stromstad a royal command to the Upphandlings Deputation which, in effect, was the Kingdom's Treasury in charge of Baron v. Goertz, to pay Swedenborg 3 dal.s.m a day so long as he works at the canal. The sum would have been very satisfactory had it been paid for Polhem himself received only 5 dal.s.m. per day. But like many another salary at that time, it existed only on paper. And when, in the middle of July, Goertz himself, the all-powerful minister who was the actual head of the whole canal work, came to view the work at Karlsgraf, Swedenborg evidently took the occasion to speak of the matter.* The result was that a few days later he received from Secretary Cederholm a copy of a royal order to the effect that he was to receive free board at the canal works - from which it would appear that before then he had been defraying his own expenses in board, (Rhyzel. p. 85; NCL 1896:152; ACSD 162; Bring, p. 68; Riks.bidrag p. 144; OQ 1:285 = LM. p. 187.)

* See Karolinska Forbundets, p. 179, where it is said to be a launching in Iddefjord on July 6-7.

The new order was satisfactory so far as it went, and on August 4th he wrote a letter of thanks to Baron Goertz, and at the same time apologized for not having waited on the Baron at Wennersborg; at the sluiceworks they had not been informed of his presence in the city. He also offered to send the Baron, every now and again, plans of the canal works, showing how matters were progressing. (ACSD 162A bis)

183

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 184

[1718
June

This was all very fine, but it did not give to Swedenborg the salary which, for so long a time he had undoubtedly earned. Therefore at the same time that he wrote to Baron Goertz in person, he also addressed a letter to the Upphandlings Deputation requesting payment of the salary already granted by the King. His appeal was vain, however, and it was not until June 1723 that Swedenborg received a penny of compensation for all the work which he did in the King's service for a period of five and a half years. (ACSD 162)

However, hope was in the air, for the reports spread through Wennersborg by the followers of the French Ambassador who came there to meet Goertz, justified the expectation that Goertz's discussions with the Russians at Aland would lead to that peace which all so ardently desired. (OQ. 1:285 = LM. p. 187)

It was perhaps in connection with his work on the canal sluice that Swedenborg wrote the paper entitled "A new way of sailing against the stream when the wind is contrary." The paper consisted of two folio pages and was illustrated by three diagrams showing how a vessel can be worked by paddle wheels so geared that the power can be supplied by one or two men. (Phot. 1: 86-88, cf. also 90)

The canal was not long to be Swedenborg's only work. Since

the Spring the King had been preparing for the campaign

against Norway, and, with this in view, had spent many weeks

moving between Ed and Stromstad on the Norwegian border.

Except for a month's stay in Lund, during this time and even

until he actually took the field in October, his headquarters

were at Stromstad. The reason was obvious, for here was the

depot for receiving the ammunition and army stores intended

for the attack in Frederickshall. The stores came up by ship

from Uddevalla and Goteborg, but they could go no farther by

water because both of the Danish fleet in the Kattegat and of

obstructions to the Swinesund where the Swedes had sunk two

ships. Charles XII, however, was determined to command

Iddefjord, and for this purpose he conceived the idea of

transporting overland not only stores and ammunition but also

the ships themselves for use in the siege of Frederickshall.

The plans for the work were probably drawn up by Polhem, but

the work was done under the direction of Quartermaster D.

Dahlheim, and the King himself was frequently present,

directing and encouraging the soldier workmen by promises of

rewards. The Danes also were transporting ships overland.

(Kar.For. pp. 155-6, 160, 165-66; Bring. Chas. XII p. 638;

Nordberg p. 667; NP 1926:8-9; SBL 4:35;

ACSD 162A2; Fryx. 29:120)

On June 26th was begun the work of carrying several ships,

including two galleys,* overland to Iddefjord, The first of

these to be launched at Iddefjord on July 7th was in action

within an hour, and its victory was so signal that there was

no doubt as to carrying over more ships. A larger and heavier

ship, the Luren, was ordered from Goteborg to Stromstad. This

ship was provided with a new invention whereby it could be

steered at the bow or stern. It was found that the

arrangements in use for the other vessels would not suffice

for the Luren, and on July 13th, Polham was consulted as to

the matter. Polhem at once detached Swedenborg from the

Sluicework, and sent him to superintend the work at

Stromstad; Swedenborg was

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 185

[1718
June-July

optimistic as to results, but he required the services of 800

men (soldiers and sailors) instead of 500. Even so, the work

was exceedingly hard. It was found that owing to the weight

of the Luren, Polhem's plan would not work, and the old plan

had to be adopted, though with improvements, to which

doubtless Swedenborg contributed. (Kar.For. pp. 166, 168-9;

Nordberg p. 667; ACSD 162:2, 5, 6, 6a)

* The galley of that day was a threemaster, going to the length of nearly 200 feet. The Luren had a crew of 45 officers and men, and carried 100 soldiers (Kar.For. p. 171 seq.).

The Luren had already been carried a little distance, and at

the time of Swedenborg's arrival (July 20th), it was on land

at the foot of a slope up which it must be carried before it

could again be launched, an undertaking which proved to be

harder than was expected.

The transport of the Luren was not completed until September

2nd when it was successfully launched in Iddefjord in the

presence of Charles himself, if we are to believe tradition.

Tradition also relates that from a height in the

neighborhood, "the King, the Duke of Holstein his nephew,

Swedenborg and high officers watched an important engagement

with the Norwegians."

(Kar.For. p. 170; NP 1926:6; ACSD 162:11)

During this period, Swedenborg, who naturally was a person of some consequence in connection with the important work in hand, met the King more than once.

"I found his Majesty very gracious to me," he writes

later, "and more so than I could presume to, which is a good

omen to me. Count Morner has also shown me all the favor I

could ever wish. With the King I had mathematical matters to

the fore every day, and he deigned to be pleased with

everything. When, moreover, the eclipse took place,* I took

his Majesty outside to see it, and talked much concerning the

causes of it. This was only an entree. I hope in time to

achieve something in that quarter for the advancement of

science, being unwilling at the present time to ask for

anything which might seem like an innovation. With regard to

my Daedalus Hyperboreus, his Majesty was quite critical that

I have not followed it up for some time, but I pleaded want

of a means, a thing which he does not willingly wish to hear

about. I hope to get at it with the first help."

(OQ 1:286 = LM. p. 192)

* This was a total eclipse of the moon, which occurred at 9.0 p.m. Aug. 29th.

It seems probable that it was at this time, and in connection with the mathematical conversations, that Swedenborg contemplated showing the King the MS. of his new method of calculation. Though Vallerius and Benzelius had perhaps persuaded him not to print it, he had not given up the hope of presenting it to the King. At any rate, among his manuscripts, we have a copy of it, very neatly written and containing a dedication to the King, dated "Karlsgraf 1718 and which reads as follows:

"Almighty and very gracious King:

"That I come before your Majesty's eyes with a reckoning

which has its turn at 8 instead of the ordinary reckoning

which has its turn at 10, this I should not do of my own

presumption were it not that the good pleasure which was

formerly shown at a like reckoning extending to 64, assures

me that it will be graciously received. The turn is set at 8

for the purpose of

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 186

[1718
July

making use of letters, since it is not so easy to procure new

numbers. The use of this octoral reckoning, I have no need to

depict before your Majesty, who has a better understanding of

it and is better able to set forth the most difficult things

contained in it, than any one I can mention; and I present

it, not as to a king, but as to a profound Mathematicus, with

the fear that something will be found to which I have not

given sufficient thought. I remain,

Your Majesty's

My very gracious Lord's

Most humble servant, EMANUEL SWEDBERG" (See LM. p. 200)

The beautiful and ornate way in which this work was written out by Swedenborg suggests that it was intended for a royal presentation; and yet, perhaps Swedenborg hesitated to present it after all, and it is perhaps to this hesitation that he refers in his letter to Benzelius, who had plainly expressed himself as opposed to this novelty. He writes that he was "unwilling, at the present time, to ask [the King] anything which would seem like an innovation."

The same hesitation, however, would not apply to a companion MS., which, from the way in which it is written in clean copy, was also intended or the King's eye. It is entitled "A New Theory concerning the Going and Stoppage of the Earth and the Planets, or some proofs that the Earth's Course is ever faster and faster; that Winter and Summer days might well become longer and longer, even to the world's last time; shown by Emanuel Swedberg." It was a complete rewriting of an earlier draft which Swedenborg had written out in Stockholm, in the Spring of 1717, while waiting for a summons from Polhem. He had probably intended to print the revised work in Upsala but was perhaps prevented by lack of money. This, moreover, would account for his remarks as to the King's dislike to hear of requests for financial support.

After the launching of the Luren some other smaller vessels had been carried overland about the same time Swedenborg returned to his work at Karlsgraf. He is now confident of being occupied with congenial work for some years. He hopes, when the sluices are commenced at Trollhattan to have sole charge of the building of one of them, and he hopes also to receive more pay.

(OQ. 1:286: LM. p. 193)

And now we come to the story of the reputed engagement between Swedenborg and Emerentia Polhem. The story, as it has come down to us, is written in a note dated 1789, and as an addition to Robsahm's Memoirs of Swedenborg. The story is that Swedenborg, when at Stiernsund as Polhem's pupil in Mathematics in 1716, fell deeply in love with Emerentia who later married Ruckerskiold - but as she was a little over 12 1/2 years old, she would not consent to any engagement. Therefore, Polhem gave her to Swedenborg in a written contract which she had to sign. She grieved so over this that her brother [aged 17] stole the contract from Swedenborg. The latter's daily comfort was to read it, and therefore it was soon missed. Polhem wished to renew the paper but Swedenborg, seeing Emerentia's sorrow, gave up his claim and left the house with an oath never again to think of any woman, whereupon he commenced his foreign journey. [Swedenborg did not leave Sweden until June 1721.] "This, in short" the note ends, is all that one can say for certain on this matter." (ACSD 162C; Doc. 1:50)

186

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 187

[1718
September

This account, which contains several known inaccuracies, is confined to an occurrence said to have taken place between April and December 1718, when Swedenborg was very busily occupied with his canal, transport and literary work.

The only account we have from Swedenborg himself remotely touching on this matter is in a letter to Benzelius, dated September 14, 1718:

"Polhem's oldest daughter* is betrothed to a gentleman

of the court, named Manderstrom; I wonder what people will

say of this since this is my post. His second daughter is, in

my opinion, much prettier."

(N. 1:286 = LM. p. 193)

* Maria, who was then in her 21st year and was married two months after the date of Swedenborg's letter.

Swedenborg's indirect testimony is given originally by Tuxen, of whom we have only an English translation, who presents Swedenborg as saying, in 1769, that "once in his youth he had been on the road to matrimony, King Charles XII having recommended the famous Polhem to give him his daughter." To a question, he added: "She would not have me as she had promised herself to another person," (Doc. 2: 437)

The above is the whole evidence. It indicates merely that Charles XII had suggested an engagement between Polhem's elder daughter Maria and Emanuel Swedenborg, but that the former was already betrothed at the time, or soon afterwards. In any case, Swedenborg did not seem at all affected. Emerentia, in his opinion, was "much prettier." These last words, written on September 14th - Swedenborg separated from Polhem in the following November - quite preclude the possibility of the signed and stolen contract with Emerentia, though they may account for the story that has grown up around it. See ACSD 163A.

At Vereborg, Swedenborg wrote the Rise and Fall of Lake Wenner. See p 210 below.

King Charles's words about the Daedalus Hyperboreus evidently had some effect in hastening the appearance of the long past due No. VI. After finishing his work at Stromstad, Swedenborg evidently received leave of absence; for, in a day or two, after September 14th, he went to Brunsbo where he stayed for three weeks, which he occupied by having Daedalus no. IV printed at Skara. The number consisted of 16 pages, like no. II, but unfortunately it lacked plates, although more than one is referred to in the text, Skara had no resources for the making of plates, and Swedenborg was in a hurry to present the printed Daedalus to the King. (Doc. 1:162)

It contents are mainly mathematical. The first article

describes a machine invented by Polhem to show the parabolic

curve made by a shot, and refers to one of the imprinted

plates. In the beginning of this article, Swedenborg gives

evidence of the high esteem in which he held Charles XII as a

practical scientist. "During the time of our great Monarch,"

he says, ". . .Sweden has widely famed advantage arising from

the many men who are prudent and experienced in such matters

as concern artillery, mechanics and shipbuilding; and this

must be ascribed to the great understanding possessed in

these matters by his Majesty himself." (DH. VI:2)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 188

[1718
September

The first article is, as usual, written by Swedenborg;

but it presents Polhem's idea; the rest of the number,

however, is entirely Swedenborg's own. First, he gives some

short-cut methods of reckoning the number of bullets

contained in a pyramid - a useful thing for gunners to know

in those trying days.

Then follows "an experiment or trial whereby

shipbuilding can be advanced." Here again, a figure is

referred to, which unfortunately is not printed. The article

opens with a paragraph which might have been written today:

"As regards shipbuilding, it has now been brought to so

high a state by so many years' experience and by the

investigations of clever men, that it might seem presumptuous

to offer to make an improvement or addition. But the answer

is given that no mechanical art has reached so high as not to

fall far short of perfection or of the impossibility of

betterment, so long as the world has men who have

understanding, judgment and experience. But in some cases,

such improvement comes from blind luck . . . in others, it is

hastened by geometry and its aids. . . The art is still in

its development." (DH. VI: 6)

The article is designed to show how to determine the

proper position of the masts, the ballast; and to calculate

the forces of the sails. It was afterwards rewritten in Latin

and published with a plate in Amsterdam in 1721.

The next article in Daedalus VI contains Swedenborg's

first references to the anatomy of the body. It is entitled

"Arguments showing that our vital force consists mostly of

little vibrations, that is, tremulations." This preliminary

essay confines itself to stating nine rules with brief

comments. Swedenborg gives these rules because he recognizes

the novelty of his position:

"Before what is unusual and unknown can be made

credible," he says, "it is necessary to establish some fixed

and indubitable rules according to which the theory ought to

be proved." Then follow his rules:

1. Hard bodies are subject to tremulation by a slight touch.

2. The best medium for tremulation is a stretched membrane,

e.g., a chord.

3. The next best are hard bodies and then soft.

4. A tremulation in one membrane will cause a tremulation in

another which is tuned to the same key.

5. Air tremulation goes in rings and is heard on all sides.

6. The heavier the atmosphere, the slower the tremulation,

and vice versa.

Thus, they are slow in water, in air quicker; in ether still

quicker; in solar substance from the sun to us, in an

instant. "In the very finest atmosphere, there is probably no

time which can correspond to the undulation."

[This is Swedenborg's first mention of four atmospheres.]

7. One tremulation does not interfere with another.

8. In tremulations, the angle of refraction is equal to the

angle of incidence.

9. There are millions of varieties in tremulations.

On the basis of these simple rules, Swedenborg then proceeds

to show that "much of our vital force consists in

tremulations," a doctrine which he never gave up even in

later years.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 189

[1718
September

This part of the article lays down in general the means

which the different sensations are effected, and holds that

they all go to the membranes of the brain, which, being

tense, readily receive them. To the same mechanism he

ascribes antipathy, for thoughts produce different

tremulations which may be distinguished by the mind as words

are distinguished by the ear (see above, p. 103).

In November of the next year, Swedenborg, referring to his finished work on Tremulation, informs us that in preparing this work

"I made myself acquainted in the most exact way with the

anatomy of the nerves and membranes, and so proved the

harmony thereof in respect to the fine geometry of

tremulations and much else where I later found myself in

agreement with Baglivi's opinions."

(OQ, 1:299 = LM. p. 216; see ibid. 297= 27)

The opinion to which reference is here made is that set forth in Baglivi's De Fibre Motrice, the central doctrine of which is that to the animated dura mater must be ascribed the whole empire of the body. In later years Swedenborg put this empire not in the dura nor even in the pia meter but in what he calls the piissima mater which constitutes the simple cortex.

It will thus be seen that Swedenborg was first led to anatomy by considering the nature of life; and so his first studies were on the brain and nerves. He also studied Borelli's De Motu Animalium, where all the animal motions are held to be mechanical. It is of interest to note in this connection that it was Borelli from whom Polhem drew most of his anatomical knowledge, though Leeuwenhoek "the curious Hollander" was not unknown to him. (Doc. 1:317; Bring, Polhem p. 91)

The last article in Daedalus VI, and the last article to

be printed in this journal, was on a purely mathematical

subject, and even more than the others is by no means clear

in the absence of the plate to which it refers. Swedenborg

doubtless intended to print the plates for this number later.

Perhaps they were actually printed; for, immediately after

Daedalus VI appeared, Swedenborg, referring to the last

article, writes, "I have sent this with accompanying figures

to his Majesty."

(Enestrom p. 6; OQ 1:287 = LM. p. 198)

Summing up Swedenborg's mathemetical contributions to Daedalus Hyperboreus, Enestrom, in his Emanuel Swedenborg sasom matemtiker, Stockholm, 1890, says that, as compared with the knowledge of mathematics in Sweden at that time, they bear witness to a many-sided knowledge, but yet do not contain anything new or particularly remarkable from a mathematical point of view. In one or two cases, he attempts to anticipate matters which, on nearer examination, are not mathematically tenable, and also "to bring forward mathematical and philosophical speculations which lead away from an exact investigation of the subject of investigation rather than facilitate it." (p. 7)

Thus we bid farewell to the Daedalus Hyperboreus. With all the complaints directed against it by Swedenborg himself, it was a noble venture, the venture of a daring mind which had the vision of the means for Sweden's true greatness, and for the progress of mankind itself; which joined itself to the progressive spirits of the age and did not hesitate to spend its substance as well as its time and labor in work which few appreciated.

189

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 190

[1718
October

From the first number of this journal in December 1715 to the sixth and last in October 1718, Swedenborg bore the entire burden of planning, the actual writing and the whole of the financial expense.* It was but a fitting tribute to his memory when, in 1910, the Vetenskapskademien Societeten in Upsala published in magnificent form a facsimile edition of the Daedalus Hyperboreus as being essentially the first Transactions of the Society itself.

* It would appear that the cost of printing and paper was about 45 dal.k.m. per 8 pages (about Kr.23 of our money). This did not include the plates. ACSD 55

It was during this visit home to publish Daedalus VI, that Bishop Swedberg gave his children his portion of his first wife's property upon which occasion, Swedenborg again began to experience something of the ill-will of his brother-in-law Unge; see above, p. 176. However, he stayed home only three weeks when he returned to his work. (Doc. 1:304)

Whether Swedenborg again met Charles XII is not known with certainty but it is most likely that he did, and, indeed, that he came into his disfavor. At any rate, on October 3d, his father writes of him that on the fifth he will leave Brunsbo "for Stromstad where he says he is always most kindly received by the King"; and, on the very day that he left Brunsbo, Swedenborg writes to Benzelius: (Doc. 1:162)

His Majesty is probably coming to Wennersborg at the end of

this month when the army is to be reviewed. I am going to see

if I cannot get leave to go with it to Norway"

(OQ. 1:287 = LM. p. 199)

At Karlsgraf, Swedenborg had been working among the ignorant Russian prisoners, but in July and August and September he had been working in the midst of the fine Swedish soldiers, and often under the eye of his Here King who was so gracious to him. What wonder if, when he returned to Stromstad, he was enamored of the work. Who shall say with what enthusiasm he was fired by the example and the words of the Lion of the North, who, with all Europe secretly against him, was yet feared and treated with respect!

Charles led his troops from Stromstad into Norway on October 25th, and if he reviewed the army in Wennersborg, it must have been a few days earlier. Either at Stromstad or Wennersborg, Swedenborg saw him for the last time. It had been Swedenborg's intention, as already noted, to see if he might not be permitted to accompany the army to Norway. Yet, on December 8th, that is to say, less than five weeks after he had written this wish and intention, he writes in an entirely opposite sense

"Thank God," he says, "I have escaped the campaign in Norway,

which, sure enough, would have caught me had I not used

diplomacy in order to escape."

(Nordberg, p. 677; OQ 1:288 = LM. p. 202)

What lies behind this complete volte face? Doubtless, we shall never know. Did Swedenborg simply change his mind? Had Polhem persuaded him that his place was to remain in Karlsgraf? Had the King graciously consented to his entering the army as an engineer, and had Polhem's earnest entreaty induced him to use diplomacy to get out of the appointment?

190

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 191

[1718
Oct.-December

It does, however, seem indicated that during the latter part of October, Swedenborg came into great disfavor with the King. Years later he writes in his Spiritual Diary:

"Many transactions between me and Charles XII were recounted,

and it was then manifestly shown that the Lord's Providence

had been in the most minute particulars . . . also that

unless the state of Charles XII had been changed from good

into anger one person would wholly have perished" (n. 4704).

Now this change in the royal favor could have happened only in October, for prior to leaving Bohuslan for Brunsbo, Swedenborg was in high favor. This is shown also by the testimony of his father, who, writing on October 3d, says that his son tells him "he is always most kindly received by the King." What then was the cause of this suddenly developed anger on the part of the King? Surely he was not angry with Swedenborg for desiring to join the army! Was he angry because Swedenborg used diplomacy to escape the campaign to Norway? Had Swedenborg interposed some protests about the state of the country? the conduct of Goertz? the size of the taxes? And then, how shall we account for Swedenborg's expecting financial help for the Daedalus from the King, even after they had met for the last time? or Swedenborg's laudation of Charles XII in his Miscellaneous Observations, and in his letter to Nordberg many years later? and still later, in his work on Rational Psychology. Of course, these are intellectual appraisements, but they have a strong suggestion of genuine affection.
(Doc. 1:162; Miss.Obs, p. 113; Nordberg. p. 601; R.Psych, pp. 211, 226, 249)

Charles XII was shot before Frederickshall on November

30th, and the news arrived in Stockholm on December 5th; but

Swedenborg at that date was still ignorant of it.

Swedenborg had left the work at Karlsgraf in the beginning of December, 1718, and the last news he had heard from the army was that on November 27th, the Swedes had taken one of the redoubts at Frederickshall.

In the peaceful atmosphere of Brunsbo, he at once settles down to literary work. He sends to the Skara Printer his Stoppage of the Earth, now rewritten for the third time. He also prepares the material for Daedalus VII, but holds it "until his Majesty supplies offerings"; indeed, he has the material for no. VIII also, finishing the second year. But neither VII nor VIII ever appeared, and we may presume that some at any rate of the material prepared for them was afterwards incorporated in Miscellaneous Observations (OQ. 1:283 LM. p. 203)

Meanwhile, Swedenborg heard of Charles's death about December 4th or 10th,* Neither he nor Polhem realized at first the effect of this death on the canal work, but Swedenborg did realize that all hopes of getting literary support from his late Hero were gone. The Stoppage of the Earth was

191

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 192

[1718
December

in the prass at Skara, perhaps with the Preface to the new dead King; but Swedenborg addressed himself to the new King, the King Consort, b or it was not until May 1720 that Frederick was crowned king. This he does in a Preface to the work, dated December 16th, wherein he also takes the occasion to join in the great general grief

"which has come upon us by the sudden death of our glorious

Monarch; but, on the other hand, to express great pleasure in

the Swedish Kingdom's good fortune in the person of your

Royal Highness on whom, by the gift of God Himself, it now

devolves to be a comfort to our gracious Queen, a Protector

of her Crown and Kingdom, and a new means of help for our

general welfare. May the God of heaven grant you further

prosperity." (Malm., 1: 254)

* The Swedish generals were assembled in Uddevalla when they heard that Ulrica Eleonora had been proclaimed Queen on December 7th; but they refused to recognize her until Frederick, who was present with them, gave assurance both for his wife and himself, that absolutism would be abolished and the Diet called to hear witness to this, They then recognized the Queen and proclaimed her to the army. This was December 9th or 10th, and the news must have reached Skara very quickly. (Fryx. 30:25, 21)

He then sets forth his object in the work, as being to show why Sweden, "which in primitive times was a Canaan and Paradise," has become what it now is. The learned Puffendorf* and others have held that Sweden was inhabited in Noah's time,* but it is wholly unknown what induced men to exchange their golden land for our iron rocks, their bright and lovely summers for our stormy winters, unless the land's general condition was different than it now is.

"Hence, therefore, I will show the reasons for the guessings

of others, such as our late Olof Rudbeck brings forward in

his Atlantica, and that these guessings are not poetic

effusions and fables that Sweden may formerly have been a

paradise and a dwelling for the gods; that Pallas, Flora,

Venus, and other pleasure goddesses might have been born and

brought up here and have lived with Swedish women as one

among them; and that later, from here, they betook themselves

farther to the south in Europe." He hopes thus to show the

truth of what has been considered myth, to please the King

and, lastly, "to win the favor and applause of the learned

world."

* This seems to be an error for Rudbeck or Loccenius. These writers, however, do not speak of the inhabitants of Sweden at the time of Noah, but state merely that after the confusion of tongues, the scythians (descended from Japheth) found their way to Sweden. So far as we know Puffendorf says nothing whatever on the early inhabitants of Sweden.

Olaf Rudbeck, in his Atlantica, had endeavored to show,

on mythological and etymological grounds, that Sweden was the

famed Atlantis, the home of the Greek heroes and deities, and

that they migrated thence to southern Europe. As to Sweden's

climate, however, Rudbeck says nothing more of it save that

the Ancients were drawn to the land by the great healthiness

of its climate, as shown, inter alia, by the large number of

children commonly born from one mother. Swedenborg wished to

prove scientifically that the "guessings" that Sweden is the

Atlantis of the Ancients were justified because Sweden was

then a paradise. (Atlant. IV)

192

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 193

[1718
December

In proof Swedenborg appear (1) to the ancient traditions

of a Golden Age, i.e., of a perpetual Spring which could come

only by the rapid rotation of the earth; (2) to the fact that

primitive creation was possible only in such a Spring; for,

he says, "creation was not effected without means; the one

means was the earth, the other, the warmth of the air of

which we are speaking." (3) A third proof is gathered from

the great age of the patriarchs, which would infer that their

years were shorter; Swedenborg enters much less into the

details of this argument than he did in his first draft.

The fourth reason is drawn from the flood of which he

gives a purely natural cause. "From our new theory," he says,

"it follows first that the great heat played on the water and

separated all the like from the unlike the fat from the wet,

the salt from the unsalted, and thereby made a crust and

vault over the water; and when this heat was lessened, all

this water shrinks together. . . Whence come great empty

spaces between the crust and the water. Then the crust falls

into the deep, first here and then there. The water beneath

would then come up and we should have the flooding water and

therefore rain." This cause, Swedenborg finds to agree with

the event as described in God's Word: "By guessing, one goes

no further than others have gone by their guessing." A fifth

proof is the decrease in all countries of that fertility

which existed in the Golden Age.

Then comes a particular proof, taken from Sweden.

Rudbeck is cited as authority that Sweden was formerly "a

dwelling place for the gods . . . a place of which the poets

sang their fables . . . In a word, it was a land rich of

people, fruitful and green, beautiful as a Canaan." But since

the country is not such now, it has been "supposed that the

late Olaf Rudbeck spoke more from blind love of his land than

from any truth coming from the searching into causes." But if

the earth's revolutions were then quicker, all is clear. The

land would then be like a Savoy or an Italy.

The seventh is a new proof which does not appear in the

work as first written, namely, a proof from the population of

America. According to the new theory, Greenland would have

been in perpetual Spring, and would afford an easy passage to

America.*

* To this proof, an unnumbered proof showing the possibility of a perpetual Spring, provided the earth were quicker in its revolutions, when winter would not have time entirely to destroy the heat of summer, and the latter could not avoid being made mild by the cold of winter. This additional proof refers to a diagram or figure which, however, probably owing to the inadequacy of Skara's resources, was never printed. The original figure in Swedenborg's own hand was discovered bound in a copy of the work - now in the possession of the Linnaean Society, and which had perhaps belonged to Linnaeus's father-in-law, Joh. Moraeus Swedenborg's old tutor. A photo, of this drawing was published in the New Philosophy for Jan.-April, 1927; see also pp. 170-74.

The eighth proof is drawn from the former height of

Sweden, as shown by the fact that shells and other signs of

the presence of the sea are found on heights sixty to eighty

ells above the sea,

193

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 194

[1719
Jan.-February

as at Uddevalla and Stromstad and also put holes with a

projecting rock above. If the course of the earth was

quicker, so also would be that of the moon, hence tides, if

due to the moon, would be almost constantly at their flood

and the land covered with water. However, Swedenborg adds,

this needs more proof which will be given in a special

treatise.

Then follow some new proofs derived from a consideration

of the planets. The material for these proofs has been

gathered from Gregory's Astronomy, from which Swedenborg was

engaged in making notes during his stay in Brunsbo and

Starbo. (Codex 86: 232seq.)

The final argument refers to what the Word says

concerning the Last Judgment. But here Swedenborg shows a

caution in marked contract to the statements of his first

draft. "But whether this applies to the destruction of

Jerusalem," he now says, "is left unanswered. The words

immediately following tell us of an end to everywhere."

Yet he continues with a description of how, according to

his new theory, the earth could be darkened and the seas roar

from the strife between summer and winter; and he concludes:

"But how, at the end, a planet bursts into a thousand

particles, is scattered in fire, and by a stoppage comes

again to its former atmosphere and condition, this Almighty

God alone knows, and it would be daring presumption to make

any investigation into it."

Despite these words, however, it is clear that Swedenborg saw a difficulty in respect to the formation of a new earth, and though he would not reject the teaching of the Word because he did not understand it, yet his whole philosophy even as thus far formed precluded the possibility of God's acting without means, and means in order.

Before bidding his reader adieu, Swedenborg adds a shorter chapter in which he states his objection to the theory propounded many years ago by William Burnet, the English Bishop. From which objections it may be seen

that "nothing should be approved which does not agree with

God's Word and sound reason. If this our conjecture can give

some light or suggestion of what is truer, we have then

attained the object of our desire."

Before Swedenborg heard of Charles XII's death, it had been his intention to travel through the mining district in order to pursue his researches into the nature of fire, and this determination would, of course, be confirmed as it developed that Charles's death meant the end of the Canal, nay, the end of Polhem as a man of prominence, and the close of Swedenborg's life as a practical engineer. That death may indeed be said to make the close of the first period in the life of Swedenborg's preparation; that period in which practical and ultimate things were to be his most pressing business. From this point, and for the next few years, he is to develop more as a scientific philosopher, occupied mainly in inquiring into the phenomena which so often came to his notice, particularly as seen in metals and iron working. The commencement or opening of this new scene was his travel to various smithies, with the object of acquiring information for the formation of a satisfactory theory of fire.

194

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 195

[1719
February

Polhem did indeed hope to go on with the canal works, and presumably Swedenborg hoped with him; but it developed early in 1719 that there was neither the will nor the means to continue for though the Diet was willing to leave the continuation of the canal works to private capital, times were too hard and the value of money too uncertain. (Riksksdag., pp. 318, 539-40; OQ. 1:289)

Before Swedenborg left Brunsbo to examine the mining regions, he had the pleasure of a Christmas visit from his brother-in-law and family, and it was doubtless during this visit that, in conversation with Benzelius, he learned

"the noteworthy fact that most mountain ridges follow the

compass and the northern line according to the meridian of

their country, so that when the sun is at its height, its

rays and the shadows of the trees fall according to the

ridges - a fact [we are quoting from the Height of Waters,

published in March 1719] which was brought to my attention by

my brother-in-law, the Venerable Herr Librarian Doctor Eric

Benzelius, and which has also given me occasion to think on

this subject much more; for which," Swedenborg adds, "as for

all other encouragement in Mathesis, I proffer due thanks."

(OQ 1:288 = LM. p. 202)

It was perhaps as a result of conversations with Benzelius who would be eager to know the particulars of Swedenborg's work - and even at the suggestion of Benzelius that Swedenborg wrote that interesting little tract: "Information on the Dock, the Sluice Work, and the Salt Work," which a description of Swedenborg's work with Polhem. It was published not only anonymously but also without title-page, though it does have the imprint of 1719. It was printed at Skara* before Swedenborg left for the mining districts.

* In a copy that belonged to Eric Benzelius, after the "1719" are written the words "mense Januario," - January, the month when Swedenborg was in Brunsbo. Probably Benzelius received his copy while visiting there.

At the end of this little work is a political reference which cannot have escaped contemporary readers:

"Had as many ducats been spent there [i.e., on the Dock] as

are now being used for the mint tokens [i.e., to redeem them

at fifty per cent devaluation], yet with its manifold

interests it would have paid for itself."
Swedenborg is here alluding to the economy that had been exercised by the Admiralty perhaps as an actual necessity whereby, as Polhem intimates, the work did not at first turn out so well as had been expected (see above, p. 156)

In this tract, Swedenborg states that the dock was nearly completed

"so that what is left consists only and solely in the setting

of the lock gates, and in some internal construction which

does not so well belong to the actual dock."

It does not appear, however, that the Government was then

going on with the work. The dock was pumped dry in August

1718 so that work on the blasting could then go on

uninterruptedly. Yet, in 1720, the completion was taken over

by the Admiralty, and the dock was not ready for use until

September 1724. (Bring.Pol., pp. 51, 219)

195

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 196

[1719
February

It may be that the printing of this account of the door work was intended, perhaps unconsciously, as a contribution to the continuance and completion of the work; and this motive is tolerably apparent, in the article on the Karlsgraf Sluice.

This article commences:

"As many persons desire to know the object and advantage of

sluices in Karlsgraf and Trollhattan, the following short

account of them is given."

After speaking of the inevitable losses incurred in

transmitting from boat to cart and vice versa, he speaks of

the history of the canal: "In King Carl Gustaf's time, and

likewise in King Carl XII's, much thought was given to this,

so that a Dutch master was engaged who measured off the sites

both there and between Venner and Hjelmar, and plotted them

and the ways around, on maps which are now preserved in the

Royal Chancery Collegium." Then, with pardonable pride, he

adds: "Since the Dutchman did not believe he was able to

undertake so difficult a work, it seemed to him that the best

way to get out of the work with the best reputation was by

giving a great estimate of the cost, which had the effect of

frightening them from the undertaking. . . And now Councillor

of Commerce Christopher Polhem has been newly commanded to

see after this matter, and give his thoughts thereto; and,

when he saw that it was not only feasible but also possible

as regards cost, especially as no material would be required

from foreign lands, it was resolved that the work should be

taken up which has now seen its beginning in Karlsgraf . . .

where a lock constructed of wood has now reached the greatest

part of its completion. And as long as the others in

Trollhattan have not been started through lack of means, this

work will serve for the time being, both because posterity

will see in it the manner and possibility, and also it will

be of use in shortening the land journey." He concludes with

a few words describing the building of the look and the route

to Stockholm.

The third article on Salt Works opens by referring to

the privileges granted to Polhem, "but because of the hard

times, and in view of the coinage and of the high cost of all

materials, and likewise because of insecure harbors during

war time, the work did not get its commencement.

He then shows that not only was Spanish and German salt

imported into Sweden, but also salt made in England from the

same sea that washes the western coast of Sweden,

"For what purpose must one buy in foreign lands," he

asks, "that which can better be made at home? and much

cheaper, especially in war times."

He then gives the advantages of home-made salt: 1. The

assurance of a constant supply. 2. The keeping of the money

in the country. 3. Freedom from compulsion in war time; after

which he takes up and answers the objections.

196

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 197

[1719
February

After his tour of the mining regions, Swedenborg went to Stockholm, and on February 13th reported at the Bergscollegium. Apparently he merely reported. Charles XII, his Protector, was now dead, and it was probable that there was now manifested a disposition, at any rate on the part of some of the Assessors, to question Swedenborg's right to sit in the College.* He seems, however, to have handed in to the College a MS. containing "some new investigations in respect to fire." It would seem, therefore, that this work had been written during and as a result of his tour of the mining district, perhaps at Starbo, in January 1719. The only record we have of such a work is contained in a list of documents to be found among "Handlihgar till Vet. Societ. Historia" - most of them by Swedenborg. No. 5 of this list reads "La mechanique du feu of Svedenborg." Of the MS. itself, nothing is known. (Hyde, no. 162)

* Perhaps partly because he had not served as Auscultant and Bergmastare, which were the usual preliminaries to an Assessorship in the Bergscollegium. (ASCD 225A = LM., p. 243)

It was, perhaps, a working up of the notes on Fire written in January 1718.*

* See above, p. 174; see also letter to the King, July 9, 1720 (LM., p. 241), where Swedenborg speaks of "that writing on Fire and Furnaces which in humility I entered in the Royal Bergscollegium a year ago," i.e., in November 1719 (see below, p. 203).

Meanwhile, Swedenborg was busily engaged in preparing for the press his Height of Waters. In Stockholm also he met his father who was, of course, a Member of the Diet and was shortly to be made a member of that important and dominating branch of the Government, the Secret Committee (Utskottet).

In passing, we may note that at this Diet, Bishop

Swedberg, on February 4, 1718, declared in the House of the

Clergy that while the Formula Concordia was useful as an

explanation of the Creed, yet it should not be required of

the Queen to swear to it or to hold it as symbolical. He was

opposed by the Archbishop. A few days later, he spoke in

favor of religious freedom, appealing to England as an

example, and again the Archbishop opposed him.

(Riksdag., pp. 402, 408)

Stockholm was in a fever of excitement over the special

commission that was conducting the trial of the hated Baron

Goertz. There was also the excitement and confusion resulting

on the determination of the people to substitute a more

responsible government for the previous absolutism.

At the end of the preceding January, the Diet had

elected Ulrica Eleonora Queen, but many questions were yet to

be discussed before a new fundamental law could be adopted.

And after this, came the discussion on the economic and financial situation. An important part of this discussion was what to do with the token money; of this, there was outstanding over 25 1/2 million tokens s.m., besides over 2 million notes.** A number of solutions were suggested in the form of

197

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 198

[1719
February

memorials addressed to the Secret Committee, among which is a long document dated February 27th, which according to the Minutes of the Secret Committee, Emanuel Swedberg was thought to have given in." The memorial suggests an ingenious scheme whereby the tokens might be redeemed without disturbing the country's finances. Those who wished payment of the full face value were to receive obligations entitling them to four per cent in specie every year for twenty-five years. (Riksdagarne, p. 16)

* According to Bain (Chas. XII, p. 307), L3,724,050 worth of notes was outstanding.

Those who were willing to remit 25 per cent of the face value

would receive obligations entitling them to 10 per cent for

ten years.

Those remitting one-half, to receive payment of 20 per cent

for five years, and those remitting 75 per cent, to be paid

in two yearly payments. To raise the money for these

payments, the memorial proposed the sale of all unneeded

metals in the arsenal, of all unneeded prize ships, the sale

or mortgage of certain crown lands and houses, an export tax

on specified iron goods, tar pitch, etc.; an import tax on

certain specified articles, in addition to the regular

customs, and a contribution by the Crown of one-fifth of its

revenue from the copper mines. (Ibid., pp. 6, 537)

The memorial was not adopted but instead the tokens were devaluated at 50 per cent. It is not in Swedenborg's handwriting, but it is not improbable that he is the author.

On February 19th, Goertz was executed after a trial noted more for its swiftness than for its justice. What were Swedenborg's sympathies as regards the discredited minister is not known. Perhaps his Karlskrona Spy document was directed against Goertz. We can be sure, however, that Swedenborg's sympathies were with his old patron Count Gustaf Cronhjelm (see above, p. 72) who pleaded for a more legal trial.

On February 26th, Charles XII was buried (Nordberg, p. 691).

Having no particular business in the Bergscollegium, Swedenborg, at the end of February or the beginning of March* again visited his brother-in-law in Upsala. Here, as on his last previous visit, he at once commences to put one of his little works in print. This time it is the Height of Waters, a work closely connected with The Earth's Stoppage. And just as he had dedicated the companion work, published in Skara but a few weeks earlier, to the prospective King, her husband, so now he dedicated the present work to the Queen as an offering on the day of her crowning in the ancient city of Upsala.

* Probably in February. This would account for the none delivery of Polhem's letter addressed to Swedenborg in Stockholm (OQ. 1:289).

Toward the middle of March, Upsala witnessed a great influx of the highest persons in the land - the Queen and her Consort, the Count, the Diet, including Bishop Jesper Swedberg, were all there for the solemn act of crowning on March 17th, and it was in honor of this great event, the last of its kind in Upsala, that Swedenborg's new book was dedicated. (Familjebok, 30:942)

198

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 199

[1719
May

It was entitled:

On the Height of Water

and the strong Ebb and Flow

of the Primeval World

Proofs from Sweden

Emanuel Swedenborg

Assessor in the Royal Bergscollegium

Then follows the Dedication:

"All powerful and very gracious Queen!

"I present myself before your Royal Majesty's throne in

deepest humility and in company with the many thousands who

wish your Majesty good fortune in her Government; and now one

sees how the learned here in Upsala bring forward their palms

and cast them down at your Majesty's feet, and in every way

give sign of their joy. I come forward among them with

something which is drawn from their Parnassus; that is, with

a page of new proofs as to how in primitive days Sweden was

covered over and diminished by water, and as to how, with the

falling away of the waters, she afterwards became larger and

larger even to the present time, the time of your Majesty's

reign.

"It is my inmost prayer to God that the royal crown

which today with the joy and gladness of all is set on your

Majesty's head, may be as firm and constant as Parnassus

itself, and like the starry crown fixed in heaven, may give

its light for God's glory, your Majesty's undying fame, your

subjects' ceaseless gladness, and also for the flourishing

and advancement of the literary art.

"Upsala, May 17, 1719

I remain,

Your Royal Majesty's

My most Gracious Queen's

most devoted and humble subject

Em. SWEDENBORG"

The Preface opens with the statement that God's Word gives us

our first information concerning the flood which covered the

whole world and, had not Noah been provided with a machine to

navigate the waters, our earth would have become an

uninhabited waste. No one denies the flood, but yet worldly

wisdom wishes to have a say in the matter, and to search out

its traces, and since this confirms the truth, it is useful.

"My curiosity in this direction," says Swedenborg, "has also

been awakened, and from our northern lands I have found many

confirmations of the truth. The work will at least have the

advantage of showing those in southern lands that our north

has more proofs than they themselves have."

The first proof is from the hill Kinnekulle, the position of which, between two mountains, indicates that the waters have rushed in from two sides and have here met and deposited their debris, as seen in the regular strata of the mountain. Here - as pointed out by Prof. Nathorst - Swedenborg has failed to realize that all these hills were formed at the same time. (OQ 1:XXI)

199

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 200

[1719
May

The second proof is from the water lines of adnetddrg and

Billingen. These lines, however, are the demarcation between

strata. (Ibid.)

The third, from the north and south direction of the mountain

ranges, due to the prevailing winds and tides being from east

to west and west to east; any sediment then, which reached an

obstruction, would tend to collect in a line north and south.

The fourth and fifth proofs are from the whale bones found

far inland near Skara, and the mussels, snails, etc.

Swedenborg here refers to his experience of 1709 when the

whale bones were shipped to Upsala (see above, p. 30) and to

his investigations at Uddervalla and Stromstad (see above, p.

141) and the petrifications he found on Mount Billingen in

West Gothland, as noted in his memoranda on Soils and muds.

(see above, p. 117)

The sixth proof is the pot holes indicating the grinding

action of stones set in motion by swirling motions, and which

he had observed during his investigations for salt stations

(see above, p. 141), and also at Trollhattan.

The seventh proof is from the large stones which exist

everywhere, testifying to the action of water in a deep

abyss. He here relates an experience in Kinnskulle when a

violent rain removed large stones more than half a mile.

The eighth proof is from the strata of mountains as observed

in Helsingborg, Kinnekulle, and Bllingen, as showing that

they were deposited in water. Here Swedenborg refers to a

work by Hjarne to the same effect.

The ninth and tenth, from the falling of the North Sea and

from the uneven shape of the ground, indicating the action of

water in its ebb and flow.

The eleventh proof is from the ebb and flow of nature.

With this, Swedenborg ends the work, but there are some indications going to show that considerable haste was observed in putting it through the press probably to have out by the coronation day.

The work gives no indications of completeness, and probably when 1 ark or 16 pages had been printed, the author decided to issue it at this convenient place. At any rate, it is not surprising that a little later a new and enlarged edition was published n Stockholm.

The Queen followed her coronation day by marks of grace to

the University, including among others the granting of

doctorates to four professors, one of whom was Eric

Benzelius. The promotion took place on March 20th, three days

after the coronation, and in the Queen's presence. (UUH 3:5)

It was not long after this honor to Benzelius that an equally great honor was given to Bishop Swedborg's wife and family by elevating them to the privileged class of noblemen.*

* On the same date, the same honor was given to the wife and children of Bishops Spegel, Steuk, Rudeen and Lund (ASCD 175A).

200

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 201

[1719
May

The Swedish nobility consisted of three degrees: Counts,

Barons (Friherren) and Knights (Adel). Prior to Charles XI,

the few Counts had been the absolutely dominating influence

in the House of Nobles; during the reign of Charles XI they

had been reduced to impotence, partly by the King's

assumption of autocracy, and partly by the "Reduction"

whereby they had lost the greater pant of their wealth. They

continued impotent during the autocracy of Charles XII; but

with the reaction after his death, they hoped to regain

something of their old power. Instead of this, however, the

great body of the Nobles took matters into their own hand and

asserted an equality with the Counts and Barons which was

afterwards retained.

In a document dated May 23, 1719, the Queen elevated to the rank of nobility the wife and children of Bishop Swedberg, in view of the latter's faithful and distinguished services; at the same time, she changed their name to Swedenborg and granted them the privilege of a coat of arms. The latter is described in this royal letter as follows:

"A shield divided lengthwise into two like parts, the

right field being red and containing two silver keys placed

crosswise between two bars of silver the left field is

yellow, whereon is seen a black volcano, at the base of which

is an arrow of silver placed diagonally. On the upper part of

the shield is a blue 'Chett' with a golden bishop's hat

between two stars of silver. Above the shield stands an open

helmet, from which rises up a gilded lion between two great

laurel branches, the lion holding in his right paw a blue

key; the wreath and leafwork are of gold, silver, blue and

red." (ACSD 174)

The arrow is taken from the crest of Dalecarlia, which consists of two crossed arrows surmounted by a crown. (Familjebok 5: 1139)

Mrs. Major Swedenborg of Gothenburg told me that a supposed ancestor of Jesper Swedberg was the Dane Stjerna of an old noble family, probably living in Skane; hence the two stars. (NKTid. 1921: 186)

The volcano is taken from the crest of Falun. (Famieljebok 7: 1350) [Diagram of three mountains interlocking at their base.]

There can be no doubt that in the case of Bishop Swedberg who

was well liked by the queen, as he had been by her father,

this honor of nobility was freely conferred in recognition of

the father's services - all of which are recounted in the

warrant of nobility; but there is also doubt that at this

time an unprecedented number of men were elevated to noble

rank for political purposes - namely, to strengthen those in

the House of Nobles who were more or less displeased with the

extreme democracy of the new form of government which the

Queen had been compelled to sign, but the spirit or even the

letter of which she was always prone to neglect or break. At

any rate, that year witnessed the elevation of 12 men to

countship, 34 to baronetcy, and 125 to knighthood, including

Olaf Tilas (June 5), Benzelstierna and his three brothers

(June 25), Anders Swab (June 25), Olaf Rudbeck (July 10) and

v. Gedda (Dec. 22) - of Paris. Rosenadler (Upmark - May 15).

(Kleberg, p. 168s; Fryx, 30: 98)

201

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 202

[1719
September

After his visit to Upsala, Swedenborg returned to Brunsbo, and there devoted himself to literary work,* including the rewriting and enlarging of the Height of Waters, a lengthy treatise on Tremulation, besides other works which will be mentioned later. It was probably during this summer that Swedenborg made excursions to Lake Venner and there observed those remarkable phenomena in respect to the rising and falling of the lake of which he subsequently wrote; and also derived further information concerning them from farmers whose meadows had been flooded. At the same time, he made some interesting experiments to determine how much water flows from Lake Venner by its only one outlet. These experiments were conducted in the countryside at Rannomsbro, the bridge under which the whole of Venner's water flows in a state of calm before hurling itself into the raging whirl of Trollhattan. Under this bridge, he says, "I measured the length, depth, etc. [of the stream]. . . The velocity, I determined by means of chips and other things flowing down stream . . . . and I noticed that a chip will flow over it 3 ells (about 3 feet) every second." From all which observations, he made his calculations. He also engaged in the study of the brain by reading Willis, Vieussens and others even to the study of cerebral pathology. (Sc. and Phil. Tr. I:1:57, 58: Trem. p. 32)

* His studies probably included matter contained in Codex 86.

From Brunsbo he went to the "mining districts" - probably making Starbo his headquarters - and there wrote a very thorough treatment on Blast Furnaces, being the result of his journeys into these districts, and also of his experiences as the owner of smelting works (see above, pp. 193-94). For Experiments, see Miscellaneous Observations, p. 49. (ACSD 204A)

After this literary work, he returned to Stockholm, arriving there at the end of September. Here, in the first days of November, he left his improved Height of Water with the censor for approval of publication, and soon it was approved and it was published in the first days of December, Swedenborg himself speaks of this second edition as follows:

"I have improved the work which was published in Upsala

. . . and have added a number of clear proofs, and likewise

an undeniable demonstration as to how stones have been

removed in a deep sea; also demonstrating arguments with

respect to the changing of the northern horizon, and that it

is reasonable to believe that in former times Sweden was an

island." (ACSD 58. OQ. 1:292 = LM., p. 216)

We may add that, while this second edition essentially

preserves all the parts of the first edition, the chapters

are rearranged and the language added to or altered in a

greater or less degree. There are also additional chapters

dealing with inland seas and their fishes, many of which are

the same as the ocean fishes, river beds, black soil, the

falling of the Baltic and the remains of ships found far

inland, all being adduced as proofs of the contention that

Sweden was once under the ocean, and afterwards an island.

With regard to the proof from the remains of ships found far

inland, Prof. Nathorst observes that such remains have not

been observed by modern investigators. It may be noted in

this connection, that Swedenborg heard of these remains from

Polhem, either orally or

202

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 203

[1719
November

from his papers which were in Benzelius's possession, Polhem

studied the formations of the mountains in Switzerland and

the geologic stratifications in the Hartz and in Harwich,

England. This showed for him that England, Scotland, Ireland

and similar islands were formerly under water, and that the

English Channel was formerly land. From some ship rings which

lay fastened to mountains on the coasts of Gottland, far

above the sea, he concludes that the globe gradually became

higher, or that the water had sunk lower."

(OQ. 1: XXIV; Bring, Polhem, p. 59)

With regard to the falling of the Baltic, Benzelius states

that Swedenborg was the first to publish this fact; but Prof.

Nathorst says he was preceded by Hjarne. (OQ. 1: XXVII)

The special chapter dealing with the way in which great

stones can be moved at the bottom of a deep ocean should be

carefully studied, as its contention is again put forward in

Miscellaneous Observations where it caused some sharp

criticism on the part of a German professor.

The work ends with a chapter entitled "Reasonable Proofs in

support of the opinion of the late Doctor Olof Rudbeck, that

Sweden in heathen times was an island." This, Swedenborg

thinks, would follow from his theory; and so he identifies

Sweden with "the great island of Atlantis; the Hyperborean

Island; the Island of Asir or of the gods; the Island of the

Saints or of the Blessed; the Island of Manheim or Baldor;

Skano, Gothac; Ultima Thule or Thulo; which the late Doctor

Olof Rudbeck without difficulty and most commendably infers

from the writings of many; it can therefore hardly be doubted

that Sweden has been surrounded by water and become a

continent or connected with another country below the pole,

as the water fell and receded, and Neptune, by turning up his

rugged back, exposed from time to time his deep abyss to us

that we might inhabit it."

This book is the first to have the name "Swedenborg." The name, however, does not appear on the title-page as in the first edition but at the end of the Dedication.

A little note at the end of some copies of the work informs us that

"it is on sale at Bookbinder Dalbecks Widow's on Nygatan, for

8 ore s.m."

The work on Tremulations was handed in to the Royal Medical College on Friday, October 30th, presumably with a view to having it approved for publication but nothing has been heard of the MS. ever since. However, we shall again speak of this work a little later.

The work on Swedish Blast Furnaces was the first of a proposed series of works on Swedish mining works. It was submitted to the Bergscollegium on Tuesday, November 3d. Of it, Swedenborg writes:

"What I have been working at is first an exact

description of our Swedish smelting and blast furnaces, and

second, a theory or investigation concerning fire and

hearths. With this, I first procured all that could be found

out from smelting charcoal burners, roasters,* smelting

masters, etc., whereon the theory is founded,

203

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 204

[1719
October

and hope to have made a number of discoveries therein which

in time will likely be shown to be useful; as, for example,

to be able to make fire in new stoves so that the wood and

charcoal which is [now] used in a day can give better heat

for six days. Vice President Hierns has given his entire

approval to this, and on demand, it can be shown in a test.

Today, I am handing the aforementioned work in to the

Bergscollegium" (ACSD 225A; OQ.1: 292 = LM., p. 215; p. 241)

* roasters of ore.

And there in the Bergscollegium - although the College "seems to have received it favorably" - it remained unnoticed until the opening years of the twentieth century when an investigator in one of Sweden's numerous mining archives came across a fragment of a manuscript entitled "On Swedish Blast Furnaces, by Emanuel Swedenborg." It soon developed that this was an exceedingly badly written copy of a larger work which, after much searching, was finally located in the archives of the Kommercekollegium which had taken over the archives of the Bergscollegium, where it had been deposited by Emanuel Swedenborg on November 3d, 1719. The volume was bound in leather and consisted of 87 folio pages which were rapidly moldering. The discoverer then had it printed in Noraskogs Archiv - a journal devoted to Swedish mining history - volume IV, pp. 201-32. (ACSD 225A = LM. p. 241; Noraskogs Archiv, IV:201)

This work constitutes the very first work of its kind in

Swedish literature, but unfortunately it lacks the plates to

which it refers. It is probable, however, that these plates

or some of them could be restored from Swedenborg's later

work on Iron. See Noraskogs pp. 204, 205, 207.

There are also two manuscript copies of the work in the Kungliga Vetenskapsakademien at Stockholm, and one in the Royal Library there; and the existence of these copies and the fragment already referred to, gives rise to some suspicion that use was made of the work perhaps without the author's permission. However this may be, consent to publish the work does not seem to have been given to Swedenborg, probably due to carelessness and loose methods, which resulted in the manuscript being laid aside and then neglected by the officials, (ACSD 60; Hyde, no. 134-35)

The work is dedicated to the President of the Bergscollegium, Jacob Spens, and to its Assessors, namely, Urban Hjarne and seven others including Anders Swab, Swedenborg's stepbrother. And it is not improbable that part of the design in its composition was the wish of the author to prove himself useful to the Bergscollegium of which he was still an Assessor.

The Preface reads in part as follows: (Doc. 1: 404)

"It would be better to present myself before your high

Excellency and the highly renowned Royal Collegium with

something which would be of greater weight and value than a

description of a gross and rude blast furnace. . . But since

my main object has been to search out the nature of fire and

its operation in all kinds of furnaces and smelteries, i.e.,

in all that concerns the smelting, working and roasting of

metals, I thought it the wisest course first to make a

critical examination of the processes, to search out the

nature of fire in the large, and to dissect it in a great

subject, in order later to be the better able therefrom to

make conclusions as to its working and its properties in the

small; for to make trial in the small and in a model, and

then to set it forth in the large, is not so sure a

method. . .

204

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 205

[1719
October

"Your Excellency and the highly renowned Royal College

will, therefore, not look on me unfavorably but will regard

more the view and intention than the actual work that is

offered. If something of service can be obtained from my

work, I beg the liberty of offering it for the use and

pleasure of your Excellency, as indeed is my duty."

Then follows a very complete description of iron smelting,

including how to choose the site for the smelting furnaces,

the building of the foundations and walls, the actual

construction of the furnace a complete description of the

smelting process. The construction and use of the bellows.

There are also sections on the definition of terms; the

improvement of ores; the different qualities of iron; the

causes of failures in smelting; and, finally comes a

description of an improved furnace. (Blast Furnaces was the

basis of pages 1-70 of De Ferro.)

In this work we have the first contribution to what was later to develop into the Opera Mineralogica; for the treatise on Smelting Furnaces was professedly but "a beginning (to use Swedenborg's own words) of a description of all our Swedish mining works," that is to say, not of iron only but also of gold, copper, silver, tin, etc. Thus early, namely, on the first opportunity that he found himself free to serve as Assessor in the Bergscollegium, without distractions - thus early did Swedenborg plan that work which later he commenced to bring out in handsome folio volumes. (OQ. 1:294 = LM. p. 221)

From the description which Swedenborg gives of the work on Smelting which he handed in to the Bergscollegium, it appears that it had a sequel, whether merely projected or actually drafted, being "a theory or investigation concerning fire and hearths" which included a description of an improved household furnace. This work was twice as long as Tremulation, but part of it at any rate was subsequently written in Latin and published in Amsterdam, 1721, as a separate little work on Fire in which also he included something of his treatise on Swedish Blast Furnaces.*
(OQ. 1: 292, 299 = pp. 215, 230)

* Swedenborg had already written a rough sketch on Fire and Colors in January 1718 (see above, p. 174). It was for the purpose of improving this that he went into the mining districts in January 1719, and it would appear that he handed in the rewritten treatise to the Bergscollegium in February 1719 (see above, p. 196). Presumably, he had kept a copy of this MS., and it is to this copy that he here refers.

But to go back to Swedenborg's arrival at Stockholm at the end of September; the first thing of interest that greeted his ears was the news heard from several of his friends that "a new discovery has been made in France respecting us inhabitants of the earth, to wit, that the earth has drawn some 25,000 miles nearer."* The subject is very near to the theme on which Swedenborg had been writing, namely, that the earth is going ever slower. Swedenborg, therefore, is anxious to hear more of this "new discovery," and he writes to his brother-in-law asking

"if observation was taken of the sun's diameter, and its

apparent increase; or, of the parallaxes of the planets and

their presumed

205

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 206

[1719

disturbance - which would have been noticed had we drawn

nearer toward our centre."

He adds that "such a phenomenon must manifest itself within

our solar vortex; there is no possibility of it outside, nor

of any parallax with the sun, unless something becomes

visible there which before was not visible."

* About 175,000 English miles.
Swedenborg, although deeply interested in the new theory, is yet distrustful of it. He especially wonders "that such a leap [of 25,000 miles toward the sun]

should have happened in one or two years, since no comet has

recently thrown itself into our great vortex, nor has any

other planet that I know of drawn so near to our tellurian

vortex that it could have forced us in. Had there been any

such violent cause thereof," he adds, "one must suppose that

it [i.e., the earth] will run out again to its right

distance, which always adjusts itself according to the speed

and the course, so that our phaeton must again come to its

right path."

To him, it does not seem reasonable for it to have taken place naturally and without a violent cause. (OQ. 1: 290 = LM., p. 213)

Despite his incredulity, he yet is pleased that he had noted something of the sort in his recently published Stoppage of the Earth, namely, the theory that the earth is going ever more slowly both in its daily and in its annual rotations,

"from which it necessarily follows that it must draw more and

more toward the sun; for the stronger the motion and the

vortical whir in the solar vortex, the farther are its

planats thrown outward from the centre,"* and vice versa,
and he refers to Newton's Principia to show the proportion of centrifugal force in respect to the rate of speed inward or outward, and also gives a simple illustration of his own, showing that

"the slower the course, the nearer the approach to the sun,

which is the theory I speak of in the above-mentioned tract."
What he is doubtful about is not that the earth may be drawn nearer to the sun, but he cannot get it into his head "that this should take place in two or three years," and this even "though our atmosphere itself seems to indicate a change in the air in respect to summers and winters; and likewise to the immensely violent north winds," etc.

* This is a marked addition to Swedenborg's theory as published in Stoppage of the Earth. There, nothing is said about the earth's drawing nearer to the sun; and had it been contemplated by the author, he would surely have mentioned it as apparently offsetting the shorter seasons and caused by a retarded revolution. Moreover, in his first draft of his Stoppage, it is said that the earth will in time be overcome with cold. It would appear that Swedenborg does not necessarily believe even now that the earth is drawing nearer to the sun; he merely observes that, provided this is shown to be the fact, it is not opposed to his theory.

Though Swedenborg is very urgent that his brother-in-law shall give him further knowledge concerning the new theory, yet Benzelius does not seem to have supplied the required information; nor can we find any mention of this new theory in the current transactions and learned journals, although Swedenborg had heard that communications in respect to it had been addressed to the learned Academies.

206

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 207

[1719
November

Benzelius, however, was evidently favorable to Swedenberg's views, for on November 26th, three weeks after the letter from which we have just quoted, Swedenborg writes that he feels encouraged to speak further on the matter. The former objection against the new theory persists. So sudden a change could never have come in so short a time. He cannot imagine our earth to be rushing swiftly toward its center as though driven by a phaeton, and this without the slightest causes as manifested in the sun.

"If the sun grows larger and larger before our eyes," he

adds, "then first would be the time to entertain fear because

of it, and to command ourselves to God's hands,'

He does believe that the earth is drawing nearer to the sun,

but "little by little," and he confirms this by the changes

in our horizon which has "changed considerably" in a hundred

years, so that the sea is rounder "a clear proof that the

earth is going more slowly and, consequently, it is drawing

itself inward." (OQ. 1: 293 = LM. p. 219)

Interesting and important is the outline given by Swedenborg, in this connection, of the Principia theory, that all things consist ultimately of pure and total motion.

"The holding of things together," he says, "comes from the

earth's pressure to the center, and this results from the

tellurian vortex." Thus, if the motion of this vortex ceases,

all gravitation will lease, all up and down; consequently,

all compounds will be dissipated; "thus, in a moment all

things must hasten to their least particles which can justly

be called a fire." And then he goes a step further and

suggests that here we have the explanation of the final

destruction of our earth at the last day. "The fire with

which our planet will be destroyed should result both from

the earth coming nearer to the sun, and from the circumstance

that all matter, . . . is in a moment dissipated into its

most minute particles." (OQ. 1:293 = LM., p. 220)

In these literary labors to which Swedenborg has devoted the Spring and summer of 1719, Swedenborg realizes that he has now entered into the study of deeper and more fundamental problems than engaged his attention when publishing the Daedalus Hyperboreus. Then, he was in the world of causes and effects as seen in nature's ultimate operations; now, he is at the point of entering into nature's inner shrine, and penetrating into the causes of nature herself. And at this thought, he is carried away with the enthusiasm of an eager seeker after truth. In November 1719, after discussing with Benzelius the problems of the earth and the sun, and the site of the hells, he adds:

"The industry I have expended on them [namely, the small

works written during the summer] has caused the former works

which I gave out to appear to me as altogether contemptible,

and I hope to make real changes in them when they are to be

translated."
And this language suggests that something of a similar attitude may be not inappropriate to the student of Swedenborg's life as he advances from the small and miscellaneous preparatory works to the solid volumes which give the thought of the matured philosopher. (OQ. 1:292 = LM., p. 216)

207

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 208

[1719
November

It is at this time that we have one of the earliest of Swedenborg's thoughts respecting purely theological matters. In 1714 an English clergyman, Tobias Swinden, published an anonymous book entitled An Enquiry into the Nature and Place of Hell. This was reviewed in the Acta Eruditorum (1715: 107)

The author held that hell-fire was a real fire but if it were

in the center of the earth, as commonly believed, it could

not be eternal, and, moreover the earth would not be big

enough to contain all the damned. He meets these difficulties

by placing hell in the sun. In this way, moreover, hell is a

center or lowest place more distant from the empyrean sky

beyond all the stars, where is the abode of the blessed. At

the last day, the sun will burn up the earth, but itself will

not be destroyed. The Editors of the Acta Eruditorum poke a

little fun at the author by suggesting that the sun spots are

unclean spirits who sometimes get the opportunity of looking

at our earth.

Swinden's work, which was republished, caused some stir and was only noted by the Journal des Scavans and the Memoirs de Trevoux, and, of course, by the Neue Zeitungen, the Literary Digest of that day. The latter journal, in its issue of August 2, 1719, reviewed an attack on the theory in a German Disputation, and, doubtless in reference to this, Benzelius wrote and asked Swedenborg's opinion of the theory. In his answer, in a letter of November 26th, Swedenborg, of course, entirely rejects the new theory. (J.des S. Jan. 1717; M.de T. Nov. 1718)

"As to what my Brother mentions concerning the [Greek - pou]

of the damned being in the sun, I think just the opposite,

namely, that there, more likely, is the [Greek - pou] of the

blessed." His reasons for this, he adds, are as follows:

1. Because the sun is a center for the whole of our planetary world, and because the motion and essence of all things has its origin in the above-named center of the solar vortex.

2. That the up and the sky of the planets is toward the sun; so that if mention is made of journeying up in the solar vortex, it is always to the sun, while below is to the extremity of the vortex, Saturn, the Tartarean abodes.

3. That the most eminent light and glory is in the sun, while far away therefrom, where a sun is hardly to be seen, is darkness and other terrors.

4. But the main reason is seen to be that the most subtle atmosphere and the finest essences in which are found the finest elements are in the sun; thus, the nearer to the sun, the finer and in its center is presumably such fineness that the particles are almost devoid of composition, and so put off the name of matter and also form, weight, and many other properties possessed by compound particles. It would also seem likely that the finest substances must be in the sun. A god, an angel, a thing which besides has nothing material in its essence, must be the chiefest thing in its element. Like seeks like, and the finer does not naturally go to the grosser.

[5] That it could rather be believed - though I readily leave this to my Brother's judgment - that God has His seat in the sun, as the Bible says. (OQ. 1:293 = LM. p. 220)

"As regards the fire, it would be too gross to think

that the bodies of the damned are to be tormented by this;

for a pain without destruction cannot naturally exist. When

fire burns, it is accompanied with the feeling that it is

tearing asunder, loosening up, and

208

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 209

[1719
Fall

destroying something; where there is no destruction, there is

also no pain. Thus, a feeling of remorse in a conscience

should be a strong enough fire." (Confer D. 179). And then,

as though recalling himself from such theological

speculations, he adds "I hope it will not be interpreted ill

that I philosophize on this subject. God's Word is still the

foundation."

Besides the literary work already mentioned as occupying Swedenborg's summer, namely, Height of Water, Tremulation and Blast Furnaces, Swedenborg also wrote a little treatise on reform in the coinage and treatises on methods of discovering new mines and the falling and rising of Lake Venner. (See Bok.Gillets Prot. p. 11)

The treatise on the Coinage was in the nature of a memorial or recommendation, and probably did not require censorship before being printed:* moreover, it was printed anonymously during the last days of November. It is entitled "A Suggestion for so dividing our Coinage and Measures that Calculations can be facilitated and all fractions avoided," and was sold "for 4 ore s.m. at Bookbinder Dalbeck's Widow on Nygatan." It consists of 7 pages of text, setting forth the great advantage which would result from the adoption of the decimal system. The same arguments are used here as were used in the "New Method of Calculations;" and, for the same reasons, Swedenborg saw the impossibility of introducing a new system of reckoning, but he also saw that most of its advantages could very easily be secured by the adoption of the decimal system in money and measures. (OQ. 1:295 = LM. p. 21)

* See Brefwaxling imallan E. Benzelius, p. 266, which suggests that Rosenadler was criticized for letting this book be printed.

Finally, another work which Swedenborg wrote during the summer of 1719 was entitled "New Ways of Discovering Mines." In his letter to Benzelius of November 26th, he says he has insinuerade this work, by which he seems to mean that he submitted it to the Bergscollegium. No copy, however, has ever been found in the Swedish Arkives, and if it was actually submitted, it was very probably soon returned. It is more probable, however, that Swedenborg did actually submit it, for the copy which he sent to Upsala and which is now preserved among Benzelius's papers is just such a neatly written copy as would be made for official inspection. The full title of the manuscript is "New Ways of Discovering Mines or some hitherto unknown means for the discovery of mines and treasures deeply hidden in the earth."

The Preface, which was perhaps written in Stockholm, opens

with a more open expression than ever before of the feeling

which was growing on Swedenborg, that science and study could

expect no encouragement in Sweden. "Every effort to develop

and enrich a country by adding to the number of its new

mines," he writes, . . . seems to be unavailing, since no

treasure, either above the earth or beneath, outweighs its

luxurious and extravagant expenditures so that more is

uselessly thrown away with one hand than can be gathered up

by both. It is something like presenting gold and other

valuables to one who sinks them into an abyss and offers his

treasures to a wealthy Neptune, as it were, or to one of his

crew. The best metalliferous veins, and the richest ores

would be to stop extravagance, to practice economy, to see

that debit and

209

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 210

[1719
Fall

credit correspond; every one should economize for himself and

thus be delivered from the taxes we have imposed on

ourselves. So long as we unnecessarily spend on the body more

gold and silver than is equal to double the yield of our

silver mines, and so long as more shiploads of our metal and

products are squandered than would be consumed by us in the

space of a year, there does not seem to be any urgent

necessity to point out ways and means of finding new

treasures, for this would be to feed and foster luxury which

would increase in like proportion. . . . An order forbidding

the abuse of gold and silver would be a doubly rich

metalliferous vein worth more than all our silver works in

Sweden taken together. . . But so long as a gilded fop and an

imbecile coxcomb has the idea in his head that the only thing

worthy of esteem is that which is seen on the surface, and

that one's merit must be shown by the gold one wears . . . no

perceptible change can be expected. . . Still," Swedenborg

concludes, with a reference to the changed political status,

"it is to be hoped that some change will come in this state

of affairs, now that we can think more freely . . . and are

permitted to see for ourselves, no longer fettered by a

sovereign's caprice which, from politeness, one must submit

to, thus producing merely an emulation and counterfeit and

not the product of ones own enlightened understanding."

This is rather a discouraging beginning for a treatise on discovering new mineral treasures, and yet it is a logical beginning; for the author thus points out how to discover new treasures by political and individual action as well as by mining.

"These," says Swedenborg, ending his Preface, "are the

economic means for the discovery of new treasures, means

which are the most essential and practical; the physical will

now follow, which in time may discover something and be of

use to the country."

The theory underlying this little treatise is that

minerals give off a distinct vapor. "If God most high had

endowed us with senses a hundred-thousand times finer, we

would without trouble" perceive these effluvia. As the case

is, however, we must use observation and reason. These vapors

may even insensibly affect our body and cause relaxation or

weakness, and in this way, perhaps, is explained the

persistence of the superstitious belief in the divining rod.

"It may be that when one walks over such a vapor, the joints

in the finger are rendered tense and limp, and the spirits in

the blood torpid, so that the rod necessarily falls forward

and shows that one has come upon a vein."

Granting, then, the emanation of a vapor from mineral

veins, we must study its effects. For this, Swedenborg

recommends the thorough study of earths, clays, and

vegetation at deserted mines; mines in operation will not do

because the fire and smoke, the persons and horses "may cause

other changes than those which alone are sought for."

The mineral vapors may also cause a new and spontaneous

generation of plants, as shown by the fact that "if gold or

silver be dissolved in its menstrua and something be mixed

therewith, there is at once formed something like a plant

. . . called the arbor philosophy.

210

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 211

[1719
Fall

But to examine such mines properly, one must first be a

analytical chemist; must have a thorough knowledge of soils

and clays, and also of botany; then he can see and recognize

anything therein that is new and peculiar.

From these principles, Swedenborg then gives suggestions

as to how the knowledge gained at deserted mines might be

used in the observation of vegetation, mosses, insects, etc.,

for the discovery of those signs which indicate the existence

of an underlying metallic vein.

Among these signs, Swedenborg notes "how common it is in

mining districts to observe over the mountains, in the woods,

and in other places, fires shining in the darkness . . .

which disappear as soon as one approaches." These fires he

concludes to be clear indications of the presence of a

metallic vapor. The reports of such lights are too frequent

to be rejected as myths, as shown by Hjal. Sjogren in a

review of the work now under consideration, who gives

excellent reasons why they are not now reported. Sjogren also

relates that the presence of these "metallic vapors" above

metalliferous ores has been shown by photographic plates; in

fact, these "vapors" are nothing less than electric

radiations; and early in the twentieth century an Austrian

savant "called attention to the possibility of using this

method [photographic] for the discovery of mineral deposits

by photographing their electric irradiations from the earth

crust." Sjogren gives a number of modern confirmations of the

statements tentatively made by Swedenborg. It is not that

Swedenborg has here made any contribution to the discovery of

mines - indeed, his work did not see the light of day until

the twentieth century - but that he here displays a

penetration and a power of generalization which enabled him

to suggest a metallic vapor, the actuality of which could be

proved only by the delicate instruments of a much later age.

"God has not given us senses fine enough to discern the

presence of these metallic vapors," he says, and therefore

"subtle observation is required to make use of the means

which have been pointed out, and he who desires to do this

must be a good chemist, at least, a perfect expert in that

which he would discover in hidden places." (NP 1908:118)

Swedenborg's theory is undoubtedly correct, but he himself doubtless saw that in practice, to find minerals by "Rimfrost, vissa Orter, Svampar, Dunster, etc.," is not to be relied on. (Rinman, s.v.Malmletare, p. 91)

The remaining work which Swedenborg wrote in Brunsbo in the summer and fall of 1719 is The falling and Rising of Lake Venner. A clean copy of this work and of the work on Discovering Mines was sent to Eric Benzelius - or, more probably, Swedenborg spent the Christmas holidays in Upsala and brought the MSS. with him. At any rate, the receipt of the former seems to have been reported by Benzelius to the Upsala Literary Society of which we shall speak presently on January 8th; and the MS. was handed to Dr. Martin for reading with a view to its publication on July 29th*; and the latter was read to the Society on February 5th. (Bok.Gill.Prot. pp. 9, 13)

* It was published in Acta Literaria Sueciae, no. IV, issued in November 1720. The work must have been written at Vennersborg; see Trans., p. 24.

211

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 212

[1719
Fall

The problem which Swedenborg set before himself in his Falling and Rising of Lake Venner was to account for some very remarkable phenomena displayed by that Lake. Lakes Venner and Vetter are among the largest fresh-water lakes in the world, but what specially distinguishes them is that

"they labor even for five or six years," and become from two

to six feet above their former level; and this during the

course of a few weeks. "I have noticed," says Swedenborg

"that Venner has risen 1 1/2 ells in the time of a month, and

maintained that height for three or four months together"

before again descending; and this was confirmed by farmers

with whom he talked.

Now the Lake is supplied by twenty-four streams, and its only outlet is the Elf. From experiments which Swedenborg himself had carried on, he calculates that 100,800 cubic fathoms of water flow from the lake every hour. Considering the great size of the sea, it would take thirteen and a half years to lower its level by one fathom, supposing the lake were fed by no streams whatsoever.

Swedenborg confesses himself unable to explain the phenomenon, though he suggests that it is to be found in the nature of water, and asks his reader to wait for what he proposes to present on this subject.

"In all that concerns the finer constitution of nature," he

concludes, "we are groping in the dark; still, we shall

perhaps gradually be enlightened if we guide ourselves by

experiments, and support our thoughts by geometry and

mechanics."

The feeling of dissatisfaction with his progress in the atmosphere of Sweden is steadily growing with Swedenborg, and he is increasingly anxious to make his entrance into the cosmopolitan learned world; to turn all his thought and study to the subject of mineralogy; and by travel to seek fellowship and encouragement among foreign scholars. On November 26th, he writes from Stockholm: "It is likely that what I have now printed - [Om Docken ?] -

together with an article on the decimal system in our coinage

and measures will be my last, since I notice that Pluto and

the Envies have their seat among the people of the north, and

that one secures greater fortune if one plays the fool rather

than acts as a rational man, etc." (OQ. 1:295 = LM. p. 221)

A few days later, he returns to the same theme when on December 1st he sends his brother-in-law a copy of the just printed Decimal System in the Coinage:

"This is the last of my productions," he writes, "for the

reason that domestic and every-day matters are despised, and

I have already worked myself poor with them. I have sung long

enough to get to see whether any one will up on this account

and put some bread into my hand.* I have long been taken with

some plans on which I have now at last firmly set my mind, to

find out how far they will win my Brothers approval.

(OQ. 1:295 = LM., p. 223)

* Gustaf and Eric Benzelius had the same low opinion of Swedish culture. See Brefwaxling. pp. 71, 74.

"1. To translate what I have printed into Latin or

French, and then to send it out to Holland and England, with

which, though somewhat later, I wish to include some of my

discoveries respecting fire and furnaces and other matters

useful in mining districts, together with something that is

not printed. My Brother will be pleased to be so kind as to

give me the names of those who write the Transactions and

Memoires in those places.

212

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 213

[1719
November

"2. As I opine I have some understanding of mechanics in

connection with mining districts and mines, so far at least

as to be able to describe all that is new and old in

connection therewith better than any one else; and, in

addition, understand the theory of fire and furnaces, in

connection with which I have made a heap of discoveries;

therefore, I am thinking of using all my remaining time on

everything that can advance mining districts and their

subsistence; and to make myself as well informed thereon as

possible.

"3. If fortune so favor me that I can get together the

required means; and if, meanwhile, by means of the

preparatory steps and correspondence I have succeeded in

winning some credit abroad, then it would highly entertain me

to journey to foreign lands and seek my fortune in my craft

which is concerned with all that has to do with the

advancement of mining and mines, etc. For he may well be

regarded as a fool who is a free and independent fellow and

has his name in other countries and yet remains here in the

dark, freezing to boot, where the Erynnider and Envies and

Pluto have their abodes, and where they dispose of all

rewards; where such labors as I have taken on me are rewarded

with misery. Until that time comes, my only joy would be to

successfully conceal myself. I think I could finally find a

corner for this in Starbo or Skinskatteberg. But since that

will likely come after four or five years respite, I see

beforehand that long-laid plans are like long journeys, which

are not carried on for long, and that some circumstances,

both in the community and in the individual, may break them

off and make a change. Thus man proposes, God disposes. Yet,

I have always liked it that one knows what he is aiming at,

and that he always forms for himself a good plan on the most

feasible lines, to carry out in his daily life."

(OQ. 1:295s = LM. pp. 223-24)

While attending to his publications during the month of November, Swedenborg, after giving himself the few days necessary for settling in Stockholm, reported to the Bergscollegium. The records of the College, however, show his attendance only on November 5th, 6th, 14th, and 17th, after which his name does not appear in the Minutes for four years. It is evident he occupied a somewhat equivocal position. Because he was an Assessor Extraordinary, he could attend when he liked, but it seems that he did not sign any of the official documents, and it made no difference to the College whether he attended or not (see below, p. 229). He had no salary and no official work; and that there were forces inimical to him is indicated by his letter to the King of November 21, 1720, and by the fact that in 1723 he petitions the College to decide as to whether or not he had a right to a seat there. (Doc. 1:428, 426; LM. p. 243)

He seems, however, to have had a friend and supporter in Vice-President Hjarne, who had no hesitation in fully recognizing him as an "Assessor in the Bergscollegium" and whom he met from time to time. Hjarne and Bishop Swedberg had been very great friends, but the latter's endeavors to reform Swedish orthography and grammar had been the occasion of a division between them which, in words at any rate, sometimes became quite violent (see above, p. 170). From a letter which Hjarne wrote to Eric Benzelius at this time, it is evident that Hjarne thought he had converted Swedenborg to his views with regard to orthography; indeed, this is difficult to imagine, for both previously and to the end of his life, Swedenborg's Swedish orthography shows many variations and inconsistencies. Hjarnes letter is dated Stockholm, November 26, 1719, and in the course of it he says:

213

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 214

[1719
November

"Bishop Swedberg's son, the Assessor in the Bergscollegium,

seeing from my discourse some rays of the knowledge of nature

which pleased him, tried to establish an amnesty between us,

and to compose our conflicting views, yet against my will:

for it is better for me that the Bishop bursts out in full

wrath and most bitter gall, so that I get full reason to make

an attack on his personalities," etc. (ACSD 189)

Still, however equivocal his official position, this did not hinder Swedenborg from whole-heartedly devoting himself to everything that could advance the science of mining.

He had not been in Stockholm two weeks before he addressed to the Queen, on November 13th, a petition for the establishment of sulphuric acid works at Falun. At this time, sulphuric acid was a monopoly owned by the works at Dylta near Orebro; but Swedenborg had been impressed at the great amount of sulphur at Falun, and the directing of this thought to the profit of his Fatherland led to the writing of his petition. (ACSD 186; Doc. 1:405, 401; Codex 85: 51)

The Memorial, which is now lost, was sent by the Queen with a favorable request to the Bergscollegium, and that body considered it on November 26th; but nothing seems to have come of the matter, perhaps owing to the deeply enrooted unwillingness of the Falun miners to introduce any newfangled ideas, or of the Dylta Monopolists.

Meanwhile, at Upsala the old Collegium Curiosorum was being revived; it had ceased meetings for seven or eight years. In its early days, the new Society was to have much to do with Swedenborg's literary productions.

"On the 26th of November," we read in the earliest

Minutes of this renewed Society, "the undersigned agreed to

hold a literary guild (bokwetts Gille) which shall present an

outline of the new books published in our land in all that

concerns literary matters. Thus:

"1. The giving of a short review of some new book

"2. Literary news

"3. Scientific and Historical Observations.

"4. The Obituaries of learned men."

(Brefwaxl. XXIII; Glas, p. 9; Bokw.G.Prot., p. 5)

The work thus outlined was to be done in a quarterly

Latin journal; and its main purpose was to make Swedish

science known to the learned world.

(Cf. Hyde, n. 119; Glas, p. 10)

The meetings of the Guild were to be held every Friday afternoon, and were practically in the nature of an editorial board.

Of the old Collegium Curiosorum, three members remained in Upsala, Benzelius, Rudbeck and Roberg, and these in the new Society were joined by four other members of the University. (Bokwetts G.Prot. p. 4)

It may be noted as a matter of interest, that while the

Collegium Curiosorum was established at a time of threatened

plague, so the Literary Guild was established at a time of

threatened attacks by Russia. But the Collegium Curiosorum

was rather an informal gathering, and its only printed

"Transactions" were due to the enterprise and liberality of

Swedenborg in the Daedalus Hyperboreus; while the Literary

Guild was a more formal body which undertook itself to print

a learned journal. Moreover,

214

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 215

[1719
Fall

while the Collegium under the influence of Polhem and

Swedenborg, had largely concerned itself with practical,

scientific, mechanical problems, the Literary Guild, by

Benzelius, was engaged in more purely literary studies; its

organ, the Acta Literaria Sveciae was patterned after the

Aeta Eruditorum, and became the medium whereby the literary

works of Sweden were reviewed and so made known to the

learned Latin world; and lastly, while Daedalus Hyperboreus

was published at Swedenborg's sole expense, the Acta

Literaria Sveciae was supported by the contributions of the

members, the Editor even being paid a small recompense of 120

dal. a year; naturally, it was written in Latin. Its expenses

were defrayed by the sale of iron pipes.

(Glas, p.13; Brefwax., p. XXIV)

The first number appeared in the middle of February 1720, and contained a long and very favorable review of Swedenborg's Height of Water, and also notices of his Stoppage of the Earth, Money and Measures, Algebra and Daedalus Hyperboreus. The review was written by Eric Burman, the Professor of Astronomy. (See NP 1929:45)

This is the first of Swedenborg's works to be publicly reviewed, and the review constitutes the first announcement of his name to the learned world; for the Acta Literaria Sveciae had a European circulation, and, moreover, in the following year the review in question was given an extended notice in the popular Neue Zeitungen for March 1721, this being the first introduction of Swedenborg's name into the literature of Germany. (NZ. 1721: 202-6)

The meetings of the Society, besides deciding as to the books to be reviewed and by whom, devoted itself to the reading of letters and communications - including several from Swedenborg. Thus, on Fridays, December 4th, 11th and 18th, 1719, Prof. Burman read Swedenborg's Height of Waters and on other dates, many of Swedenborg's letters to Benzelius were read and discussed. Benzelius, of course, informs his brother as to the formation of the Literary Society, and this leads Swedenborg to writes him early in 1720 that in Stockholm also they wished to form a Collegium Curiosorum, and had invited Swedenborg to become a member, but he had asked them "as to actualities and not words."
(OQ. 1:297 = p. 227)

The Society at Upsala, however, was an actuality, and when at the end of January Swedenborg was invited to become a member, he very gladly accepted and promised to communicate articles from time to time. As an earnest of this, Benzelius presented Swedenborg's New Ways of Discovering Mines - the neatly written copy already referred to (see above, p. 210) which was read before the Society on February 5th. The reading led to some discussion, and the Society suggested that Swedenborg ascertain whether such strong Wittarung - dancing lights - are found in Swedish mines as at the German mines, and also whether it is only metals in the ground that give forth a vapor. (Bokwetts G.Prot., pp. 12-13)

In sending this MS, (which was accompanied by the MS. on Finding the Longitude) to Benzelius, who was the Editor of the Acta Literaria Sueciae, Swedenborg doubtless had in mind its insertion in that learned journal, and it is to this, doubtless, that he refers when he writes Benzelius early in February: "It is possible that my two treatises . . . could be translated into good Latin; I beg this with pleasure." (OQ. 1:297 = LM., p. 227)

215

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 216

[1720
February

It is owing to the meetings of the Upsala Society that we owe the preservation of the fragments of Swedenborg's work on Tremulation. It will be remembered that the complete work, which was "somewhat lengthy" was handed in to the Medical Collegium* on October 30, 1719. The Minutes of the College for that date state that

"The Syndic [or President] announced that . . . Immanuel

Swedenborg had handed to the College for censure a book

called Anatomy of our Finest Nature, showing that our motive

and living essence depends on co-tremulations. The College

found it desirable that this treatise be read through by all

the Assessors of the College; after which judgment should be

given concerning it."

(See NP. 1900: 122; NC.Mag. 1900:Feb.; ACSD 59; OQ. 1:297)

* The censorship of books was in the hands of an appointed Censor; but the Medical College had the sole right to censure medical books (Hist.Tids. 1893, pp. 130-31). Swedenborg's work was evidently considered to be a medical work.

Nothing is known concerning the fate of this MS. The opinion of the members of the College who read it was evidently favorable; for early in February, Swedenborg writes:

"The medical men in the city take it up and they all express

themselves favorable in regard to it. I will not get it from

them until Bromell also has had it."

(OQ. 1: 297 = LM., p. 227)

Possibly, when at last it was taken by Bromell, it remained in his possession. Swedenborg does not again refer either to this MS. or to the MS. on Blast Furnaces which he had submitted to censure about the same time. This silence on his part may seem surprising. In the case of the Swedish Blast Furnaces, it is possibly due to his having written the work mainly for the Bergscollegium itself; and in any event, he later published the gist of it in Latin. As to the Tremulation, Swedenborg may have decided to give the matter further study before publication

Fortunately, Swedenborg preserved the first draft of this work, and in pursuance of his promise to send papers to the Upsala Society, of which he was now a member, he commenced a clean copy to be sent to Benzelius from time to time.

"The work will be somewhat lengthy,"* he writes, "and I think

I shall continue sending it seven or eight weeks, even though

twice a week." (Ibid.)

* On the basis of what Swedenborg 's says, the finished work would have been about twice as long as the pan now preserved, and would have consisted of 14 - 16 chapters,

In connection with the brief outline of the theory of Tremulation which he printed in the last issue of the Daedalus Hyperboreus, Swedenborg had explained to Benzelius that, in this theory he had found himself in agreement with Baglivi (see above, p. 188). After completing the finished work he is more specific. Writing to Benzelius, who had already received the first two chapters, he says early in February, 1720:

"It is indeed true that Baglivi first advanced the theory;

Descartes likewise touched on it somewhat; later Borelli. But

no one, as yet, has proved it and carried it forward. Thus, I

hold my proofs as new and as my own, and the theory itself as

216

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 217

1720
February

another's. I may indeed say, however, that what is contained

therein I got for myself, and afterwards noticed that it was

one with Baglivi's - which has pleased my imagination such as

what is said there about the function of the meninges.

(OQ. 1:297 = LM., p. 227)

The theory was that sensations are tremulations of a membrane; Swedenborg defends this theory in his Miscellaneous Observations (English, p. 105).

Chapters I and II were read before the Literary Society on February 12th and 19th. These chapters are designed to show that life is nothing but motion. Therefore the soul through the brains introduces motion into the nerves which thus produce tension of the membranes whereby motions from without can be received, and so sensations, from the highest of them to the lowest

We note in these chapters the germ of several doctrines which subsequently became of dominating importance in Swedenborg's philosophy. Thus the doctrine of forms is involved in what is said of the different forms of motions; and the doctrine of the motion of the brain is clearly stated; also the doctrine of the circulation of the animal spirits; of the cerebrospinous fluid; of cerebral pathology (Trem., p. 42), the ear (ib. p. 62) (Trem., pp. 10, 15, 37, 38, 39)

One must wonder also at the great knowledge of cerebrology which the work displays. Swedenborg's peculiar bent of mind would not seem to suggest the study of anatomy; yet his great friendship for Doctors Roberg and Rudbeck does suggest some instruction in anatomy while a student at Upsala. Certainly, the postulating of this instruction would be in harmony with the natural ability of Swedenborg - first shown in Tremulation and then more fully developed in his anatomical works - to grasp the details of anatomy and see them as a one and in actual working operation; to say nothing of the knowledge of minute anatomy displayed in the present treatise (see chap. III). In any case, it is not surprising that Swedenborg's first writing on anatomy should have a mechanical turn.

Chapter III deals with the nerves, and displays a very considerable knowledge of their anatomy. Swedenborg dwells on the inextricable inter-communication between the nerves all over the body, which he considers as a proof that "every sensation is a tremulation in the whole nervous system," and is not confined to any particular place in the brain but exists in all places simultaneously. In the medulias spinalis and oblongata it must run "like lightning." How these tremulations are communicated by means of membranes, all of which are nervous; and "the principal motions of tremulation" and so "the most subtle sensations," take place in the dura and pia maters. The dura and pia maters are extended to the whole body and are ever held in a state of tension or expansion, and everywhere and especially in the cranium are adjoined to hard bones and cartilages.

After sending chapter III, but before that chapter had been read by the Society, Swedenborg interrupts the series and sends a transcript of chapter XIII as a further explanation of the subject dealt with in chapter III, namely, with the mechanism of the tension of vessels by means of fluids which alone enables sensations once communicated to be spread out everywhere. He interpolates chapter XIII here because, as he writes to Benzelius

"otherwise one might grope for the right meaning. I should

indeed desire," he adds, "that it be taken into full

consideration, and also that objection be made to it,

wherefrom the matter could receive some enlightenment for

myself . . . whether I am on the

217

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 218

[1720
March

right or an erroneous path." (OQ. 1:298 = LM., p. 228)

Chapters I and II had already been read before the Upsala Society, and it would seem that Benzelius had communicated some reflections made by the members. For in the letter from which we have just quoted, Swedenborg says:

"But to imagine much to oneself in respect to the animal spirits, and to pretend to know their chemistry and function but not at all their geometry is too weak a defence. . . I presume that the Academicians are so reasonable as to put away childish prejudices and offer reasons in answer to reasons." (Ibid.)

Chapters III-IV were sent together (and perhaps also XIII) and were read before the Society on Friday, March 4, 1720, on which occasion Professor Roberg suggested that one might put before Swedenborg the following difficulty "that he may express himself concerning it at his pleasure," namely:

"In what way one can explain the fact that through one and

the same nerve, the force possessed by a waking man

continually . . . moves from his brain to the surface of his

body, and, on the other hand, during the same moment and

through the same nerve, the impressions of the objects of the

external senses go up from the surface of the body to the

brain directly contrary to the former stream."
What is most significant in this question is the fact that it was put by a professor of medicine, a man aged fifty-six years, to one who but ten years earlier had been a student and who was not a medical man.*

* That Swedenborg's reputation as a mathematician was high is indicated in a letter by Professor of Medicine P. Martin (April 1723), where he says that the theory that water particles are round "is held by the best mathematicians, such as, here in Sweden, by C. Radet, Polhem, and Assessor Swedenborg (Tissel. Utterligare forsok. pp. 12, 90-91).

Chapters V-VI were sent to Benzelius in two installments.

Chapter IV shows that the membranes are tensed by means of

blood or lymph, and it is in this connection that the author

first teaches that "as the heart is the propelling organ of

the blood, so are the cerebrum and the medulla the fountain

of the circulation of other fluids in the body" (p. 36), for

both the brain and medullas have a reciprocal motion. These

other fluids he here calls nervous serums, "the existence of

which will not be denied by any one of common sense" (ib.),

and he states that serums are formed in the cortical glands

from materials supplied by the blood vessels (p. 37). The

course or circulation of the serum is as follows: From the

meninges it goes to the cortical glands, thence through the

nerves to all the membranes and muscles of the body (p. 39).

But the teaching is rather vague though rich in suggestion.

What is most remarkable is the evidence the work gives us not

only of Swedenborg's keen sight into the uses of the human

forms but also of his natural bent to anatomical studies. He

goes out of his way, for instance, to account for the

different origins of the humors of the eye (p. 39).

From his doctrine that sensation is according to the tension of membranes, and that this tension is due to fluids, Swedenborg explains the different states of sensation. Thus, in fear, when the blood rushes to

218

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 219

[1720
March

the heart, the senses became dull (p. 42). So in swooning

Paralysis closes the passages of the nerves, as observed in

autopsies (p. 43). In courage, on the other hand, the blood

flows freely (p. 44), and so on. Injuries to the dura mater

cause convulsions, swooning, etc., showing "that our proper

life resides especially in the membranes" and is according to

their state of tension (p. 46) and this conclusion that "life

resides in the membranes" (p. 46) is further confirmed by the

fact that in operations, sensation continues even after parts

of the cortical brain have been removed (p. 46). In cases of

petrified brains, the membranes seem to perform "that which

is usually ascribed to the inner part" (p. 47), i.e., it

originates the motion which causes tension and sensation.

Another confirmation is the office of the bark of trees in

transmitting humors (p. 47). Swedenborg ends his fourth

chapter by ascribing temperaments to the amount of blood in

the vessels and the consequent tension of the membranes.

[See The Brain, I: n. 41 seq.]

This chapter evidences the ability to visualize the parts of the human body, and to see them simultaneously in motion; it also evidences some study of the pathology of the brain. See Codex 86, pp. 261 seq. What is here contained from Willis was perhaps written in preparation for Tremulation.

Chapter V deals with the office of the bones in tensing the membranes. Infants are less sensitive because their bones are soft; in old age, when fluids become sparser, the sensations grow dull. So infants are not sensitive in the womb when the dura mater is without motion.

In this connection, Swedenborg makes the interesting statement that man's slowness in maturing is an advantage in that "the understanding is able to increase and be more and more perfected so as finally to present a man who can exhibit a ripe understanding" (pp. 58-59).

The VIth and last of the chapters which Swedenborg copied out is a demonstration of the preceding principles, using the ear and the effects of musical sounds as an illustration. And here again we - who, in following Swedenborg thus far, have had no occasion to think of him as an anatomist - are amazed at the familiarity with his subject which he displays, a familiarity which could hardly have been acquired by a man of thirty in a few summer weeks, but which must have involved previous training.

There is no record that any, save the first three chapters, of this work was read to the Literary Society. But that the rest was read by some of the Professors, and, moreover, was criticized, seems clear from Swedenborg's utterances. Indeed, it was this that finally led the author to desist from further copying.

When transmitting chapter IV, he writes on February 29, 1720:

"I wish it could get the approval of the learned man

concerned. But since there is some doubt concerning it, I

will observe some delay until I got to hear what there can be

to object to it; for if one has an opposite opinion then the

best or reasons would be disregarded. In preconceptions, each

and every man is almost blind. One must indeed look out

that he does not have the disapproval of the learned against

him because of some new finds and hitherto unsolved

arguments. If I can safely send the continuation, it shall be

done as soon as possible; but I do not wish to leave anything

to sinister judgments." (OQ. 1:299, 300 = LM. pp. 230, 231)

219

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 220

[1720
March

On March 3d, when sending chapter V, he writes about waiting until he gets some advice as to whether what has been sent secures approval or censure. A few days later, just after leaving Stockholm for Starbo and Brunsbo, he sends the clean copy of chapters V and I. This is the last. While traveling, he had no time to continue the work, and when he arrived at Brunsbo, he found that the first draft had been left in Starbo. At the end of April, Benzelius writes urging the continuation; but Swedenborg is now concentrating on chemistry and the deeper aspects of metallurgy. Nevertheless, he does not refuse Benzelius. On May 2d, he writes from Brunsbo;

"It will be my greatest pleasure if I were able from here to

continue the anatomy. The draft was left at Starbo, and

without this it would weary my head to follow up the

remaining points, and which are already covered over by

thoughts of another kind. As soon as I get the opportunity,

it shall be done." (OQ. 1:301, 302, 303; LM., pp. 233, 235, 236)

This is the last we hear of Tremulation. Swedenborg's interest in this physiological study had been overcast by other studies in which physical experiments could more manifestly come to the aid of speculation. It is conceivable that now, as when later he had written the Economy, he felt he had gone too fast and must pursue a slower course, abiding more closely by the findings of experience. And this perhaps accounts for his not reclaiming his completed MS. from the Medical College

In addition to Tremalation, Swedenborg had in his mind to write

"something which concerns to mechanism of our passions and of

the emotions of the mind so far as these can be deduced from

the structure of the nerves and membranes; and, in addition,

concerning some unknown properties possessed by the least

ramifications of the arteries and veins for the continuation

of motion."* (OQ 1:299 = LM., p. 230)

* The sketch on the ramifications of the arteries is not improbably the basis for the article published later in the Miscellaneous Observations, entitled "The Blood circulates through the Capillaries more easily than through the arterial trunks" (Miss. Obs., p. 78).

But all this was "not as yet worked out," and, like Tremulation, soon came to be overshadowed by other studies and was not again revived until many years later.

During his stay in Stockholm from the end of September 1719 to the early part of March 1720, Swedenborg was introduced into the House of Nobles as a member - fee was 200 dal.s.m. This was in January 1720 when the House met on the 16th. Doubtless also he took part in the imposing ceremonies which marked the opening of a Diet. Among these was the assembling of the nobles in the great hall of the House of Nobles on January 22d, when they all proceeded in a body to the castle, there to hear a sermon - the other Houses went to the Stora Kyrka - and later, in the Royal Audience Hall, to be greeted by the Queen on her throne.
(Nya Hand., p. 437; Kleberg, p. 186; Adels Riks.Prot., p. 15)

The ceremony of introduction consisted in the Marshal

addressing a few words of welcome to the newcomers, and

receiving thanks from them. (Adels Riks.Prot., p. 177)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 221

[1720
March

With the exception of a few days in November, as already noted, Swedenborg does not appear to have had any work in connection with the Bergscollegium. Perhaps it was a question of salary and times were bad; and so he seems to have occupied himself solely with studying and writing. But though not recorded as attending the sessions of the College, he yet kept in touch with it. For, in February he sends Benzelius a copy of a communication transmitted to the Bergscollegium by one of its auscultants who was making observations in Newcastle, England. This communication is of particular interest inasmuch as it describes one of the earliest known forms of steam engines, a steam-driven pump used in the Newcastle coal mines by Messrs. Ridley, and which could pump water up from any depth. It was evidently not new to Swedenborg for on the extract, he writes:

"My thoughts on this matter in connection with the letter and

also from the models of such machines which were made some

years ago, and likewise how it can be put into practice in

Sweden, I will set forth in detail on another occasion."

(OQ. 1:300 = LM., p. 232)

Such a machine was set up by Triswald in the Danamora mine in 1728. (Act.Lit.S., 1728:453)

With all his work, however, Swedenborg's mind was not at rest. Though nominally Assessor, he was actually without employment and most certainly without a salary. Though thirty-two years of age with two years of active service with Polhem, he had never received a single penny in compensation. It is not surprising, then, to see that his active mind turns back to the earlier efforts made at Lund, to have Charles a mathematical society. Now that the first political excitement over the succession, etc., is past, the Estates will have time to consider other matters. Early in March he writes:

"May not now be the time and occasion to propose to the

Estates that which was projected in the blessed King Charles

XII's time in regard to the establishment of a new

mathematical society as these exist at those places where

studies flourish; in order to encourage that for which there

are indeed clever men in Sweden, but little encouragement,

advancement, rewards, support, etc. In England, such a

project has been established from a small beginning, by the

contributions of many well disposed supporters, and it has

performed great uses for that kingdom."

(OQ. 1:301 = LM., p. 233)

He then suggests that the Estates would probably not refuse to authorize a lottery. Lotteries were new in Sweden, but one had recently been held in Malmo, and Swedenborg follows the plan of this in his suggestion that 15,000 lots be sold, netting 15,000 dal.s.m. that the prizes be, one of 2,000 dal.; 2 of 1,000; 4 of 500; ten of 100; 20 of 50; 50 of 10 and 1,000 of 1; totalling 9,500. Counting 500 for expenses, this would leave a balance of 5,000 dal. annually from the lottery, which Swedenborg suggests might be spent on the proposed mathematical society, as follows:

Annual salary, for 1 man 1000 s.m

" " " 2 men [at 700] 1400

" " " 4 " [" 500] 2000

" " " 4 " [" 100] 400

Total 4800

221

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 222

[1720
March

What response Swedenborg got to this proposal is not known. At any rate, the matter was not brought up in the Diet, and nothing further is heard of it. Swedenborg was destined to be, not a mathematical director of a learned society, but a mineralogist, and all the events of his life tended in this direction even though sometimes he sought to look in other directions. See WE n. 2532 as to the leading of Swedenborg's life by Divine Providence.

In the middle of February, as a member of the newly formed Bokwett Gille, he received his two copies of the first number of the Acta Literaria Sueciae, and there he read a long review of his Height of Water, the first introduction of his name and works to the world of cosmopolitan learning.

"I enjoyed the review," he writes, "even the Latinity is

praiseworthy; but it would not have hurt if a little more

hand been said about the proof . . . As regards the moving of

stones in a deep abyss." (OQ. 1:299 = LM., p. 230)

One cannot but be struck by Swedenborg's insistence on this point.

The prospect of coming into contact with the outside learned world is pleasing to him. He would like his papers on discovering mines and his observations on the rise and fall of Lake Venner translated into Latin for the Acta; is deeply grateful to Magister Vassenius for translating one of his works, probably the Lake Venner. He is pleased also to hear that Benzelius will have his Longitude reviewed in the second number of the Acta.

"I wish that it be done with some care, for the reason that

it may find favor abroad, especially as it may be of such

great use to the public; for in some respects, I am sure that

among the methods that have been found, this is the easiest."

(OQ. 1:297, 301 = LM., pp. 227, 233)

There were certain matters which had to be attended to before leaving Stockholm, such as the inventoring and disposal by auction of the remaining copies and plates of Daedalus Hyperboreus; for, with the appearance of the Acta Literaria, the Daedalus naturally came to an end. But after this, Swedenborg, early in March, left Stockholm for the charming homestead in Starbo.* Here he meets his brother-in-law Lars Benezlius with his wife, sister Hedwig, and their three little children.

* Starbo, which was a valuable property, with homestead, furnaces, mill, etc., was the property of Swedenborg's stepmother, Sara Bergia. She had desired to will it to Emanuel Swedenborg (Doc. 1:374).

From his brother-in-law, he hears of a curious incident that deeply excites his scientific curiosity. A man named Kokk had told Lars Benzelius that one night he and a companion had watched all night on a mountain (Larsberg) about ten miles southwest of Starbo. North of this mountain, directly at its foot, lies a great like. On the occasion referred to, from this mountain Kokk saw the sun over the horizon during the whole night; and at midnight, when the sun went down for half-an-hour, he also saw it in Lake Wssman. (Bok. G. Prot., p. 23)

"If this is true," says Swedenborg, "Wesman must be the

principal cause of it by making the horizon damp and more

suitable for refraction." (OQ. 1:302 = LM., p. 235)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 223

[1720
March

Swedenborg's brother-in-law Lars, told Swedenborg that the man had absolutely assured him of the truth of his statement, but this did not satisfy the mind of Swedenborg which looked rather to the scientific methods of the present than to the easy credulity of the past.

"I do not wish to set faith in it until I myself get to make

the same observation, which would be wholly worthy of the

Acta Eruditorum." (Ibid.)

again the thought of contact with the learned world of abroad.

Apparently, the observation by Kokk had been made in June 1719, and so Swedenborg proposes to return to Starbo on June 10th or 11th and spend the night on the same mountain in order to make the observation "of the setting or refracted sun" for himself. "Until then," he says, "I suspend faith until my own eyes have witnessed it." Whether or not Swedenborg did actually take steps to make this observation, we do not know; it is very probable. (OQ. 1:303 = LM., p. 237)

It was while at Starbo, perhaps, that Swedenborg commenced those experiments on "the decrease and degrees of heat in bodies" which he seems to have continued in June; see p. 224 below. In Brunsbo he made certain observations on ice crystals which were suggested to him by his Bullular Hypothesis. Writing in Miscellaneous Observations on the crystallization of pure water in definite forms, he says:

"I will now describe a new form of the kind, which I

observed as I was traveling in the winter season in West

Gothland in Sweden, not far from the episcopal seat of

Brunsbo. I saw that certain aqueous germinations had shot

forth from the ice. Among these there were several in the

exact shape of hexagonal crystals; but from which they

differed, as their upper plane was not oblique, and also

inasmuch as they were raised by a round stem from their base

on the ice."

After referring to the accompanying figure, he continues:

"The ice was covered with these productions and, as I

was much surprised, I took up a number in different places

and found that they were all crystallized in the same form.

Besides this germination, there were several others upon the

ice, which rose to a height of one or two inches above it;

some were like twigs, others like leaves, some stood upright

like simple threads, others intersected each other

transversely like lines, with a kind of sloping ridge."

He connects their figures with the figure found in figured

stones and also the figures of the frost on our window panes,

and also by snow, and ascribes it to the shape of water

particles. (Miss. Obs. [Eng.], p. 82)

From Starbo, he journeyed down to Brunsbo via rebro, a distance of about a hundred and eighty miles. He was struck with the remarkable number of great isolated stones which he saw, and he at once connects them with his theory concerning the action of the ocean depth. Speaking of his journey, he writes to Benzelius:

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 224

[1720
May

"On the way . . . I observed how the very largest stones,

like little mountains, to the weight of 300 or 400

skeppunds,* have come to the greatest altitude. When you

journey down, take note of this. For me, it is a

demonstrating reason that in a deep abyss, stones are rolled

and spread round about; to wit, are brought higher and higher

(since the highest land is in the neighborhood of rebro);

that is to say, nearer and nearer to the edge or surface of

the ocean, until they come to such a depth that it was no

longer possible to roll them away again. This is what I

proved." (OQ. 1:304 = LM., p. 238)

* Referring to these stones in his Height of Water (Proof VI), Swedenborg gives them a weight of A4 to 500 skeppunds." A skeppund equals 20 lispund, equals 20 x 20 lbs., equals 400 lbs.

He arrived at Brunsbo about the end of March. His father had been visited with a great affliction, for on March 3rd, while Swedenborg was still in Stockholm, Sara Bergia, his second wife, died. Of her, the Bishop writes:

"I lived peacefully with her until 1720 when God took her

after three days' severe pleurisy on March third, by a quiet

and peaceful death, to my great sorrow and loss. God give her

joy to all eternity for all the joy she brought to me."

(Tottie, 2:272)

Swedenborg was now thirty-two years old and had lived many years independently of his parents; still, the loss of his stepmother must have been felt by him. She was particularly fond of her oldest stepson who was reflecting honor on his father the Bishop.

At Brunsbo, Swedenborg found a new and unexpected treasure. His gifted cousin, Dr. John Hesselius, had come into the possession of a medical library left by a Dr. Ludenius,* a protg of Skara University who had studied in Holland. What specially interested Swedenborg were the chemical books. ? Swedenborg's first interest in chemistry: see Doc. 1:368. ON May 2nd, he writes:

* His brother Anders Lundstedt married Swedenborg's sister Margareta (Skara Stifts Herdam., I: 16; Lewenhaupt, Carl III's Officerare).

"I am now engaged in running through all the chemical

works which are to be found in the Ludenian stock of books

which now belongs to Hesselius; for I have set before me the

will to penetrate into all that concerns fire and metals from

their first beginnings even to their maturity. In accordance

with the plans of the preceding memorial [see below, p 224],

I am taking the chemical experiments of Boyle, Becher,

Hierne, Lemmery, etc., and am searching into nature in her

leasts, comparing them with geometry and mechanics, and am

daily encouraged by new discoveries in all that concerns the

nature of subtle substances. This I am more and more

confirmed in, since I already notice that experiments, like a

series of links, are in agreement with it. It seems to be a

good foundation to build up on an endless number of

experiments; to make use of other's labor and expenditures;

to wit, to work with the head over that on which others have

worked with their hands. From this a multitude of deductions

could be made for use in chemistry, metallurgy, fire, and all

their phenomena." (OQ. 1:303 = LM., p. 237)

224

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 225

[1720 May-June

Here we have Swedenborg's first statement of that principle of study which guided him throughout his scientific career, to take the researches of others and from these to make his own deductions.

The "new discoveries" to which he refers in the letter quoted above consisted in his finding out "the interior geometry" of metals, etc., and "the right proofs for the experiments which have been set up by the chemists." He believes these discoveries "will hereafter redound to the science" of chemistry. Subsequently, he developed them in his work on Chemistry, where he seeks to show that the difference between chemical elements is made by the size, figure, and inter-arrangement of their constituent particles. (ACSD 225 A)

The "preceding memorial" to which Swedenborg refers in this letter, as containing the "plans" which were his ultimate object in these chemical studies, was a memorandum, enclosed in the letter of May 2nd, which contained a plan on which he was working for publishing three tomes, namely, 1. On Mechanics. 2. On Fire, and 3. On Hearths and Ores. This memorandum is not now preserved, but a record of its contents is entered in the Minutes of the Upsala Literary Society before which it was read. Those contents constitute the first plan of that work, of which three volumes were published, fourteen years later, as the Opera Mineralogica. Thus, not only was Swedenborg holding fast to his determination to devote himself to the study of mines and minerals, but already in 1720 he was planning his ambitious series on metals. (Bok. G. Prot., p. 24)

Soon after his arrival in Brunsbo, Swedenborg received the second issue of the Acta Literaria Sueciae (published April 6), and was doubtless not displeased to observe that the first article was a long and comprehensive review of his treatise on Finding the Longitude.

In May, Eric Benzelius and his wife, Swedenborg's sister Anna, joined Swedenborg at Brunsbo. Doubtless also, other members of the family were present to attend the funeral of their stepmother. That it was a united family does not seem indicated by what has already been related (see above, p. 176), nor by the fact that it was but a few weeks after their stepmother's death before the division of her property among her stepchildren and heirs came into the law courts. But before proceeding to this matter, we shall first relate a further effect made by Swedenborg to secure a definite status in the Bergscollegium. (Bok. G. P., p. 24; (OQ. 1:303 = LM., p. 237)

He left Brunsbo early enough in June to be able to make the observation on Mount Larsberg on June 11 x 12, in order to test the accuracy of Kokk's relation as told him by his brother-in-law Lars Benzelius.

It was probably while at Starbo at this time (the middle of June), that Swedenborg made those experiments "on the increase and degrees of heat in bodies according to the Bullular Hypothesis" - an hypothesis which he seems now to have formulated as a result of his chemical studies. (But see Chemistry, Preface; LM., p. 281; and above, p. 173) Describing these experiments in his Miscellaneous Observations, published in 1722, he says:

"I exposed flat pieces of copper, iron, stone, oak and pine

timber to the action of the sun from daybreak unto two

o'clock in the afternoon, and the air was found to be pretty

warm, though not by any means sensibly warm to the touch,

like warm water; the pine timber was hotter, the oak hotter

still, so that the hand could scarcely bear it; the stone was

middling hot, but the copper was too hot to touch. On

repeating the experiment, I discovered that

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 226

[1720
May-June

these substances varied in their degrees of heat according to

their bulk and the thinness of the plates; that is to say, in

the same time and from the same fire, a large body did not

absorb the degree of heat proportioned to its compactness so

quickly as the same body divided into plates; and therefore

the experiment was most successful when the plates were of

equal thickness . . . The same rule holds in cold substances.

Thus, on exposing the same plates to the wintry sky, the air

being very cold [see above, p. 222], snow is found to be

still cold to the sense of touch; but iron is so intensely

cold as to adhere to the skin and almost to tear it away from

the finger." From this, he concludes, that "the same heat

and the same cold are much more increased in dense than in

soft bodies, and that they are in proportion to the size of

the pores; hence, that in porous substances . . . heat and

cold are not circumstanced as in compact substances; or in

old hard bodies as in recent" - all of which he explains

according to the Bullular Hypothesis. (Miss. Obs., p. 106)

From Starbo, he went to Skinnskatteberg, the valuable property with its smelting furnaces which he and Rudbeck owned jointly by purchase from the other heirs of Swedenborg's own mother. The town is situated some twenty-five miles southeast of Starbo.

Here, one of his first tasks was to make a formal appeal to the Bergscollegium for ultimate recognition as an Assessor. He had fully made up his mind as to the course he wished to pursue - the study of all things that had to do with mining. He wished now the appropriate position for such a career.

His letter to the Bergscollegium is dated Skinnstakkeberg, June 19, 1720:

"As I desire nothing more highly than to have an

opportunity of being of use and actual service to your

Excellency and the highly renowned Royal Collegium," he

writes, "therefore, in view of this I make bold to come in

with an humble prayer that your Excellency . . . [etc.] will

be pleased to promote my purpose." (Doc. 1:46; ACSD 219 =

LM., p. 238-39)

The prayer was for advancement to "some salary and support in my position of Extraordinary Assessor, or to advance my fortune as your Excellency . . . [etc.] may find most agreeable." He was the more induced to make this application since, "for the sake of improvement in that which I have thought would be of use to my Fatherland, I have already used all that could come to me, whether from inheritance or otherwise, both for foreign journeys during four years, and afterwards in attending Herr Councillor of Commerce Polhem at the establishment of the dock and the sluice work, wherein I assisted him at my own expense, in humble compliance with the most gracious command of the late King Charles XXII. For the fourth year, I have had the honor to be a lowly servant in the Royal Collegium; and all else that I have been able to spare, I have used in the costly publication of printed writings, etc., whereby I have desired to signify my longing and intention . . . to have the opportunity and the means to be of use and humble service to your Excellency . . . [etc.]; and, in this I shall continue to the best of my ability."

The petition was duly received and filled - but nothing more. Bergenstierna appointed.

Swedenborg's presence at Skinnskatteberg at this time had to do with the proceedings in connection with Sara Bergia's will. In that which had been made in November 1713, she declares that "because of the righteous love which

226

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 227

[1720
June

has and does now exist between her husband, the Herr Bishop Jesper Swedberg, and herself" she wills "that his children shall own and inherit all the property, real and personal - with specified exceptions of personal property - which God has bestowed upon her, whatever it may be." Namely,

"the property Starbo with the appurtenances belonging thereto

in land, etc., and also one-half of upper Starbo's smelting,

and seven-sixteenths of the hearth at Marns, and [the whole

of] Prsthyttan."

All this was to be divided among Bishop Swedberg's children. See N. K. Tidn. 1927, p. 77. (ACSD 219, 318 C)

In addition to the above will was a document which the courts eventually regarded as having the validity of a duly witnessed will. It was signed by three witnesses, including Doctor John Hesselius, and was to the effect that the day before Sara Swedenborg's death, these three as witnesses had been called to her bedside to witness what she desired seen to after her death, namely:

1. That her granddaughter, Sara Lundstedt, the daughter of

Swedenborg's youngest sister Margaret, should have equal

share in her property with the other children,* "on which the

grandchild who sat on the bed by her grandmother, took the

Biskopinna's hand, kissed it, and thanked her."

* It is evident that since the original will had been made, Margaret Lundstedt, who was to have shared equally with her brothers and sisters, had died.

2. "That Assessor Well-born Herr Emanuel Swedenborg shall

have possession of Starbo, and shall buy the shares of the

other heirs, at a price to be fixed by arbitration,

Swedenborg meanwhile to enjoy the use of the property free

for a year."* (NKTid. 1927:77)

* It had always been Sara Bergia's intention that Emanuel should have Starbo. The Bishop, according to his own statement, "reminded her of this when I found that she was about to die; when she repeated the statement. But I begged her not to exclude the other children, when she said that they may have equal shares but Emanuel shall have Starbo alone, and he shall pay out the others." (Doc. 1:374).

This document, which was in the nature of a codicil, was endorsed by Bishop Swedberg as confirming his wife's will. Herr J. Unge, his son-in-law, likewise wrote on the document that he had nothing to oppose to it, since "it had been his parents' counsel, thought of long ago."

On June 21, 1720, the above documents - the will and the supplementary testament - were filed by Emanuel Swedenborg at Smedjebacken in the mining court for Starbo, and on the same day and in the same court, Petter Bergius, Biskopinna Swedenborg's brother, filed a protest against all the property going to Bishop Swedberg's children. (Acton-Lindh, p. 2; NKTid., 1927:78)

A protest was also file by Lars Benzelstierna on behalf of himself and his brother Eric Benzelius, presumably against the special favor shown to Emanuel Swedenborg. But Emanuel Swedenborg, in a supplementary memorial, explained that Eric Benzelius had given authority to his brother Lars not to protest against the will but to defend it.

On July 4th, the same protests were also filed in another mining court, being the juridical seat of certain of the property.

227

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 228

[1720
June

The will was also filed in Skara by Dean Junge, on October 10th, and at the same time, a protest was filed by Anders Swab and others, the Biskopinna's nephews.* (ACSD 222A)

* Rector Begius
/ / /
Helena m. Petter Sara m. Bishop Swedberg

Anton Swab (Who later m. Christ.
/ / Arhusia)

Anders Anton

The various protests were heard by the Court on February 23, 1721, when Swedenborg was present representing his brother Jesper, his brothers-in-law Unge and Lundstedt, and his niece Sara Lundstedt. The protest entered by Sara Bergia's relatives was declared to be outside the jurisdiction of the court. Lars Benzelstierna's protest was rejected, and the dying declaration of Sara Bergia - which made Sara Lundstedt a co-heir and gave Swedenborg valuable rights - was declared valid. (Acton-Lindh MSS., pp. 1-2)

However, the matter did not rest here, for on April 16, 1721, an agreement was made between Swedenborg and Lars Benzelstierna whereby they became equal owners of the whole of the valuable Starbo property. The agreement reads:

"Since some strife has arisen between us concerning the

arrangement, I, Emanuel Swedenborg, exhibited to the Court

and showed by proof to be orally given by our late mother

. . . just before her death . . . concerning the right of

purchasing the Starbo property with all its appurtenances,

and also concerning . . . Miss Sara Lundstedt's receiving an

equal portion with all . . . Bishop Swedberg's children . . .

against all which I, Lars Benzelstierna, on behalf of my

brother . . . Dr. Eric Benzelius and myself, entered my

protest before the proper court; and, moreover, in view of

the disposition which exists with us on both sides, to settle

. . . this dispute in a friendly way, and in confirmation of

the close relationship between us. . .

"I, Emanuel Swedenborg, on behalf of . . . Anders

Lundstedt . . . and Jonas Unge. . . and my brother Jesper

Swedenborg and myself, give to . . . Lars Benzelstierna the

right of purchase of one-half Starbo and its appurtenances,

such as Prsthyttan. . . Marns, etc., in proportion to the

price which is now fixed between us for the whole property .

. . namely, 32,000 dal. K. mt., and hereafter, freely to work

this property to our mutual profit . . .

"On the other side, I, Lars Benzelstierna, on behalf of

. . . Doctor Eric Benzelius and myself, in view of the love

our stepmother . . . showed to Miss Sara Lundstedt, agree to

pay to Miss Lundstedt in the ratio of the two shares in the

Starbo property . . . which comes to . . . Eric Benzelius and

myself, 1400 dal. K. mt. At the same time, it is also agreed

that since . . . we own equal shares in the Starbo property,

and since I, Lars Benzelstierna, have now paid for that which

was lacking in the right of half ownership in

Skinnskatteberg's forge and Giesberg's smithy . . . neither

of us will lay claim to any right to a share which is in any

part in the other half . . . and, in the bargain, will . . .

share our advantage in whatever profit or loss that the

property . . . can afford or bring in."

228

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 229

[1720
July

With regard to the claims made by Sara Bergia Swedenborg's

children by her former marriage, it may here be noted that in

March 1723, Bishop Swedberg voluntarily settled these, in

order to avoid contention and dispute, for the sum of 12,000

dal. K. mt., in consideration of which payment, these "heirs"

agreed to give up all claims against Sara Swedenborg's

property. (ACSD 318 C)

After filing his petition at the mining court on July 4, 1720, Swedenborg returned to Stockholm. Probably he inquired at the Bergscollegium as to the status of his application for a salaried position, and then learned of the death, only a few days ago (June 25th) of Assessor Angerstein. He then determined to apply to the King himself. This he did in a letter dated Stockholm, July 9, 1720:

"I am impelled in humility to come before your Royal

Majesty and in utmost humility to relate how that in your

Royal Bergscollegium the position of an ordinary Assessor has

become vacant by the removal of Assessor Angersten by death;

and also, at the same time, in humility, to request that on

this occasion your Royal Majesty, with royal grace, will be

pleased to remember me, his lowly servant, who during the

whole of his life has no higher desire than to get an

opportunity, by some humble service to bring into actuality

that duty which a subject owes to your Royal Majesty." (ACSD

220: LM., p. 240)

Thus Swedenborg commences his letter to the King, after which he explains that he puts forward his request because he has spent his means on foreign journeys and afterwards in the publication of his writings, thus, in that which he thought "might in time be of some use and service to your Majesty's Kingdom."

He then speaks of his appointment by Charles XII, of his work with Polhem, of his publishing books - and, in particular, of the book on Swedish Smelting Furnaces which he had handed into the Bergscollegium, and which "can be of use" to that institution. With the death of Charles, his fortune "now seems dead and extinguished," and so "he flees to that Royal Majesty who is now in Charles's exalted place."

Swedenborg's letter was followed a few days later (July 21st) by a letter from his father written to the King in the same sense. Despite this support, however, it was not Swedenborg but John Bergenstierna who later (1735) married Eliezer Swedenborg's widow who, on August 3rd, received the appointment to the vacant Assessorship. (ACSD 221; Almquist, p. 202).

This seems to have brought matters to a head, for after this Swedenborg was denied the right of signing his name to the Bergscollegium letters, and this by David Leijel who had been present in April 1717 when Swedenborg had taken the oath. Swedenborg, however, did not give up, and when on November 11th another of the Assessors died, he fully expected an appointment. But again he was passed over. So he determined, on November 21st 1720 to make a final appeal to the King. This appeal gives us an inner view of the opposition Swedenborg had hitherto been facing in the Bergscollegium. (ACSD 139)

"Most mighty and gracious King," he writes, "I

acknowledge with respect all that your Royal Majesty's

Colleges are pleased

229

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 230

[1720
November

to do . . . yet your Majesty will not receive it ungraciously

that I take the liberty, in humility, to draw near and to

state:

"That half a year ago, after the late Assessor

Angersteen's removal by death, I was passed by, although I

then had the advantage of having been for the fourth year

Assessor Extraordinary in the Royal Bergscollegium; and

likewise, to state that at the same time, Herr Assessor David

Leyel refused to allow me to sign the letters of the

Bergscollegium, as I had one in the time of the late King,

and which, by virtue of my warrant, I have the right to do.

Yet, despite all this, I was in the humble hope of being

favorably remembered at the next opportunity, and

particularly at the present time after the removal by death

of the late Bergsrd passed by,* I am thereby shut out from

the hope of winning, by means of preferment in the Royal

Bergscollegium, any opportunity of showing my humble service

in that which is laid upon me.

* Dr. Magnus Bromell had been appointed in Dec. 1719 assistant to Urban Hierne in the Chemical Laboratory of the Bergscollegium. He was appointed to succeed Kinmunde on Nov. 25th. Kinmunde had die don Nov. 11th, and this involved the promotion of the senior Assessor, and this of a new Assessor. (Almquist, Bergscollegium, p. 180.)

"Since your Royal Majesty's Bergscollegium must

undoubtedly have had some part of justification for this

action, it is my most humble prayer . . . that your Royal

Majesty may be pleased . . . to examine the reason which led

to my being held unworthy.

"I acknowledge that I have not as yet attained by my

years to the same wroth as others who were in service long

before me; nor have I had the good fortune humbly to attend

the Royal Collegium as auscultant or Bergmstare, and, in

consequence of this, have not been advanced to an

Assessorship by the recommendation of the Royal Collegium -

although I did not myself seek this position.* Neither have I

spent a long time in learning the mining ordinances, but have

sought to make up for this by using diligence and experience,

and acquiring such sciences as belong to metals and the

management of iron works." (ACSD 225A = LM., p. 243)

* The meaning is that Charles XII had given it to him without his asking.

He then goes on to tell of his travels and of his appointment as Assessor Extraordinary by Charles XII. He also encloses a copy of the Royal Warrant and of the letter sent by the King to the Bergscollegium on the occasion of the appointment, to the effect that they were "to let him have a seat and voice in the College whenever he can be present." He tells also of his work with Polhem and of his printed works "On Mechanics, Geometry, Algebra, etc.," showing his will to "emulate in Sweden those who give out such things in foreign lands." (LM., p. 244)

He adds that he has made a special study of fire and furnaces, and refers to his projected work on mining.

"For three years," he continues, "I have turned by

thoughts to chemistry and metals, and, besides, have found

out their interior geometry and the right proofs for the

experiments which have been set up by the chemists; and by

this, I suppose, no little use will hereafter redound to the

science in question." (Ibid. P. 245)

230

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 231

[1720-21
Nov.-Feb.

He considers it his duty to make this application, in the hopes that he may get the occasion "to strive for an end which I have proposed for myself." He refers to his fixed purpose to pursue the study of mineralogy and mining.

"But," he concludes, "since against all expectation I

find myself twice passed by, no other course is left me than

to approach your Royal Majesty with an humble supplication,

and to request in the most humble way that I may enjoy grace

with your Majesty . . . which would give your Royal Majesty's

subjects encouragement to devote themselves to such work as

would prove to be most useful in your Royal Majesty's

Kingdom." (LM., p. 245)

Like other appeals, this also was without fruit. Swedenborg returned to Brunsbo during the holidays when on Christmas day his father was married for the third time. His bride was Christina Arhusia, daughter of a priest in Swedberg's native town Falun. The marriage took place nine months after the death of Sarah Bergia. In his Autobiography, the Bishop gives the reasons for this seeming haste:

"In my sad and troublesome state as a widower," he writes, "I

learned the truth of the wise Sirac's words, 'Where there is

no watch around, the goods fly away; and where there is no

wife, the servants run wild.' My daughters had left my house,

being married and living at a distance, and each of them had

her own household and her own responsibilities, so that I

could not avail myself of them. I must myself be occupied

with hard household care, and my powers began to leave me

more and more. And so it was necessary, and also because of

my approaching old age, that I should have a good wife."

(Doc. 1:166; Tottie, p. 273)

The bride "with her company" arrived at Brunsbo late on

Christmas eve, and the marriage was celebrated the next day

by Swedberg's son-in-law Unge. "Thank God," writes Swedberg,

on Jan. 2d, "she is a very capable person, so that I could

never have done better. You [Rosenadler] must follow my

example. Do not wait until it is too late." (Doc. 1:165;

Tafel, Letters, p. 65)

Soon after the holidays, the dispute over Sarah Bergia's will was again brought into court, and Swedenborg must perforce attend to it. On February 13, 1721, an objection was filed at one of the mining courts on behalf of Sarah Bergia's children by her former marriage, and the protestants demanded that an exact estimate should be made of all the real and personal property, and that it should not be distributed until the court had decided the matter. The petition was refused prior to a hearing of the heirs. On February 18th, Swedenborg and his brother-in-law Lars Benzelstierna answered on behalf of the heirs. (ACSD 229A)

A similar object was entered at the Stora Kopparberg Court, and this Swedenborg himself answered by the claim that the matter belonged only to the court of appeals.

We have no evidence of what became of these cases, but from the fact that the proof of Sarah Bergia's intentions was again offered to the court, and from the document of which we shall next speak, it would appear that for the present nothing further was done in the matter.

It will be remembered that under the terms of the will, Swedenborg and his brothers and sisters were to share in the profits of Starbo and

231

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 232

[1721
February-May

adjoining properties for one year, after which Swedenborg was to have the right to buy out the other sat an arbitrated price. When the year was up, Swedenborg elected to become part owner of these properties, the other partner being Lars Benzelstierna, the husband of his sister Hedwig. Among the reasons for this arrangement was probably the fact that Lars Benzelstierna, a capable miner, was resident at Starbo and managed the property which consisted of smithies and forges. In a contract dated April 16, 1721, Swedenborg, on behalf of himself, his brother Jesper, and his brother-sin-law Unge and Lundstedt, cedes half on the property to Lars Benzelstierna and his brother Eric for 32,000 dalers koppermint. The arrangement must have been doubly satisfactory since in Swedenborg's absence, Lars Benzelstierna, a capable mining engineer, remained as resident manager. (ACSD 233 C)

Thus, favorably situated financially and relieved of the actual management of his property, Swedenborg now determined to take that foreign journey for study and investigation, especially into mining matters, which he had so long desired. During this journey, he intended to publish several of his works, including Latin translations of works he had written in Swedish and some of which he had already published. His main intention, however, was to publish the three volumes (Mechanics, Fire, Hearths and Ores) of which he had given an outline in his letter to Eric Benzelius of May 2, 1720 (see above, p. 224).

By this time, his chemical studies had led him to a more or less definite formulation of a theory of the constitution of matter; he felt that he had discovered the interior geometry "of nature"; and it was his intention to set forth his new discoveries in their application to minerals and salts, etc., of various kinds. The work was to be entitled Principia Rerum Naturalium. It has been supposed that to this period may be ascribed the Principia Rerum Naturalium which is commonly known as the Lesser Principia (see Hyde, n. 145), but, as will be seen later, this work was not written until some years afterwards. (ACSD 225 A)

During the months preceding his departure, he was busily occupied in revising or writing the chapters of the first volume of his proposed series, namely, Mechanica. By this term, however, he did not mean what is usually designated Mechanics; what he had in mind was a treatise on chemistry, showing that all chemical elements are built up on mechanical principles. Thus he calls his Chemistry, Mathematica. (ACSD 244)

The idea seems first to have occurred to him in specific form in May 1720, when at Brunsbo he was so fortunate as to obtain access to a rich medical and chemical library which had come into the possession of Doctor Hesselius. In accordance with the plan of his proposed volumes on Mechanics, Fire and Furnaces, he writes to Benzelius on May 2, 1720:

"I am taking the chemical experiments of Boyle [etc.], and am

searching into nature in her leasts, comparing them with

geometry and mechanics, and am daily encouraged by new

discoveries in all that concerns the nature of simple

substances" (See above, p. 224)

Before entering upon his journey, Swedenborg had already written out his proposed treatises on Mechanics, Fire, and Hearths and Ores, and, as we shall see presently, he sent a list of the contents of this work for publication in the Acta Literaria Sueciae - a list which shows that the parts of Fire, Hearths, and Ores were dealt with only in very brief form. These were probably written in Starbo. At any rate, on February 21, 1721, he acted at Starbo as Godfather to Hedwig's daughter, Hedwig. (OQ. 1:303 = LM., p. 237; NKTid., 1917, p. 43)

232

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 233

[1721
May

Meanwhile, Swedenborg had the satisfaction of seeing himself introduced to the learned world as a contributor to the Acta Literaria Sucieae. The fourth number of that learned journal, which appeared in November 1720, contained an article based on his manuscript on the Rise and Fall of Lake Venner, which had been sent to Eric Benzelius as a contribution to the Literary Society. Swedenborg had written this article, based on his own observations during the preceding summer (see above, p. 210), and Professor Roberg now made his manuscript the basis of what appeared in the Acta Literaria Sueciae. The manuscript itself was consulted by Daniel Tiselius in preparation for his Utterligare Frsk, published in 1730, for he refers his read to its A' 9" (see pp. 50, 55).

Flattering to Swedenborg must also have been the long review by Professor Burman of his Algebra, which appeared in the Acta Literaria Sueciae in January 1721. The reviewer says of this work:

"Weighty in matter rather than in bulk," it "was at once

received with great acclaim"; and he continues: "The noble

author was born under a lucky star for the advancement of

learning, especially in mathematics, he being the first of

all our countrymen who has taken on himself not, only to lay

down the fundamentals of an analytic science in a remarkable

way, extremely easy and clear to all students even the more

uncultivated, but also to demonstrate, by examples selected

from many sources, the signal use of this most; excellent

art, especially in mechanics. Finally, he has done all this

in the common vernacular, contributing words, even such as

are of a technical nature, in a way which constitutes a most

happy omen for our country." (NP. 1929: 26)

What must have been even more gratifying to Swedenborg, on the threshold of his second journey to the learned world, was a reference to himself which appeared in a learned work, De Lapidibus Figuratis by Jacob Melle, the learned antiquarian and polyhistorian of Lbeck. This reference was only a footnote, yet it was the very first time Swedenborg, now thirty-two years old, had been noticed outside his native land and his own learned circle.

Melle's work was published in 1720, and came to Swedenborg's attention in April or May 1721 when, on his return to Stockholm, he received a copy of the work sent to him by the author, and probably addressed to him at the College of Mines. (LM., p. 247)

The footnote was in connection with the evidences of the existence of a flood in primitive times. It reads:

"Following John Woodward [and other authors], Emanuel

Swedenborg, Assessor of the Royal College of Mines in Sweden,

in a book written in the vernacular and published in octavo,

Stockholm, 1719, under the title 'Arguments taken from Sweden

to show that the heights of the waters and of the sea in the

primitive globe was due to a strong flood,' has recently

shown in clear fashion and with weighty arguments drawn from

the internal and external appearance of the land of Sweden,

and from the various things that have been found therein, how

widespread over our globe was the extension of this

destructive flow, that is to say, the Deluge in former times,

and the nature of the sings and indications of its pristine

fury which it has everywhere left behind it." (De Lap. Fig.,

p. 4; NP 1929:45)

233

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 234

[1721
May

Swedenborg lost no time in making some use of this notice of himself. On May 21, 1721, but prior to his departure for his journeying, he addressed a long letter to Melle. After acknowledging the letter's gift, he speaks of the valuable contributions to the subject of his studies made by Doctors John Hesselius and Magnus Bromell, in their extensive geological collections. He then expatiates on the proofs of a former deluge as set forth in his Height of Waters. In doing this, he instituted the beginning of what soon turned out to be a sharp controversy with a Leipzig professor -- the first and the last controversy in which Swedenborg ever engaged, of this controversy we shall speak later, merely mentioning for the present that in his letter to Melle, Swedenborg tells the learned world in Latin what he had before said in his Swedish work, as to his theory concerning the movement of great stones at the bottom of an ocean. He dwells also on the subsidence of the Baltic, and states that he himself has heard old people speaking of places now under the plough which a hundred years ago were navigable waters. All of this, he adds, tends to show that these changes are due not to Noah's flood but to the fact that long afterwards the lands of the north were buried under a deep ocean. If these conclusions wore confirmed by Melle's researches, he adds, we would have ground for believing:

"1. That the horizontal pressure of our world is subject to change, which follows if the ocean be depressed toward the poles and elevated (as it is said) toward the equator,
"2. And, consequently, the distances between the latitudes would vary.
"3. That, certain lands which are continents may formerly have been islands which in the subsidence of the sea and in process of time were united together." (Ibid. P. 252)

Swedenborg adds that there are other consequences which "I do not venture to present to the public until I am armed with many more proofs of experience."

Swedenborg sent this letter to the Literary Society in Upsala for publication in the Acta, accompanying it with a list of 15 Tractates which he proposed to publish abroad. Both the letter and the list were printed in the June Acta, which appeared in July. The list was prefaced with the
following note:

"On the eve of has extended journey, the noble Swedenborg has

sent us his letter to the learned Jacob Melle . . . He has

gone to the United Netherlands and perhaps farther, in the

company of learned men, celebrated in mathematics and

physics, in order to communicate his clear reflections fear

the purpose of shedding light on this branch of the sciences.

We add a list of the works which he has prepared for the

press, and which we suppose he will publish in Belgium during

the present year." (Bok. G. Prot., p. 50; ALS. 1721:209)

The list constitutes the larger part of the Table of Contents of what was later published as "A Forerunner of the Principles of Natural Things, or of new attempts to explain Chemistry and Experimental Physics geometrically." But, what is of some importance, in view of a question which we will discuss later, the list indicates a numerical designation of the chapters in relation to the whole work different from that which appears in the published work. The items in the list are marked I-XV, and with one variation they follow the exact order of the Chemistry.*

* We refer to the English translation with this title. This translation embraces three works published separately by Swedenborg: 1. Chemistry. 2. Fire. 3. Finding the Longitude; Building of Docks and Testing of Ships.

234

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 235

[1721
June

But no. 1, which is Part VIII in the published work, in the list is called Part I, and no. 3 (Part X of the published work) is called Part VI.

The last work which Swedenborg did before his departure was the writing out in Latin a brief summary of his new method of finding the longitude, a work to which he seems to have been greatly attached even as late as 1766. In the present writing, he proposes to present this method for the first time to the learned world, and in the last paragraph of the work, he promises to publish "very shortly" lunar tables and calculations. The work was completed by May 28th, and was communicated to the Upsala Society. (Bok. G. Prot., p. 51)

And now Swedenborg had completed the preparation for his second foreign journey. It was his intention, after going to Holland, to publish the works which he had prepared, to visit England, France, Italy, Venice, Vienna, Hungary, and finally Germany, with the main purpose of investigating mining works and the trade in metals. Such a journey would have extended over two years, and Swedenborg's contemplation of so extended a tour, and this when he was without any remunerative employment, is sufficient evidence that he was in comfortable financial circumstances. Doubtless, the whole journey would have been accomplished at this time; but, as we shall see, the discord in his own family on the matter of the inheritance forced him to break it off almost at the beginning, nor did he again have the opportunity of visiting the countries mentioned until twelve years later. (Doc. 1:407)

Swedenborg left Stockholm on June 28, 1721, his route lying via Helsingborg, Copenhagen, over Zealand and Fy to Flensburg and Hamburg, to Amsterdam. (Resebeskrifn., p. 4)

Among the "learned men" in whose company he went was his cousin Doctor John Hesselius.

From 1714, when he finished his medical studies in

Upsala Hesselius was appointed Provincial Physician of West

Gothland, and from 1715 to the time of which we now speak he

had lived in Brunsbo with his uncle, the Bishop. The latter,

in his autobiography, after speaking of his own love of

music, says of Hesselius: "God also gave me the delight that

Doctor Hesselius plays well on the base viol, and every

evening he plays beautiful and godly psalms whereby I go to

bed with peace and happiness of mind." (SBL; Tottie 2:270)

Hesselius and Swedenborg - who was the younger by a few months - were not only close friends but were drawn together by a common love of searching into the hidden secrets of nature by the experimental path. They pursued experiments together in Brunsbo, and Swedenborg undoubtedly availed himself of the rich collection of stones and petrifactions which Hesselius had gathered together while resident in West Gothland, and which Swedenborg, in his letter to Melle, is careful to mention. See Bokwetts Gillets Prot. I:28, 33, 36, 29, 27, 39, 43, 45, 59.

At the time of which we write, Upsala was not able to give a medical degree, and it devolved upon all physicians to complete their medical studies in foreign universities. It was for this purpose that Doctor Hesselius, doubtless at the expense of the generous Bishop, was now Swedenborg's traveling companion on the first part of his proposed extended journey.

So far as the College of Mines was concerned, Swedenborg was quite free to do as he pleased without obtaining any leave; he still considered

235

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 236

[1721
June-July

himself an Assessor, however, and indeed viewed his foreign journey as undertaken with a view of perfecting himself in the service of the College of Mines.

On June 30th 1721, when just on the point of leaving Swedish soil, he writes to the College and its President, now Count Bonde:

"As I am now about to undertake a new journey abroad, it

is my duty to make it known in writing to your Excellency

and, to the Honorable Royal College, especially as my only

purpose therein is more closely to inform myself concerning

foreign mining works, their condition and processes, and also

concerning that commerce which purely concerns metals. For

this end, I propose to visit the places where there are

mining works, and where metals are sold." If the College is

pleased with his well meant intention, and will "communicate

to me instructions and suggestions as to what I should

chiefly inform myself concerning, in accordance with this

information, this will be a highly useful assignment for the

better using of my time on that which can be of service to

the publish." (OQ. 1:241 = LM., p. 255; Doc., 1:407)

In three weeks he will be in Amsterdam where he hopes to receive some word from the College.

For observations at Helsingborg, see Miscellaneous Observations, p. 19.

Swedenborg arrived at Amsterdam at the end of July. Here probably he separated for a time from his cousin Hesselius who went to pursue his medical studies at the University of Hardewyk situated on the Zuiderzee, a University which was then much frequented by the Swedes.* In Amsterdam, Swedenborg at once proceeded to the printing of the MSS. He had brought with him, and which he published at his own expense. The publications, which were all anonymous, consisted of three works, namely, the Chemistry, Observations on Iron and Fire, and the Longitude. The first two of these works constitute in effect the series on Mechanics, Fire and Furnaces, of which Swedenborg has written to Eric Benzelius in May of the preceding year (see above, p. 224). Why Swedenborg published them anonymously is not clear - possibly since his name was as yet unknown, that they might receive an unprejudiced hearing. In case, the anonymity was not long preserved, for in the review that appeared early in the following year, Swedenborg was given as the author. Nor does Swedenborg seem to have had any special wish to remain anonymous; for, in a contemporaneous presentation copy he writes with his own hand: "Af Eman. Swedenborg," to say nothing of his presentation copy to Boerhaave, of which presently. (NP. 1929:70, 1900:20; ACSD 246A)

* Hesselius received his M.D. on October 4, 1721 (min.tal . H., p. 9). He then went to Amsterdam where he witnessed human dissections. He went also to Utrecht and Leyden, etc., see min.tal . Hesselius.

The chapter in this work on the round particles of air and water,* or a first draft of it, was originally written in January 1718 at Starbo, and it

236

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 237

[1721
July

had been Swedenborg's intention to print it as a separate work and dedicate it to Abbe Bignon. In the Prodromus it was probably completely rewritten.

* The water particles being round was also Polhem's belief, and in 1730 was the generally accepted theory, though many had "guessed" them long, cubical or parabolical (Tisel. Utterligare Frsk, pp. 12, 90, see also pp. 93, 97, 110).

The Prodromus, which was without dedication, opens with an address to the reader which is characteristic of Swedenborg's thought as to the necessity of now entering upon a philosophical interpretation of the wealth of material with which science had presented the learned world. He is astonished that despite this wealth, "the science of invisibles has remained hidden." Nothing has been discovered in nature that is not geometrical, he continues, and so he proposes to show that salts, metals, and elements are all geometrical and mechanical, consisting of "groups of particles varying in their shapes and portions."

This describes the general character of the work, as an attempt to explain the constitution of matter. Swedenborg's theory differs from the atomic theory inasmuch as (as observed by Mr. Strutt in his Introduction to the Chemistry, p. xxi) Swedenborg atoms were all alike, the differences produced in their compounds being due to their varying positions and arrangements; while the atom of the atomic theory is already a compound and different from other atoms. Thus Swedenborg revives, but in a new form, the ancient doctrine of the materia prima which is the origin of all things.

This is the sublime theory concerning the inmost constitution of matter which Swedenborg's brilliant mind had discovered as the universal key to the inner knowledge of chemistry; and in the Prodromus he applies this theory to the explanation of the phenomena displayed by water, salt, acids, nitre, oils, and lead. Unfortunately, the science of chemistry was as yet in its infancy, and many of the "facts" described by the experiments, were more or less unreliable due to inexact and faulty methods. The result could not be otherwise than that Swedenborg's specific conclusions, admittedly hypothetical, cannot be confirmed by the results of modern research. Nevertheless, his grand conception as to the ultimate constitution of matter remains and is being more and more approximated by the latest researches of the physicists. We may add that as first published, this work contained many typographical errors of a serious nature, all of which, however, have been carefully corrected in the English translation.

As already stated, the chapters in the published work are in the order in which they were announced in the Acta Literaria Sueciae; but after arriving at Amsterdam, and, indeed, after the work had been printed and some copies sent out, Swedenborg decided to add as a prefatory chapter an adapted form of his letter to Melle. The reason for inserting this letter as indicated at the end of Part XI of the Prodromus on the subject of salt. In the last paragraph of the Part, observes the author that a possible objection to his theory, that common salt originates in water, might be found in the existence of extensive salt mines far from the sea. But he promises to meet this objection by publishing a treatise on the depth of the Primeval Ocean (namely, a Latin translation of his Swedish work on the Height of Water) showing that our earth was formerly the bottom of an ocean. It was probably as a preliminary to this contemplated work that Swedenborg, after the whole Prodromus was issued, decided to introduce his Melle letter, which constitutes the first eight unnumbered pages of the work. (NP. 1929:70 note 3)

237

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 238

[1721
July-Nov.

The fact that the work begins with Part VIII has led to the supposition that the "work itself" to which frequent references are made, was already written out, and that this work is what is now known as the Lesser Principia.* But the conclusion is untenable. This is indicated by the title of the Lesser Principia, namely, "The Principles of Natural Things drawn from Experiments and Geometry, or ex posteriore and priori"; but the title of Natural Things, or of New Attempts to explain Experimental Chemistry and Physics geometrically. Moreover, as indicated in the Prodromus, the contents of Parts 2-4 were to be the motion of round particles (Prod., pp. 1-7, 16, 17-23) in their natural situation (ib., 22); the pressure of the subtle matter around water particles (ib., 22); the pressure of the subtle matter round water particles (ib., 25), and dissipation of vapor in the clouds (ib., p. 19); and this in no way describes the Lesser Principia. Part 5, on particles of water (ib. p 29).

* This appears to have been Hyde's conclusion (n. 145), since he dates the Lesser Principia 1720.

The truth seems to be that the "work itself" had not been written. It was to treat in order of each of the chemical elements, somewhat as in the Prodromus, and Swedenborg probably drew up and numbered the order in which they were to be treated. Before he left home, the chapter on the Particles was to be 1, and that on the interstitices between the water particles to be chapter 6; but as published, these chapters were marked chapters 8 and 10.

The second of the works published by Swedenborg in Amsterdam was a small treatise of about fifty pages entitled New Observations and Experiments on Iron and Fire, and there can be little doubt that this little work is the sketch of parts 2 and 3 of the complete work which Swedenborg outlined to Benzelius, viz., 1. Mechanics. 2. Fire. 3. Hearths and Ores.

A cursory examination indicates that this little work is a resum of part of the larger Swedish work on Blast Furnaces which Swedenborg handed in to the College of Mines in the autumn of 1720, and it may be that the plates in the published work are the same as those referred to in the unpublished but not found there. The tractate ends with a description of a new kind of stove, the idea of which Swedenborg got from his study of blasting furnaces.

The third work published in Amsterdam consists likewise of about fifty pages, about half of which are occupied by the treatise on the Longitude, the rest of the work comprising a description of the Dry Dock similar to that which Swedenborg had already published in the fall of 1719. This is followed by a description of a dam constructed by Polhem and Swedenborg at Karlskrona, at the same time as the work on the dry dock; unfortunately, the three plates referred to in this work were not published and have never been found. And finally comes an entirely new "invention," namely, an ingenious method of testing small ship models with a view of ascertaining speed, loading capacity position of the masts, etc.

This work on Chemistry and its companion volumes may, therefore, be considered as a fulfilment of Swedenborg's wish, expressed in a letter to Eric Benzelius, dated December 1719, to get his works, both published and unpublished, translated into Latin and published in Holland, and himself to

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visit foreign countries (see above, p. 212). Many years later, namely, in 1760, Swedenborg presented a copy of these works to his friend, Counsellor of Chancery, A.A. Stiernman; and on the flyleaf he wrote: "These lucubrations, which are first fruits, are given," etc. (Hyde, p. 35)

The Prodronus was reviewed in that prince of journals, the Acta Eruditorum in its February 1722 issue, where the review occupies five pages, Swedenborg's name had already appeared before the European learned world, first in Melle's book published in the fall of 1720, then in the Neue Zeitungen von Gelehrten Sachen, 1721, which reviewed his Height of Water in its March issue; his Longitude in its June issue, and his article on Lake Venner in its August issue. But to be reviewed by the Acta Eruditorum was a distinguished honor which stamped the seal of worthwhileness on an author, "The author of this Prodromus," commences the reviewer, "is the distinguished Assessor in the Swedish College of Mines, Emanuel Swedenborg." The review is, for the most part, a summary of the work; but note is made of the new terms introduced by the author,

"He here [in Part IX] uses terms*," says the review, "which

in the work itself he no doubt explains. But in the absence

of an understanding of these terms, his dissertations on the

figure of the particles of water are obscure." Again he

observes: "Because of the frequent use of new terms, it is

hardly possible to present the special points in a suitable

way." The reviewer concludes: "The author must be regarded

in general as having attempted to give a priori reasons for

the results established by experiments; and, in fact, to have

sought his ultimate reasons in the figures of particles,

their magnitudes, weights and interstices. He has used great

ingenuity and no less industry, but as to how much of truth

he has attained to in his theories, this may be left to the

judgment of others."

* We suppose these terms are "particles of the fifth, sixth, etc., kind."

See New Philosophy 1952, p. 359s for a review of Swedenborg's Chemistry.

The April issue of Acta Eruditorum reviewed the tractate on Iron and Fire, again announcing Swedenborg as the author, and in its May issue it prints a lengthy review of the Longitude, in which it transcribes Swedenborg's method verbatim, and gives his printed figure. A more critical, though much shorter review, by Conrad Quensel, Professor of Mathematics in Lund, was printed in the Acta Literaria Suecia for January 1722, Professor Quensell points out certain deficiencies in the work, and especially in the plate, and also a certain amount of inexactness in the results to be obtained: but he concludes,

"the day, even though cloudy, is better than the mere

darkness of night."

which the editors of the Neue Zeitungen, in their extended notice of this review, render:

"It is perhaps better to know something rather than nothing

at all." (NP. 1929:78, 82, 87; ALS. 1722:270)

The Acta Eruditorum gives most favorable reviews of Swedenborg's description of the building of the dock and dam at Karlskrona, and of his method of testing the capacities of ships; in the last review, it reproduces Swedenborg's picture of his testing machine with the appropriate text.

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[1721

The publication of these three works was completed by the end of October, and by October 21st, they were ready for distribution. On that day, Swedenborg sent specially fine copies to his old friend Preis, now Swedish Resident at The Hague, and to Doctor Boerhaave, the Professor of Anatomy in Leiden University and the leading physician and chemist of Europe. To Boerhaave's work on Chemistry, which marked a grand advancement in that science, Swedenborg owed much, and it must have been with feelings of peculiar reverence and gratitude that he inscribed on his presentation copy:

"To Doctor Herman Boerhaave, so highly renowned throughout

the world for genius, learning and experience, these attempts

are sent in friendship and respect by the author Emanuel

Swedenborg, Assessor of the College of Mines in Sweden."

With the publication of his manuscripts, Swedenborg has cleared the deck, as it were; nothing more of his writings remaining to be printed unless it be Latin translations from his Swedish tracts. And so, he now gives himself some respite. For a few days he makes a visit of recreation to The Hague, where he renews that acquaintance with Resident and Envoy Extraordinary Preis which had commenced at Utrecht eight years previously. Although twenty-two years younger, Swedenborg with his educated, clear-minded thinker and genial companion. A few days after leaving The Hague, Swedenborg writes to Preis from Leiden on November 8th, thanking him

"for the pleasant discourses concerning our economic

condition in Sweden, which shows the Herr Resident to be a

good patriot and to have clear penetration in all that is

needed by our country for its restoration. If good

intentions and clear understanding could help the raising of

Sweden, the Herr Resident would be the one on whom my vote

would fall, whose counsel should be followed over there."

(OQ. 1:307 = LM., p. 258)

Swedenborg stayed in Leiden during the whole of November, and here probably he heard and perhaps met the celebrated Boerhaave, then Professor of Anatomy. We may note that Boerhaave carried on human dissections, and it is more than probable that Swedenborg here took some medical and chemical lectures. He seems to have remained in Leiden some three or four weeks.

Early in December, he left Leiden for Amsterdam where doubtless she was joined by Hesselius who was to travel with him, at any rate, for a time. There was, moreover, a special purpose either anticipated or fulfilled in this visit to Amsterdam. For there, on December 9th, he witnessed the Russian Resident in Amsterdam stage a most wonderful and costly display of fire works in celebration of the peace of Nystadt and the assumption by Czar Peter of the title "Emperor of all the Russians."* (CMH. V:615, 543).

* In his letter to Benzelius, dated Liege December 15th, Swedenborg states that he saw these fire works in The Hague; but it is evident that this was a slip for "Amsterdam"; moreover, he wrote to Benzelius from that city early in December; see Bokwetts Gillets Protocoll, p. 63.

The Peace of Nystadt (Finland) on August 30, 1721,

concluded the war commenced by Charles XII twenty-one years

before, and whose disastrous point was reached by Sweden at

Pultava in 1709. And now, by the Treaty of Nystadt, Sweden

ceded to Russia all her Baltic possessions, and therefore

ceased for ever to be one of the great powers. In return,

she received from Russia the sum of

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two million Riksdalers and the promise to refrain from

interference in Swedish domestic affairs to allow Sweden to

import a certain amount of grain annually from her late provinces.

Naturally, Swedenborg and his cousin were not enthusiastic spectators at this celebration of the hated enemy of Sweden shoe victory had stayed the triumphant career of their beloved Hero, and whose triumph marked Sweden's humiliation.

Among the many Latin verses exhibited during the celebration, Swedenborg notes one in particular which he copies out, and at Leige, a few days later, by changing a few words, he gives it a meaning more harmonious with his Swedish sentiments. As composed for the Russians, the verse reads:

Dec. 12/23 1721: (Op. P. 28)

Eagles triumphant in Mars, now triumph in Peace

Where erst stood Mars sits Peace with tender mien.

Two decades groaned the barbarous North,

But now sweet Peace brings back the day of joy.

Where streams of blood, now nectar stream shall flow,

'Tis Bacchus calls to arms when Mars is chained.

"Had it been permitted," he writes to Benzelius, "this could easily have been made to run as follows:"

Eagles triumphant by death (Morte),* thus triumph in Peace;

Where erst stood Mars,** the Czar himself now sits;

A decade groaned the Russian North,

But now sweet Peace brings back the day of joy.

Where streams of blood, now Nectar's streams shall flow,

When Mars** is chained 'tis Bacchus*** calls to arms.

* The death of Charles XII.

** Charles.

*** The God of the Muscovites.

But whatever his thoughts as to the Russians, Swedenborg must have been greatly charmed at the truly magnificent fireworks which were displayed, and which were described at length in a Dutch journal of the day. They were displayed on the water side on a platform 80 x 44 ells in size, on which was erected a building of four stories representing the temple of Juno, 35 x 25 ells in area, 55 ells high, surmounted by an eagle over 6 ells high. (Eur. Merc., 1721: 282-88)

The first story of this temple was illumined at 5 p.m. on December 9th, after a sumptuous banquet attended by Prince Kuropatkin, the Czar's brother-in-law, and other dignitaries, and then at 8:30 p.m. came the fireworks. The temple of Juno was fired at the top when fiery arrows shot out, balloons were set off, mountains of fire were seen, fiery water wheels, etc. - the whole display lasting about two hours, to the continual accompaniment of music by the military bands.

During these days in Holland, Swedenborg's busy pen was never idle. He was constantly thinking of the consequences and applications of his theory

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of the constitution of matter as propounded in the Prodromus, and his practical mind was active in the observation and noting down of all that he saw which might be of scientific interest. The result was a number of short pieces of a miscellaneous interest. The result was a number of short pieces of a miscellaneous character on all kinds of subjects, though chiefly scientific and practical.

These "thoughts" he sent to his brother-in-law in Upsala from time to time, in the hope that "they might be of use in my brother's conferences with those in the Society." Evidently, however, Swedenborg made two copies of them, for with a single exception, all these papers, which are still preserved among Benzelius's literary remains, were published a few months later in slightly altered form, together with many others. (OQ. 1:308 = LM., p. 261)

While in Leyden, Swedenborg's mind was peculiarly active on subjects developing out of his recently published Prodromus. In November he wrote an article on a subject probably suggested by the frost which doubtless then made its appearance, namely, the production of figures, particularly vegetable forms, by frozen water. After relating an observation of a mushroom-like crystallization he had noticed on the ice near Brunsbo, in the winter of 1718, he suggests that these formations indicate that hey originate in "the form, position, equilibrium, etc., of particles," and that they are all produced mechanically. (Misc. Obs. Pt. III:81)

These thoughts lead him to write another article on the fluidity of water, which he maintains is due to a "subtle matter" which, under extreme cold, escapes in the form of a hot vapor, or is confined in small cells or holes in the frozen water. (Ibid. P. 94)

An article of a different kind, which he wrote in Leiden - prompted thereto perhaps by a chemical lecture by Boerhaave - was on the impossibility of transmitting metals, especially to gold. This he endeavors to show on scientific principles, by pointing out that each metal has its own peculiar basic particles, and that the particles of gold are larger and heavier as shown by experiments. He ends by the reflection that the attention of the chemist should be given not to the vanity of alchemy but to advancement in the science of separating metals, as, for instance, gold from copper, etc. (Ibid. II:75)

The most important of the articles Swedenborg writes in Leiden was a series of two which were subsequently published in the Miscellaneous Observations under the heading Hypothesis. These are on the Figure and Size of Elementary Particles, on their power and on their undulation and vibration. Here, for the first time, Swedenborg outlines those thoughts which he subsequently developed in the Lesser Principia, and which reached their fruition in the Principia. (Ibid. III:83, 87)

He lays down three things which are essential to any just knowledge of the secrets of Nature "which are involved in the natural mechanism of particles:" (Ibid. P. 84)

1. That nature acts by things most simple, and that her

elementary particles must be of the most simple and least

artificial form. 2. That the beginning of nature is the same

as the beginning of geometry, that is to say, the origin of

natural particles is from mathematical points which form

lines, these forming areas, and these bodies; thus everything

in nature is geometrical.

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3. All these elements are together and can be moved in one

place and naturally, without impediment. These are the three

points which must be taken as axioms; then, he adds, we must

be guided by experience and refuse to advance a step without

her leading; for in order to make up nature from one's own

mind, and to proceed ex priori to the knowledge of things

posterior, a man either must be divinely wise, or he will

take the densest shade for light. With these axioms and this

guide, says Swedenborg, "I believe we shall more easily be

admitted to the exploration of natural things wherein is

nothing artificial and alien to the rules of mechanism."

He then goes on to declare that particles of air, ether,

fire, differ only in size; that they must be round or

bullular, must original in mathematical points, and must have

a central, a progressive, and a vibratory motion; and,

finally, that all particles consist of crustals, and he

explains the permanence of these crustals in their place by

the equilibrium exercised by the pressure of the outside

element, and the pressure of the contents of the particle.

All this, however, is mere hypothesis, and it may be noted that when printed in Miscellaneous Observations, this and the following chapters wherein this matter is discussed, are headed "Hypothesis," all other chapters being headed "Observations." The theory put forward is merely an hypothesis, and, says Swedenborg, until it is proved, it "should be held as highly uncertain, hypothetical and imaginary."

Following this, and also written in Leiden, came an essay related to the same subject, namely, on the power and motion and on the undulation and vibration of bullular particles. Here Swedenborg shows that this power and motion increase in the higher order of particles; when air vibrates, ether undulates, thus causing a vibration in our sensory members; this explains how sound can enter where air cannot. So, when ether vibrates, light undulates and results in sight.

Swedenborg conjectures the relative ratio of vibration to be Air 1, Ether 300, and light 900, the vibration of light as compared to air being thus 800,000 to 1. It may be noted that Swedenborg, at this time, seems to take light to be a bullular particle in the next degree above ether; but, as he again emphasizes, his bullular hypothesis is a mere supposition.

The next article written in Leiden, and suggested perhaps by Doctor Boerhaave's lectures, was on the capillary circulation of the blood, giving reasons for his belief that instead of running more slowly in the fine capillaries, the blood moves there with greater rapidity. He illustrates this by the rapid ascent of water in capillary tubes, trees, blotting paper, etc., which he holds is due to the smallness of the water particle. He makes no suggestion of the doctrine of the division of the blood globule which he developed later after reading Leeuwenhoek's works. (Misc. Obs. II:78)

The last article is a very practical one on how to retain heat in rooms, showing the use of wainscoting and tapestry, the desirability of thin or wooden walls, and of low windows, etc. This was never included in his Miscellaneous Observations, but was printed in the Acta Literaria Sueciae after Swedenborg's return from abroad. (Misc. Obs., p. 153)

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It would appear that his purpose in sending them was that they might be printed in the Acta Literaria Sueciae. But, if this was the case, he afterwards changed his mind and determined to print them together with other articles yet to be written, in a volume of Miscellaneous Observations. See p. 241 above.

As will be noted later, he sent copies of these Observations to Benzelius on December 12th and December 13th, after which he ceased sending them. The conclusion, therefore, is that after December 15th (probably after April 1722), he decided to publish these articles himself, and wrote to Benzelius to this effect, but gave him permission to publish the article on the Preserving of Heat in Rooms in the Acta Literaria Sueciae. It was printed in that journal for April 1722 which appeared in June 1722. The above conclusion is confirmed by the fact that on April 12th, 1722, the Bokswetts Gille decided to publish Swedenborg's article on Slat in the next number of the Acta Literaria Sueciae, but that instead thereof, his article on the Conservation of Heat was inserted. (Bok. G. Prot., p. 65)

The main reason why Swedenborg went to Amsterdam, the financial center of Holland, was to arrange financial matters in preparation for his further journeying. Here, on December 10th, he posted to Eric Benzelius the articles which he had written in Leiden.

Swedenborg had now given up his first intention of going from Holland to England, and determined instead to visit the mining districts in Germany. From Amsterdam, therefore, he and Hesselius went to Aix-la-Chapelle where they stayed a few days, and while there they examined the strata of shells to be found north of the city - in a site now occupied by the public park. Swedenborg wrote on these and gives a number of illustrations. (Bok. G. Prot., p. 68; Misc. Obs. I:15; see further as to Aachen, I:236-38)

They then went to Liege, then a part of the United Netherlands. There, Swedenborg became professionally interested in the rolling and cutting mills used for the manufacture of iron bars and hoop iron. Much Swedish iron was used here, besides the inferior iron of Leige and Brabant, and Swedenborg saw with regret the loss caused to Sweden by the absence of such works there. He was especially interested in the rolling mills, and they later served him as a means for suggesting something similar for Sweden. (Doc. 1:481)

In Liege he continued that geological curiosity which he had so frequently manifested in his wanderings around West Gottland. His particular interest was excited by geological specimens found in a small hill which is now used as a park; and particularly in a stone there found with vari-colored circles. With these he conducted some chemical experiments in order to ascertain the cause of these circles, and he embodies his conclusions in a paper sent from Liege (Luik) to Upsala. (Misc. Obs. I:23: Phot. 1;193; for experiments at Liege, see MO. I:27)

He and Hesselius stayed at Liege two weeks, during which Swedenborg busily occupies himself in writing, besides chemical experiments. (Ibid.)

Among the papers written here was one of some length on the Circular Crusts found in certain stones in the neighborhood of Liege. This he posted to Benzelius on December 23d N.s., together with his short note on the Fireworks seen in Holland. (Ibid.)

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He also wrote an account of salt making in Sweden, and of the attempts made by Polhem and himself to develop it. The article was occasioned by Swedenborg's coming across a number of Sammlung von Natur und Medicin. . . Kunst for September 1717, where reference is made to the salt privileges given to Polhem; together with critical remarks as to the poor results; in any case, this article on salt making is part of the fulfilment of Swedenborg's determination expressed in December 1719, to translate his Swedish treatises into Latin that they might have a wider audience. See Nathorst, page 42. (Saml. V. Nat. u. K. 1717:102; see ACSD 252A; OQ. 1:296 = LM., p. 223)

He also describes an ingenious mathematical way to ascertain the individual weights of mixed metals, and an ingenious device which he calls the Glass of Archimedes, whereby to determine without calculation the proportions of the individual metals found in an alloy. He also wrote a short article on a peculiar stone found in Liege. (Misc. Obs. II:70, 72, 75, I:9)

Perhaps his room in Leige was smoky, or it may be his chemical experiments discovered them to be ill-ventilated, and his active mind at once thought concerning remedies. At any rate, during the few days he was in Liege, Swedenborg took the time to write a very practical little tract on the causes of smoking chimneys and the remedy. The above five articles were sent to Benzelius on December 26th N. S. (Ibid., II:61, I:9)

He left Liege together with Hesselius* on December 27th N. S. (Dec. 16th O. S.), proceeding to Aix-la-Chapelle where also, and likewise in the nearby Stolberg, he made his geological observation. Then to Cologne, Dillenburg, the Castle of Blanckstein, Marburg, Cassel and Leipzig, everywhere observant, everywhere curious; descending pits, being lowered into mines, questioning workmen. (OQ. 1:30 = LM. p. 261; Misc. Obs. I;15, 16, II:44, IV:131, 133)

* Hesselius was in Brunsbo in the summer of 1722 (Bokwetts Gille Prot., p. 73), but he went to Aix-la-Chapelle (ibid., p. 68).

During all this journeying, he was writing on a wide variety of subjects. Thus he writes an essay on the improvement of stoves, and another on fireplaces - perhaps inspired thereto by the discomforts of winter travel. He describes a cheap method of making an air pump with a table, a leather bag, and some mercury; air pumps were then extremely expensive. Many of his essays are on geological subjects with particular attention to the lawyers observed in different mountains, and in this connection he takes occasion in one tract or another to convey in Latin what he had already stated in Swedish in his Height of Water, but now with new evidence. (Misc. Obs. I;4-7, 1, 2, 3)

His mind is always busy as to the causes of the phenomena he observes. What is the origin of the remarkable hot springs he observed at Aix-la-Chapelle, he asks. Many learned men have written on this subject, he says, "yet, without contradicting them, I wish to state my own opinion" - which he proceeds to do. He is doubtful as to there being a fire in the center of the earth but holds that heat is stored up in many subterranean places and may continue for centuries - a position which he confirms from his experience in iron foundries burning charcoal. Water becomes impregnated with various substances, and by these heated subterranean places may become heated, and so our spas. (Ibid., pp. 31, 28)

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Theoretical questions occupy him very greatly, but always with a view of testing his hypotheses by experiments. Thus, even on his travels he is constantly making chemical and other experiments. As an example of these, we adduce the following:

He scraped some fine powder from granite rocks and mixed it

thoroughly with water in a large glass vessel. Afterwards it

was left to settle, which it did in about six hours, forming

a sediment which, however, was not compact since it readily

moved on tilting the glass. He then dropped in a little sand

which passed right through the sediment. He then very

carefully placed a wood shaving at the very bottom of the

vessel, but it quickly rose up right through the sediment.

Then he inserted small fish in the same way, but they also

rose. (Misc. Obs., I:14)

From all this he concludes that the power from which granite

mountains came was originally very fine; that it gradually

subsided to the bottom of the ocean; that while it still

retained its fluidity, hard substances would sink through it,

and lighter would rise to the surface, and marine creatures

would escape from it before it had attained too hard a

consistency.

The powder in his experiment had not hardened in two days,

and its surface was disturbed by a disturbing of the

overlying water - which Swedenborg thinks accounts for the

irregularities and inequalities observed in granite

mountains.

The question of the origin of matter is very active with him. Of the primeval matter of the earth, he holds that the planets owe their origin to a hard chaos; but that he does not mean by this anything material is shown by his hypothesis that the original matter of the earth was water, which he confirms in several ways. This water became encrusted with a hard matter on the surface; the crust disrupted and sank; at the same time, salt was formed at the bottom of the sea. (Ibid., p. 28)

This is all theoretical, yet he returns to it again and again, even in the midst of his busy and observing travels. Thus, he writes concerning the figures of fire and water, on the mechanism of the bullular particles, on the centripetency of heavy bodies in a bullular element; and he applies his bullular theory to the explanation of the phenomena of phosphorescence and of other phenomena. (Ibid., III:92, 96, 100, 106)

Swedenborg left Leige for Leipzig via Cologne, Dillenburg, Limburg, Marburg, Cassel,* Stolberg and Brunswick, arriving at Leipzig toward the end of 1721. While in Leige, however, Swedenborg and Hesselius had busied themselves in gathering vegetable petrifactions, a number of which are illustrated by Swedenborg in an article published in the Miscellaneous Observations (I:13). The ten or twelve months occupied by the journey were occupied by visits to mines and by much writing and translating. At Leipzig he at once gathered together his various essays in order to publish them under the heading "Miscellaneous Observations, Parts 1-3." This work, the first fruits of his travels, he dedicated to Count Gustaf Bonde, a

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learned man of noble rank who, on January 6, 1721, and thus after the rejection of Swedenborg's last appeal for a salaried position in the College of Mines, had become the President of the College. It may be noted that on the title-page of this work, Swedenborg calls himself "Assessor of the College of Mines in Sweden."

* For an experiment tried at 7 Cassel, see Miscellaneous Observations I: pp. 16, 17, 18.

Swedenborg remained in Leipzig only a short time and partly - as we are told by a writer in the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit "for the most part incognito," whatever that may mean. This Historie der Gelehrsamkeit was a learned or literary journal edited by Professor Clodius of Leipzig University, being in May 1722, and Swedenborg seems to have had some conversations with the writer in question, as shown by the latter's view of Miscellaneous Observations, of which we shall speak later. (ACSD 264A) Swedenborg left Leipzig before the work was issued from the press, leaving the proofreading to be done by another. The result was decidedly unfortunate; indeed, so many were the typographical errors that Swedenborg not only had a page of "Errata" added to the book, but on this page he tells his reader:

"Since by the neglect of the proofreader, innumerable errors

have crept in, it is hardly worthwhile making corrections.

Because of these errors, the reader ought to throw this

impression away as he will soon have another and more correct

one."
The more glaring errata are then pointed out. (NP 1929:100)

It is evident that Swedenborg received the final proof after he had left Leipzig, when it was too late to make the numerous corrections that were needed. Hence the note. But, in order that the reviewers might not be misled, he sent a copy with his own autograph corrections to the Editor of the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit, and probably also to the Editor of the Acta Eruditorium, Johan B. Mencke, who was also the Editor of the Neue Zeitungen von Gelehrten Sachen. (Ibid.; Brokhaus, s. v. Mencke)

Before reaching Leipzig, Swedenborg had probably received an invitation to visit Duke Ludwig Rudolph of Blankenburg in the Hrts.* This Duke was extremely keen in all things that concerned mining, the principal industry of his dukedom, and was ever ready to support all learned, scientific men who promised to advance that industry. Swedenborg had already been in Blankenburg; see Misc. Obs., p. 118. From Duke Ludwig Rudolph, Swedenborg received not only permission to visit the Hartz Mines but also a grant of money to pay his expenses. Whether he met the Duke in his own capital Blankenburg, or in his brother's capital Brunswick, is not known; it is not improbable that he met him in both places (Resebeskrifn., p. 4)

* Hartz Mountains south of Brunswick.

In any case, it would seem that from Leipzig Swedenborg went to Blankenburg, visiting Eisleben on his way. Here, of course, he examined the copper mines with professional interest. We can well imagine also that his mind was stirred by this visit to the birthplace of Luther, the founder of that church of which his father was a bishop. (See De Cupro p. 168; Misc. Obs., IV pp. 117-18)

Having obtained at Blankenburg permission to visit the mines in Ludwig Rudolph's territory, he then proceeded to the Hartz. Here he visited the Baumann Caverns, famous for their remarkable stalactites; also the caves of Schartzfeld where are found so many petrified bones; and the copper mines of Lauterberg. See Miscellaneous Observations, Part IV, Dedication (p. 112).

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Spring

The visit to Baumann's Caves led him to write down some thoughts as to the origin of stalactites. These he ascribes to the dripping of water which also, as he thinks, furnishes the origin to "stony crystals." As to its being the origin of stalactites, he confirms this by the resemblance of the latter to icicles caused by dripping water, the difference between them being that whereas in icicles the spaces between the water particles are empty, in stalactites they are filled with a substance carried by the dropping water - a conclusion, he adds, "which may be taken as established until experience teaches the contrary." (Misc. Obs., IV:127)

He confirms this by an examination of the dripping water in Baumann's Caves, which he finds to be impregnated with stony particles, "making the skin dry and rough as if it had been bathed with a solution of vitriol or alum." But he distinguished this water from the water which petrifies vegetables, bones, etc. - of the latter of which he found so great a collection in the caves at Schartzfeld; and this he confirms by the fact that in these petrified bones, their osseous character was still preserved, none of the interstices having been filled, as shown in a number of specimens which he gathered and preserved, including some which were embedded in stalactites. This petrifying water, he conjectures, is more subtle in character than the dropping water, and it oozes through the harder stones. (Ibid., p. 130)

In this connection he is led to some reflections as to the origin of mineral ores.

Some authors, he remarks, referring probably to Urban Hjärne,

have supposed them to be caused by solar or central fire; but

this he doubts on the ground that often the deepest veins are

the richest, and that where these veins are found, the

temperature is sensibly colder. He admits that possibly the

mineral ores themselves might owe their origin to some kind

of fire, even from solar or planetary rays, but he doubts

that fire was the agent which deposits them. This agent, he

maintains, is water which passes through the subtlest pores

of stones. While admitting that this is merely an

hypothesis, he adduces many confirmations from experience,

such as the fact that water is found in all mines, and is

frequently found to be metallic or vitriolic, saline, etc.

This water, running between strata of rock, will frequently

soften the rock and deposit its mineral contents in the form

of veins, as illustrated in Eisleben where ore is found only

on the surface of the strata, without penetrating the

underlying rock. This, he thinks, accounts for wood and

porous stones being frequently found impregnated with mineral

particles. "I myself," he says, "have seen the trunks of

oaks beset with true copper in their filamentary ducts where

water formerly ran; and also fir timber beset with silver."

And he here suggests that the generation of the actual metal

may also take place in water, wherein may lie a subtle

sulphur together with other substances giving rise first to

marcasites (pyrites) and then to minerals. All this he

learnedly supports with a rich store of experience, from

which also he answers possible objections to his theory.

(Ibid., pp. 117s, 123)

In this connection, he enters into a special examination of quartz as being the most common matrix of metals. He considers it to be a deposit

carried by water and gradually filling up great spaces,

caverns or gaps in rocky mountains - as seen in Baumann's

Caves, which he regards as being now in the process of being

filled up in this way by means of stalactites which are

eventually turned into spar or quartz by the presence of a

mineral or saline water.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 249

[1721
March

"I have noticed in many mines that the stalactite stone

occupied an entire strata or cavern, and a vein rich with

some kind of mineral passed through the middle of it"; and he

further confirms his theory by a description of the strata

which he observed when descending a copper mine in Lauterberg

- the latter mine he regards as having been filled by

stalactites. (Misc. Obs. IV:133, 134)

And here, in passing, he tentatively approaches somewhat nearer to theory of creation. The first matter of mountains, he suggests, was soft and clayey, which gradually hardened, enclosing many hollows or caverns in which water may be contained. These mountains may also have subsided, have vomited fire, etc., thus giving new courses for the presence of water and cavities.

All these studies Swedenborg made at different times during his travels in the Hartz Mountains in February and March 1722. In the middle of the latter month (March 18th), we find him at the court of Brunswick, and here probably he presented his Miscellaneous Observations to Duke Ludwig Rudolph of Blankenburg,* who viewed it "with favor and assent." See below, p. 416. (Bok. G. Prot., p. 64; see Acton, Geog. Data)

* Ludwig Rudolph and his older brother August Wilhelm were the sons of Rudolph August, Duke Braunsweig-Lneburg. After the death of their father, the Duchy was divided, the oldest son becoming Prince of Braunsweig-Lneburg, and the younger Ludwig Rudolph, the Prince of Blankenburg.

He then proceeded to Lnberg, to visit the mines there, and from thence to Hamburg, and here, in the neighboring village, Schiffbeck - long since absorbed in the city - he published the fourth part of his Miscellaneous Observations which he dedicated to Ludwig Rudolph, Duke of Brunswick and Lneberg, to whom he addresses himself in the fulsome tone characteristic of that day when the progress of learning depended on the patronage of princes. The book was well received by Ludwig Rudolph, and was perhaps the beginning of Swedenborg's favor with him, and of the presents he received (see p. 250 below). (Pr., Dedication)

This part IV, besides the studies of which we have spoken, includes two articles, the presence of which is probably due to the influence of the author's princely portion.

The first was on the New Calculation invented by Charles XII, in describing which, Swedenborg gives us much knowledge concerning his audiences with the Swedish King.

That the inclusion of this remarkable narrative, which Swedenborg had never before put in writing, was due to Ludwig Rudolph, seems likely. Certainly, one can hardly doubt but that when Swedenborg met the Duke, the latter would inquire about the heroic Charles whose deeds had stirred and disturbed the whole of Europe; and that he would be duly informed by Swedenborg as to his work for the King, and his conversations with him. The new system of numbering which he had invented was well calculated to awaken the interest of the literati, and Ludwig Rudolph, himself an educated man, perhaps urged its publication. At any rate, this new system of numbering,

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 250

[1722
March

now for the first time became known to the learned world, and it awakened lively interest. In publishing this paper, Swedenborg indicates that he has by no means given up the idea of publishing that New Calculation which was already written out in Swedish, but the printing of which had been prevented, first by Benzelius, and then by the King's death. The King's autograph note, he says, is still in his possession, and

"when it shall be allowed to bring all the particulars to

open day, of which they are most deserving, I will publish

them," and, he adds, with a glow of just pride, "from them it

will be seen how great was the acumen of the King's

imagination, and how deeply he penetrated into the most

secret mysteries of the science of numbers."

What we have said of the first article of Part IV of the Miscellaneous Observations may also be said in part of the last, which was a somewhat long essay on improvements in smelting furnaces. It is a practical treatise based on Swedenborg's own experiences in the mining districts around Starbo, and it incorporated several suggestions and improvements calculated to the better smelting of the ore, and this with a saving of fuel. This essay incorporates the main features of the author's Swedish work on Blast Furnaces which he had deposited with College of Mines some two or three years earlier.

This subject would interest Ludwig Rudolph above all, for it concerned the means of enriching his own Duchy, and it would not be surprising if it led him not only to pay Swedenborg's traveling expenses but also to defray the cost of printing Miscellaneous Observations IV.

From Schiffbeck, Swedenborg returned to the Court at Brunswick, there to present copies of his work to the Dukes. Here he met Count Mauritz Wellink, formerly a trusted adviser of Charles XII, then disgraced, and now once more in favor. Wellink was in Brunswick as Swedish Plenipotentiary to attend a proposed Congress of Brunswick directed against the Czar, which, however, was never held; and a few weeks after Swedenborg met him, he returned to Sweden where later he came into the bad graces of the Riksdag and was condemned to death. (Malmstrm I:292)

That Swedenborg met Wellink seems probable. At any rate, he looked to him for favor and patronage, and it was with this in mind that he penned and caused to be printed at Schiffbeck a laudatory poem entitled:

"A Fable concerning the Love of Uranies and her Metamorphosis

into a man who was the Servant of Apollo." (OP., p. 29)

It is a pretty but extravagant piece characteristic of the times. For our purpose, it will suffice to present the plot of the Fable as given by the author, by way of an introduction to his poem:

"The Fable tells how that the Muse Uranie was

desperately in love with Apollo, and that on this account her

virginal life and perpetual youth was hateful to her. And

since Apollo was not in the heavens, she adorned herself with

many adornments and went down from heaven. And to the end

that she might find him, she went first to Sweden (which is

represented by the same Nymph) who stood in sadness, and when

she had asked in vain concerning her Apollo, she turned to

Sweden's court. But when she found him not there, she turned

to the high assembly or senate; and when neither there was

her Apollo to be found, she turned to various places in

Europe, and, finally, to Brunswick where, when she beheld the twin

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 251

[1722
April

brothers, Castor and Pollux, suddenly she saw her Apollo by

their side; and when she drew near to him, she at once

revealed her love and prayed that if he would not lover her

in return, he might rather deprive her of her youth or change

her into a man - which also was done. Hence Uranie (by whom

in part the poet means himself) became a servant to Apollo

and went to announce the latter's return to Sweden."

The poem is signed: "The most humble servant of his Apollo E. S.

Brunswick, April 27, 1722."

It is a fanciful poem, and in it Swedenborg pays his compliments to Ulrica Elenora and her Consort, and to Duke Ludwig and his brother whom he introduces under the persons of Castor and Pollux; he also makes some mocking allusion to the Russians and their Czar, calling the latter "a new Mars, boastful of speech" and surrounded by new gods.

This poem was presented to Count Wellink on April 27, 1722 - the eve of the King of Sweden's birthday. It was probably at this time also that Ludwig Rudolph crowned his gracious patronage by presenting to Swedenborg "his medal of gold, together with a large silver coffee pot." This coffee pot is no longer in the possession of the Swedenborg family and has probably been lost by fire, but a living member of the family, Major Swedenborg of Gothenburg, assures me that he saw it in his youth. Swedenborg again visited the Hartz mines, intending afterwards to continue his journey to Austria and Italy. But while still in the Hartz, word reached him of a new legal dispute which seemed to require his presence. (Resebeskrifn., p. 4; ACSD 312D; Doc. 1:407)

In 1721, after Swedenborg had left Sweden, the heirs demanded a distribution of the property of his maternal uncle, Lieutenant Captain Albrecht Behm, who died about 1700 leaving his extensive mining property to his sisters and their heirs.* At this time, these heirs were:

1. Brita Behm, Swedenborg's maternal aunt.

2. Peter Schönström's (Bishop Swedberg's brother) children by his first wife who was Swedenborg's maternal aunt.

3. Bishop Swedberg's children.

* From his wealthy father, Albrecht had inherited two portions, and each of his sisters one (Robinson, p. 43).

Brita Behm, who had looked after the property during her brother's long illness, was the Executrix, and she refused to distribute the inheritance pending the settlement of another case. After the death of her brother-in-law Peter Schönström (Swedenborg's paternal uncle), she had paid to his three children by his first marriage (namely, with her sister) the sum of 8,800 dal.k.mt., in redemption of their mother's claim on a portion of the Behm estate. The children by the second marriage now claimed this was illegal, and brought action against Brita, and this action was adduced by the latter as the reason for her refusal to distribute her brother's estate. The heirs of her brothers, however, contended that the action in question was a purely private one concerning Brita alone. And so on May 23, 1722, the matter was taken to court. (Lindh. Swed. Ekonomi, p. 8; ACSD 270A)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 252

[1722
April

But prior to this there was much quarreling in the family. This we learn from letters addressed by Bishop Swedberg to Sister Brita's son-in-law Rosenadler. On March 13th, he writes:

"I hear that they are now assembled for receiving the

inheritance from the late de Behm. God grant they be united

and not too particular; they are such near blood relations.

More is gained in the long run if they will now give in

somewhat rather than stand on their strictest rights. They

have had not the least trouble over it, but Sister Brita has

had the greatest trouble, which should be honorably

remembered. Had there been any other manager, there would

certainly have been less to share." And then he adds: AN. B.

The poor must by no means be forgotten."

(Doc., 1:174)

On May 15th, a few days before the heirs went to court, he writes:

"It is a pity Major Schönström [Swedenborg's cousin] and his

brother-in-law* are so unreasonable. I will probably get

better knowledge of the matter from my son-in-law Assessor

Benzelstierna. It is in this way that Sister Brita gets

thanks for the great trouble she has had. Had any one else

had it in hand, one would have got less to quarrel over. Do

not let the matter come before the court but rather before

good men. This is a fat goose to pluck in court. Rather let

them get 5,000 daler if they have the conscience to take it."

(Doc. 1:179)

* These were: Lieutenant Woltemat and Corporal mskild, who had married Major Schönström's stepsisters.

And on July 10th he writes:

"I regret that they are such troublesome and unreasonable

heads that they cannot receive God's rich blessings in

harmony, but commence with wranglings, etc. And it is thus

also that good sister Brita gets such great trouble to reward

her for her pains. We would have seen whether they would

have had so much in expectation if some one else had had it

in hand. Such is the reward of the world. For myself, I

have now for twenty years put such matters entirely out of my

mind, and so no more know how to make account of it than a

child born yesterday. But my son the Assessor will likely

find himself at home in it, and will come to agreement with

sister Brita." (Doc. 1:181)

Prior to the date of this letter, Swedenborg had been informed of the matter, and he deemed it of such importance that he broke off the remainder of his projected journey and hurried back to Hamburg, and so to Stralsund and Ystad.*

* He had been away a few days more than a year, and not one and a quarter years as he wrote many years later. (Resebeskrifningar, p. 4.)

Swedenborg had determined to continue the studies that had been introduced by his Prodromus, by a work on Metals, which seems to be the "work itself" of which the Prodromus had been published in Amsterdam in the fall of 1720.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 253

[1722
April

While on his way to Sweden, he perhaps paused long enough at Schiffbeck near Hamburg to have a prospectus of this work printed, which was subsequently distributed to the learned journals. Only one, however, took any notice of it, namely, the Nova Literaria, a Latin Monthly, supplementary to the German Neue Zeitung. In the August issue of this journal, the prospectus was reprinted in full, and must have raised some lively anticipation in those of its readers who were interested in mineralogy. (NP 1929:113)

The prospectus as printed on four quarto pages, without title-page or name of printer.* It opens with the words:

* The Latin text is printed in the New Philosophy for 1929: p. 115 seq.

"Since a book on The Genuine Treatment of Metals by Emanuel

Swedenborg, Assessor in the Swedish College of Mines, is to

be given to the press; which book will be printed in the

latter part of next year, 1723; therefore, if any person

wishes to pay something in advance, he will obtain a copy

which will cost him hardly one-half of what it will cost

otherwise."

Then follows a list of the proposed chapters, with a brief description of the mode of treatment. The author proposes to deal with the ores found in various countries, their smelting, and with the furnaces used, and suggested improvements in them. The work was to treat of Copper, Silver, Lead, God, Mercury, Iron, Tin, Zinc, Bismuth, Vitriol, Alum, Saltpeter, common Salt, Furnaces, Fire and Wind, and Mineral Matrices. After this list, the prospectus ends as follows:

"Since this work not only contains the particular operations

obtaining in the methods used throughout Europe, but also

discloses their good points and their defects, besides

containing many things as yet entirely unknown, which relate

to the knowledge of metals and their improved treatment, it

is to be supposed that it will be of the greatest use to the

metallic world. Since it exceeds 150 large folio sheets, or

1,200 pages quarto, and will be adorned with more than forty

large copper plates, therefore, any person who asks for it in

advance, will pay only 3 Dutch florins up to the end of the

present year, 1722, and 3 more florins when the work is

furnished to him; but he who has not subscribe will pay 10

florins.

"The above mentioned 3 florins may be deposited with the

following:" Then follow the names of Swedenborg's printers in

Amsterdam, Stockholm, Hamburg, and Leipzig.

On his return to Sweden, Swedenborg did not go at once to Stockholm but instead went to the famous watering place Medevi, beautifully situated near the eastern shore of Lake Vetter.

He did this with a double purpose, namely, to meet his sister and Eric Benzelius, who always spent their summers at the Springs, and also his father was with them, and that he might have access to the King who also was at Medevi to take the waters. See Documents 1:182.

Swedenborg discussed with his father the matter of the de Behm inheritance. The Bishop was anxious that when he arrived in Stockholm, he should discuss the matter with Brita's son-in-law Rosenadler, and do all that he could to "escape quarrel sand law processes which give rise to great delays; and the greatest part comes into the hands of the lawyers." (Doc. 1:183)

253

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 254

[1722
June-July

Meanwhile, on June 20th, the Swedish court gave out its decision in the Behm will case, ordering Brita Behm to distribute the property, and ordering the heirs to guarantee to her the 8,800 dal. K. mt. In case she lost her private suit. This settled the matter, though there was more unpleasantness; for Fru Brita, who seems to have been a very capable person, seems also to have been somewhat unbending. However, the upshot of the matter was that by this inheritance, Swedenborg became financially benefitted. That he was not a poor man is shown by the fact that when he returned to Sweden he had left a considerable bank balance in Holland. (Doc., 1:37; ACSD 272(2), 273C)

And now to return to Medevi. Here, on July 14th, Swedenborg addressed a petition to the King, setting forth that during his travels he had made a number of discoveries whereby the yield of the Swedish mines could be considerably increased. For the present, however, he confines himself to his discovery of a new method of smelting copper ore, and asks for an opportunity of showing by actual tests that he can extract at least eleven skeppunds (22 tons) of copper from the same quantity and quality of Falun ore from which only ten skeppunds (20 tons) are now obtained. He suggests a test of the old and new processes on a large scale, to be conducted at the Falun mines under the superintendency of the College of Mines, which is to allow to both parties the same quantities of ore and charcoal. Furthermore, in order to forestall all possible objections, he agrees that in case his process results in any loss of coal or copper, he will at once reimburse the mining authorities from his own purse. On the other hand, if his process shows a saving of ten per cent, he asks that

"Your Royal Majesty will most graciously be pleased to grant

me the first year's gains which may accrue therefrom,

reckoned according to the whole yield of copper in Sweden

which may become benefitted thereby; and that this be voted

to me from the public purse as soon as the proofs have been

made." (LM., p. 264; Doc., 1:409)

In addition, he points out that in view of the haphazard

character which enters into the methods now employed, the use

of his method will likely lead to new improvements, in which

case he prays for the same recompense. He also requests a

like reward from the saving of coal due to his process.

As to the trial itself, he lays down the condition that in

case of failure at the first test, another test shall be

allowed; and this, because the man whom he would have to

employ would be new to the process and to the new furnace he

has designed; but the mining authorities shall also have the

right to demand a second test.

Naturally, Swedenborg does not disclose the nature of his new process, but one thing does appear from his letter, namely, that he had assayed the Falun copper ore and discovered that the amount of copper obtained by smelting was less than obtained by assaying. It was this that was in his mind when observing the process used in the copper mines at Lauterbach. His new method was the result of certain adaptations of the German methods and some improvements. It is curious that nowhere in his work on copper does Swedenborg make any mention of any new method of smelting invented by himself. From one passage in that work, however, one might suppose that after all, this new method came into use. The passage occurs in the chapter on Attempts at Improvements, which opens with the statement that the process of smelting used at Falun had not been satisfactory. Then come the words:

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 255

[1722
July

"Thirty years ago [i.e., prior to 1733]," etc., but he says nothing of his own process. We may add that it was fortunate for him that he was visiting these mines with the consent of Duke Ludwig Rudolph, as otherwise he would not have been likely to have got any information as to their processes - it being the custom, both there and in Austria and also in Sweden, to keep these processes as closely guarded secrets; a custom which Swedenborg, may years later, greatly deprecates. (De Cupro. P. 42)

King Frederick at once sent this Petition to the College of Mines in Stockholm, and there we will leave it until Swedenborg himself reaches that city. It appears that he talked about these matters with his father, who was at Medevi, partly with the object of securing the King's consent to the printing of a new edition of the Bible for use in America. The Bishop had no skill in mining matters, but naturally he wishes his son well:

"God grant," he writes, after leaving Medevi, "that he gets

forward with his many devices, and that they stand the test.

Probably different ores, different mining methods exist in

Germany than in Sweden." (Doc. I:182, 183)

Eric Benezlius, on the other hand, with his usual caution, reminded Swedenborg of the previous experience in Falun of Johan Kunckel von Lwenstein.* But Swedenborg is sure of success:

* Kunckel was a famous German metallurgist and chemist who, in 1688, was called to Sweden. There he was ennobled, and there he remained until his death in 1703. In 1695, he claimed that he could improve the production of copper, basing his claim or laboratory experiments. At his request, experiments on a large scale like those asked for by Swedenborg were instituted. But Kunckel failed to earn the promised reward of 50,000 imperial dalers (De Cupro, p. 45 seq.)

"I do not proceed on such loose principles as Kunckel," he

writes to Benzelius in August, "but have on my side two new

proofs of importance, many minor proofs, the calculation and

the theory, and also their own uncertainty in their smelting

operations." (OQ. 1:309 = LM., p. 268)

Swedenborg spent the rest of his stay in Medevi in the pleasant company of his brother, his sister Anna and her husband Eric together with their five children.

One day, however, was distinguished from the rest as a day of public festivity, namely, Wednesday, July 18th, which was "Frederic Day," that is to say, the day consecrated to the memory of all the Fredericks, and therefore especially celebrated in honor of King Frederick on this his first visit to Medevi. (OP., p. 38)

For this event, Swedenborg composed a short verse in which he compares the King and Queen to Phoebus and Pallas, and adds that though the Fates alone can know the future, yet, the Medevi Founts give assurance to his wishes for their continued health. Whether this verse was ever presented to the King is not known. It is not improbable, however, that by the influence of Doctor Hjärne, the discoverer of Medevi, and Doctor Benzelius, an old visitor, it was read as part of a public celebration. The verse is of little worth and was perhaps dashed off hurriedly. We are not surprised that it did not appear in the Acta Literaria Sueciae, though the Editors of that journal had referred it to John Malmstrm, Professor of Jurisprudence, for advice as to publication. (Bok. G. Prot., p. 70; LM., p. 263)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 256

[1722
August

Before the end of July, Swedenborg had returned to Stockholm, where he at once applied himself to settling amicably the dispute as to the de Behm inheritance.

"Emanuel gives me good hope," writes his father on arriving

at his home on August 7th, "that those concerned will likely

soon come into agreement. God grant it." (Doc. I:184)

The father's hope was not unjustified, for Swedenborg settled the dispute by buying out the heirs. At the beginning of August, the deed of settlement required only the signature of Peter Schönström. By the beginning of 1723, the matter was fully settled, and Swedenborg became a one-fifth owner of the valuable Axmar Ironworks, his sole partner being his Aunt Brita. His payments for this accomplishment amounted to a total of 29,172 dalers k. mt. For Axmar, as follows:

To his brother Jesper } (6,567 = Behm inheritance
To his brother Jesper } (4,571 = Bergia inheritance
To his brother-in-law Lundstedt 15,957
To his brother-in-law Unge 16,000
To his cousin Peter 3,000 46,095

The payments were made in the beginning of 1723, and for this purpose Swedenborg drew on his Amsterdam funds.* (NKTid. 1928:113s [Lindh]; Doc. I;378) See Opera Quaedam 1:310 ] LM., p. 278.

* The difference between the sum paid to Jesper and the other sum arises from the fact that the latter included the sale not only of the Starbo interests but also of the interests in the Behm inheritance, namely, Bergshammar and Skinnskatteberg, Gesberg and Axmar. From a document of sale executed by Swedenborg in 1729, it would seem that by this arrangement, Swedenborg acquired one-half of the Skinnskatteberg property, the other half being acquired by his brother-in-law Lars; but that he obtained only one-seventh of the Gesberg property. Aunt Brita probably owning the balance or the greater part thereof.

The Skinnskatteberg property consisted of two forges with an annual capacity of 1300 tons of iron, besides two farms and interests in other farms. (NKTid. 1927:78; ACSD 488A)

Meanwhile, Swedenborg was busy with his literary work. During his absence abroad he had, of course, read Professor Quensel's criticisms on his method of finding the Longitude, and now that he was again in Sweden, he undertook to answer it, thus entering upon the first of the three and only literary disputes in which he engaged. Swedenborg was not a disputatious man; he was developing rather that philosophical character which is content to give forth its views without either attacking others or giving much thought to defending its own.

His answer to Quensel was written early in August, when it was sent to the Literary Guild in Upsala and was printed in the September number of the Acta Literaria Sueciae, pp. 315-17. It has never been translated. The curious thing about this answer is that not only was it written anonymously but the writer represents himself as a friend of the author, naturally leaving the impression that the author himself was not yet returned to Sweden. He writes:

"If it may be allowed to answer in a friendly way in place of

the author, it should not be forgotten," etc. He then refers

to "the author's" Swedish work on the Longitude, showing that

there Quensel's objections had already been considered at

length; he adds that they had been omitted in the Latin work

for the sake of brevity. This earlier presentation he then

develops.

The matter dropped here, for no answer was made by Professor Quensel. (Bok. G. Prot., p. 70; see LM., p. 268)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 257

[1722
August

Swedenborg had a more serious controversy, which was not without some heat, with a Leipzig reviewer of his Miscellaneous Observations, Parts I-III. The review in question appeared in the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit for August 1722, and was brought to Swedenborg's attention by the Upsala Librarian Benzelius. The review was a sharp one, and Swedenborg cannot have found it pleasant reading. (NP. 1929:99; see LM., p. 280)

The reviewer commences with some short account of

Swedenborg which would indicate that they had met in friendly

conversation. Coming to the work itself, he notes that he

had had access to a copy with the author's autographic

corrections; yet, despite this, he found much that surprised

him. The author, he adds, lacks "a pure, elegant and clear

diction." This might be excused, but "the more one begins to

look into his sentences and the singular elaboration and

connection of his thoughts, the . . . more impossible it is

to be of one mind with him." The observations on things in

Sweden, he continues, "are not to be cast aside," though much

"is of no special interest" and much is not new.

He then turns to the mathematical side of the work:

The author, he says, "has certainly studied

mathematics," but he applies them carelessly and does not

seem to desire the reputation "of being very expert in the

mysteries of higher geometry."

In philosophy, he endeavors

"to investigate the origin, nature, force, and distinction of

the elements"; in this, says the reviewer, he might be

opposed; but he hastens to add: "The author specifically says

in many places that he gives his theories out only as

speculations, to be tested by experience." This would seem a

gracious addition, were it not that the reviewer continues:

"But one easily sees how much these apologies amount to. From

the marvelous and ever active powers of the imagination, both

ancient and modern philosophers have already hatched out so

many sorts of elements, and have played such divers comedies

with them, that it is not likely that an enthusiast will be

able to complain of any lack of them; and since the author

seems to be a very special admirer of Herr Newton, it cannot

be unknown to him now little value this great mathematician

and physiologist was wont to set an all concocted theories of

physics, grounded only in the imagination of their

discoverer. Certainly, one cannot possibly take serious

pleasure in trifles of this sort, when one reflects how many

weighty and highly useful truths have hitherto been

discovered, and also are still possible of discovery in the

future by clever and searching heads, with the help of clear

experiments, careful investigations and well applied

mathematical principles, as being the true, the only, and the

perfect foundations of natural philosophy. Until this source

is exhausted, it is hardly permissible for a natural

philosopher to seek other sources in his own brain."

The reviewer then proceeds to attack the fundamental nature of these theories, and in this respect he is the first of many subsequent critics of Swedenborg's works, both scientific and theological. The theories of others, say this reviewer, one can at least understand, gut this is "by no means the case with Swedenborg's elements," no matter how much one may labor vaguely to assume that which the author himself does not venture to give out as certain.

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The reviewer then takes up the first essay in Miscellaneous Observations wherein Swedenborg attempts to demonstrate, by an expression of his "hydrostatic theory," that

great stones were moved at the bottom of the seas with a

force proportioned to the height of the column of water, just

as bodies are moved on land by the force of air. Here the

reviewer is very specific in his attack. Swedenborg's

theory, he says, "is wholly and altogether opposed to the end

and object of hydrostatic principles," and this he proceeds

to demonstrate.

He then turns to the three hypotheses of which we have already spoken, namely, that nature like geometry beings from points which form lines, and these areas; and that all these are in motion. To this, the reviewer objects that motion cannot exist in mathematical points, and he gives Swedenborg's own answer to the objection, namely,

that he "nonetheless assumes a motion, and this of the

simplest kind, being a vortical motion around a central

point."

This is too much for our reviewer who does not even dream of the discoveries of modern physics.

"We are unfortunate," he says, "in being entirely unable to

comprehend this very singular piece of deduction. This much,

however, we know, namely, that there is no line consisting of

points, no plane consisting of lines, and no body consisting

of planes. It is indeed known from Cavallerius, that the

latter was accustomed to call the endless small parts of a

body, points. . . But since these names are entirely opposed

to general usage in mathematical terminology, and so may

easily give occasion to divers errors, modern mathematicians

have not followed Cavallerius in this respect. . . A

mathematical point is an indivisible sign existing in the

imagination alone," and if it describes a line, etc., this

also is purely imaginary. Indeed, he wonders how the author

has come to his "extraordinary and incomprehensible opinion."

This review by a caustic critic, so different from the complimentary review or rather summary presentation given by the Acta Eruditorum, would be injurious enough to Swedenborg's reputation as a scientist and philosopher, even appearing as it did in a newly established and, though ably edited, yet little known journal; but its bad effect was multiplied many times when the highly popular Neue Zeitung published a short resum of it, faithfully reflecting its caustic sarcasm.

This review made Swedenborg indignant, especially the personal criticisms and the element of anonymity. As to the latter, his indignation was not that the review itself had not been signed but that, whereas the editors of all other learned journals were well known, the editors of the journal in question were professedly anonymous, and therefore, of course, could not be held to account for what they wrote.

Swedenborg does not appear to have given any thought to the reviewer's objections to his theory of motion in geometrical points, etc., probably realizing that his theory was somewhat beyond the comprehension of the merely scientific professor. The same was not true, however, of the criticism directed against his hydrostatic law; here his reputation as a natural scientist was involved.

Therefore, in the beginning of November and actually, though not professedly, in answer to this attack, Swedenborg wrote a short article

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entitled "Exposition of a Hydrostatic Law," which was printed in the fourth trimestre of the Acta Literaria Sueciae which appeared in the latter part of November. This article is accompanied by a plate illustrating the action of water on a stone at the bottom of the ocean, and the whole article is an explanation of this plate. His argument is that a stone at the bottom of an ocean will be moved by the water, if the latter is in motion, with a force proportionate to the depth of its column.* The argument, however, ignores the fact that the water at the bottom of the ocean is not in motion. (Bok. G. Prot., p. 75; Brefw. I. Benz., p. 12)

* As illustrated by rushing streams, dams, strong winds, etc.

At the end* of the article, Swedenborg added a reference to the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit, as though it were a kind of afterthought:

* This end of the article was written later, after Swedenborg had at last got a copy of Historie der Gelehrsamkeit.

"There has lately come to hand a journal published in

Leipzig and called Historie der Gelehrsamkeit, which is

written by anonymous persons who have sharpened their quill

against our Miscellaneous Observations; and particularly

against its printer's errors; against the aforementioned

hydrostatic law; and against our sentiments respecting

mathematical points - of which latter, God willing, we shall

speak elsewhere. But in their Preface, these persons speak

of themselves in the following fashion: That they are

anonymous collectors; that they have no director; no head; no

law as among themselves; and that each one is unknown to the

other; and that yet, and without the aid of inspiration, as

they themselves say, they every year bring forth an offspring

or journal with the name designated above. Who these persons

are or what their quality, does not concern us. But seeing

that hey are anonymous, without a leader, and without law, to

the end that they may safely lie in ambush for the passing

traveler, they must pardon us that we consider it neither

decorous nor wise ever to provoke them to any combat."

(NP. 1929:108-9)

This note reminds one forcibly of Swedenborg's printed note on Ernesti in connection with the latter's bitter review of Swedenborg's theological writings. In this note, Swedenborg refuses to answer Ernesti on essentially the same grounds as in the present case, and then he refers him to TCR 137 where he will find something against himself. (Doc. I:58)

Benzelius (and probably also Swedenborg) eagerly waited to see what effect Swedenborg's article would have in Leipzig. However, before it had appeared in print, Benzelius writes to his brother-in-law:

"I would that the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit would arrive so

that one could look her in the eyes, since she herself would

rather go with a mask before her face, and this is

suspicious." (OQ. 1:311 = LM., p. 289)

But the reply was not to appear for a long time, for the issue of the Acta Literaria Sueciae was, for some reason, not noticed in Leipzig until fifteen months after its appearance, when the Neue Zeitungen von Gelehrten Sachen, in its issue for February 29, 1724, gave a lengthy resum of

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Swedenborg's article, and especially of its caustic appendix. In this way, it first came to the notice of Swedenborg's German critic. But by this time the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit had ceased to appear. The reviewer, therefore, issued a reply through the pages of the Neue Zeitung for March. (NP. 1929:125)

He is not at all surprised that Herr Swedenborg, in the

Acta Literaria Sueciae, desires to make it appear as though

he did not wish to enter into any issue with him; though at

the same time, to some, he has given the impression that by

his article he wished to justify himself as against the

Historie der Gelehrsamkeit. This trick is entirely too

common that one should wonder at it. But it might possibly

bring wonder to some that even now, after so many reminders

have been given him, he makes no due distinction between the

natural pressure of water and its violent onset. The pressure

of water does indeed increase in ratio with the altitude, but

the force of its onset can be estimated only according to the

swiftness and density of the water. The latter is a living,

the former a dead force, and they can by no means be compared

with each other. If, then, the flood not only had moved

immense rocks but had also been able to heap them one above

the other, this must be ascribed, not to any natural pressure

according to altitude, but to a violent and entirely

unnatural motion of the water.

"As to what is written in the preface to the Historie

der Gelehrsamkeit," the answer continues, "this was never

entirely approved of by the author of the review; moreover,

no one of them in particular can be made responsible for it.

But if one did not wish to bind himself to any special laws,

it was because he believed that even in this case the rules

of decorum and fairness were already sufficient to remind

each one of his duty. These rules, moreover, have not been

transgressed as against Herr Swedenborg, to whom his opponent

would make himself known without hesitation if there were any

occasion for so doing; just as, on other occasions, he has

already shown that he does not fear to stand before the eyes

of opponents without a mask."

We may dismiss this subject by noting that Benzelius wrote to Swedenborg concerning this reply soon after its appearance on March 23rd; and in the following May 91924), Swedenborg writes to Benzelius:

"As concerns my antagonist's severe answer, I should like to

see it; for words will not move me, and, as I promised in my

printed article, no answer whatever will be made to it, for

it would be a most ignoble strife - one with a mask, and the

other without a mask. Probably, it is one of the canaille of

the multitude, etc., that I have to do with, since he lays

the greatest stress on words; for he seems to have no

understanding of the matter itself, and barely an adequate

one of my position, seeing that he represents that position

as being that a mountain must have been moved. He does not

know that in Sweden great rocks are found on flat ground,

and that many ridges and mountains consist solely of stones

piled together. Therefore, to please the learned in Sweden,

I will compose right soon a simple proposition, bringing

forward the data together with experiments from hydrostatics

and hydraulics set over against them, and will add thereto

geometry; and so will

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makes a clear conclusion without any mention of the canaille

who seeks glory by dragging some one in an ignoble fashion

into a dispute from which he himself can lose no honor,

seeing that he is unknown, but the other can, since he is

known. This demonstration, I will afterwards send to

Councillor of Commerce Polhem, and when he has given his

judgment, my brother might send a copy to Wolff in Halle, and

Julius in Leipzig. For I presume that with their judgment,

my brother and other learned men will be content - which is

quite enough." (OQ. 1:313 = LM., p. 333, 335)

It does not appear that Swedenborg ever wrote this projected explanation of his position. But we learn that on August 14, 1724, at a meeting of the Upsala Society which he attended, he "promised to write something in answer to the criticism of his article made in the Neue Zeitung no. 24," which doubtless he had then himself read. The answer was never made, and so the mater dropped. (Bok. G. Prot., p. 108)

A third work which Swedenborg did in Stockholm was of an entirely different nature, being a work entitled "Thoughts on the Fall and Rise of the Swedish Coinage," which he published in the beginning of November. It was a book of 18 pages of close and exact reasoning, which reveals Swedenborg as familiar with business laws and transactions. The work was published anonymously, though the name of its author was well known in official circles. Chydenius, an eminent author on financial economy, writing in 1766, called this book "a solid treatise," showing the extreme danger of devaluing the coinage. "He brings the matter out with such clearness and force that his work can hardly be improved on and needs no more than to be adapted to the crisis in which we now are." For this reason the work was reprinted in 1771, perhaps by Chydenius. Swedenborg deals with the effect of coinage lowering on mining, particularly the iron trade which he was expertly skilled in, commerce, industry, and the salaries of the people high and low. See Chydenius II:285. (ACSD 289; NP., 1929:122)

His purpose in writing this work was to prepare for the Diet, which was to meet in the following January and at which it was anticipated an effort would be made to lower the value of the coinage. The subject was evidently being actively discussed, and according to Swedenborg's own testimony, his work made somewhat of a stir. In order to further his purpose, he applied to his cousin Rosenadler, the Censor of Books, for permission

"to publish in the Swedish papers an announcement asking for

the expression of opinions opposed to the views set forth in

his work, in order that he might take up and explain them;

and urging this the more because the matter was of the

highest importance for the Fatherland, and should be

discussed before the meeting of the Diet."

(OQ. 1:311 = ACSD 296)

Rosenadler read this application to the Chancery College on December 13th, and after considerable discussion, it was finally refused - although most of the members favored it.

One of the members thought Swedenborg's design presumptuous, but Rosenadler explained that Swedenborg's reason was inspired by the thought that the matter was of the utmost importance to all classes, rich and poor, high and low. Another member, the father of the Count von Höpken who became so friendly with Swedenborg in his old age, was strongly opposed. Swedenborg's book he said, contained not a single argument that had not been considered by one or other of the Colleges; in fact, the question is settled and awaits only the action of the Diet. For a private individual

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now to stir up the matter would only cause trouble among the ignorant in case the Diet decided to lower the coinage. This, Rosenadler appealed to the need of free discussion, and referred to the fact that Swedenborg, who was himself a member of one of the Colleges, has "a special genius" in these questions. He added that he feared to refuse Swedenborg permission in this weighty matter, lest those who were promoting the lowering of the coinage should take the Diet by surprise and unprepared.

Rosenadler was supported by Count Gyllenborg who appealed to the freedom existing in England. Another member of the College agreed to this, but was against Swedenborg's announcement going into the papers because it would then be considered as official. Another member also agreed, but he added that, since the King had asked the opinion of the Colleges, it would be presumptuous for a private person to give his opinion. But it was answered that he matter was in every one's mouth, and, in any case, it is the Diet that would decide.

Baron von Höpken then expressed his real opinion. He said Swedenborg's argument all rest on a false basis, and so long as he has no better arguments in so delicate a matter, he ought to refrain from entering into the question. In that case, said Rosenadler, his mistakes should be pointed out so that he might have the opportunity of explaining himself. Moreover, "he had heard this pamphlet commended by men who were familiar with the subject."

Despite this discussion, preponderately in Swedenborg's favor, his request was denied on the ground that the advertisement he contemplated would be taken as official.

Rosenadler seems to have been much disturbed at this

decision for he brought the general question up in a full

meeting of the House of Nobles in the Diet which opened in

January 1723. On January 29th, the marshal Arvid Horn stated

that "Chancery Councillor Rosenadler asks that he may have

permission to allow the tracts on the coinage, economics,

etc., which have been written by various persons, to go to

print." At first it was thought that all such works should

first be read to the House, but due to the influence of Count

Gyllenborg, who pleaded for freedom, the matter was left to

Rosenadler's discretion. (R. O. A. Prot., 1723 I:p. 32)

Nevertheless, Swedenborg's pamphlet, by reason of its sound and unanswerable reasoning, accomplished what he desired; for the Diet left the coinage untouched.

During the literary work which we have been describing, Swedenborg was also occupied with matters connected with the College of Mines, and his suggested improvement in copper smelting, to say nothing of attending to his own affairs at Starbo, which he seems to have visited for this purpose in August and September. Perhaps also in the latter month he paid a visit to Brunsbo where the King and Queen were guests of his father, and where his father wished him to be present. An amusing story is told of this visit, from which it appears that the Bishop's wife was not above secreting some of the royal silver which had been sent to Brunsbo for this occasion. (OQ. 1:309 = LM., p. 268; Doc. I:183, 186; ACSD 297A)

His petition for a test at Falun had been referred by the King to the Bergscollegium. The College took up the matter on October 4th, when

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Swedenborg was not present.* The College was favorable to the trial, but desired from Swedenborg further particulars as to the conditions under which it should be carried out. Swedenborg answered by presenting a list of thirteen conditions. These we shall give in order when we come to the answer by Falun authorities. For the present we shall note only one or two in order to illustrate the knowledge of human nature and of the practical work of smelting which they show Swedenborg to have had.

* Through Swedenborg was always addressed as "Assessor," and though in his Prospectus published in 1722 he speaks of himself as "Assessor in the Swedish College of Mines," yet, on his return to Stockholm in 1722, he does not seem to have made any claim to a seat in the College, and there is no record of his attendance at any of the College sessions. The Minutes, however, always refer to him as "Assessor." (ACSD 283)

One of these conditions was that all precautions shall be taken against possible trickery. Swedenborg apologizes for laying down this condition since the test was to be under the superintendence of the College - which, we may add, had long been noted for its thoroughness - but he reminded the latter that the workmen prefer to follow their old methods and are willing to have them changed, no matter what advantage the change may bring. Another condition was that Swedenborg's test was to follow the Falun test lest there be some copying; and still another, that the ore and charcoal were to be divided into two equal parts and then to be assigned by the drawing of lots in the presence of witnesses.

With regard to the reward which he asks, namely, an amount equaling the value of the increased production for the first year, he says:

"I have presumed to request this because, for the

instituting of the operation, great care, expense and time

are demanded, and, in addition, I risk my name, in case by

reason of one thing or another resulting from the

carelessness of the workmen, the test should fail, which,

however, I do not suppose it will. And since, for the sake

of the public use, this process will be left by me without

equitable recompense, therefore, with the deepest respect I

will recognize it as a high favor if I can enjoy a small part

of that which, in the long run, will be gained by this

process." (LM., p. 278)

On October 11th, the Bergscollegium sent to the Falun Mining authorities, for their consideration, a copy of Swedenborg's petition to the King, and of the thirteen conditions which he had drawn up, adding that, since Swedenborg's design seemed a very great benefit for the country, the College would like to see the trial made as soon as possible. (ACSD 285)

The Mining authorities considered the matter and concluded as to their answer on October 27th, and on November 10th this answer as sent to the Bergscollegium. It justified Swedenborg's suspicions as to the obstinate conservatism of the miners. (ACSD 287A)

They answer Swedenborg's conditions one by one, being animated, as they state, by the design that every precaution shall be taken so that no dispute may arise between Swedenborg and themselves, and that they shall with greater security undertake

"so delicate and ticklish a project as changing a smelting

process worked up and authorized for some centuries, which

hitherto has

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come from too many burned fingers than that one could bring

oneself to follow other speculations and mental rules than

those which experience itself has taught and shown to be

true, and on which in this Society some hundreds of persons

have worked every year diligently and faithfully, as men

working at something from which came their only livelihood,

prosperity, and means of nourishment, and on which for the

most part these were founded." (Doc. I:414)

But despite all this, despite also the experiments made

in the past by many men, all of whom are mentioned by name,

who had claimed the greatest merits for their inventions but

who in actual tests at Falun had miserably failed "so that

this place has acquired a distaste and weariness for the new

metal men," as "they are called here" - despite all this,

they would not obstruct Swedenborg "since what lies hidden in

nature and art is never fully brought out."

With this preface, they address themselves to Swedenborg's thirteen conditions. We now present these conditions together with the answers by the Falun authorities: (LM., p. 281)

1. All necessary materials to be supplied by the Falun authorities. Answer: they will give him all the assistance which can reasonably be asked for and allowed, provided it involves no injury or expense to them.

2. Swedenborg to have the choice of the place for the test and skilled workmen to carry it out, and also one of the adjuncts of the Bergscollegium. Agreed to, except that they cannot order any one to leave his work until he has finished with the ore he has in hand. But before Swedenborg receives any award, he must see to it that all the members to whom the award would be debited, should have "as good a smelter and as suitable a place" as he himself desires.

To this was added the statement that Swedenborg's conditions implied that many of the sites in use are unsuitable for the new process. Moreover, the workmen are ignorant and many will be unable quickly to learn the new methods. Those who have not all the advantages Swedenborg demands, will not be able to make the extra ten per cent which Swedenborg asks for, and so disputes will arise.

3. All engaged in the trial to pledge themselves by oath to honorable dealing; and no one to be allowed near the works while the trial is in process; and perhaps other precautions to assure all that there is no trickery. Agreed to, but as further precaution, the Bergscollegium should appoint two men who would take turns in attendance at Swedenborg's tests; he to have the same privilege as regards their tests.

4. Swedenborg's trial to come last, for otherwise "one or other of the things which I propose to show in the operation may be found capable of improvement or can be used by them with advantage in the test that follows."

The Tests should be made simultaneously.

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[1722

5. The miners to use their usual methods without change. Agreed to, since these methods are the best.

6. Small tests might be instituted this winter. This test can begin as soon as the Bergscollegium can come to an agreement with Swedenborg as to a basis for reckoning the gain more definite than that which he requests.

7-8. For the sake of certainty, at least three tests should be made; and after they have been approved, no excuses are to be admissible. For the answer, see no. 13.

9. For the sake of surer reckoning, each test to be based on at least 10 skeppunds (4,000 lbs.) And no objections must afterwards be raised on the ground of the test being on too small a scale. Objected to because, if the gain procured is a real one, it will apply equally well on a small scale as on a large; otherwise, the calculation rests on a false foundation and there can be no certainty in the results: moreover, most of the miners here cannot work on more than 4 or 5 skeppunds at a time, and in many cases less.

10. The ore and charcoal to be divided into two equal parts, and then to be assigned by the drawing of lots. Swedenborg himself should be present at the test, and each party should then draw from the same lot both of the better and of the inferior ores, measure by measure; Swedenborg to arrange to get charcoal by one of his own men.

11. No account to be taken of the first trial since the furnace may not at first be hot or dry enough, and the workmen would be new to the operation. Agreed to, if done at Swedenborg's own risk and cost.

12. Swedenborg and others to be present when the copper that has been obtained is refined, and the best workman in the place to do the refining. Agreed to, but the same man must do the refining for both parties.

13. That to be assured the resultant increase in copper production for the first year. Objected to. The payment must eventually come from the miners' pockets, to which there would be no objection if all could be arranged without dispute. But there are so many uncertain factors in the work - the quality and mixture of the ores, the location of the smelteries, the care of the workers, etc., - that the matter cannot be determined by a few tests, and, moreover, it would be impossible to reckon the amount of increase in the copper field.

The Mining authorities are will to have Swedenborg make this test, and in case his project is an improvement and can be introduced into the whole district "without great trouble and expense," they are willing to recompense him "according to the benefits that can be seen to be derived" from his inventions. But they cannot bind themselves to give ten per cent on the basis of a few tests. (ACSD 287A)

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This reply from Falun was referred by the Bergscollegium to Swedenborg, and some two weeks later, on December 7th, the latter submitted his reply.

Here, Swedenborg does not fail to note the mining authorities' attachment to old methods, and their dislike of any change. He, however, unlike the foreigners who had made tests in the past, had no desire to change a process so long built on experiences; his only object being

"by paying more exact attention to the condition of the fire,

the blast, the furnace and the ore," to save that part of the

copper that now goes off in smoke or slag, and thereby

"give surer rules than those which are now known." He did

not wish to escape responsibility if he failed, and if he

succeeded, he had asked the award from the public treasury

without its being any burden on the mining district.

As to the suggestion that he should provide all smelters with equally good conditions as he would have for his own test, he observes that

he had done his duty when he laid all before their eyes and

instructed the more skillful among them. He cannot furnish

men with understanding, and his award should not depend on

other men's will and ability. Moreover, all that he had

promised was an increase of ten per cent over what any

particular smelter had formerly obtained; and as to reckoning

the smelters' increased gains, the authorities would have had

no difficulty in this if it were they who asked for the

payment.

He objected to the tests being made simultaneously because it

would give rise to suspicion, since no one can be in two

places at the same time.

But he agreed that basis for estimating the gain produced by

his process shall be fixed before the tests are begun.

He still insists on the test being made on amounts of ore of

at least 10 skeppunds, partly for a reason he will not

divulge, and partly because similar amounts result in waste

in copper and in time. Incidentally, he here suggests, as a

practical miner, that if most of the smelters can deal only

with five or less skeppunds, they ought to combine their ores

for a single smelting.

As to the miners' statement that, in case Swedenborg is successful they are willing to reward him according to the benefits received, he asks the College of Mines and the Falun authorities how he can proceed with the test on a mere promise, and this by men who had raised up so many difficulties. Even if most successful, he would still be risking his reputation if the results were subject to the judgment of men who were opposed to the whole thing.

The objection based on the uncertainty of the work showed only that in the processes used at Falun is an uncertainty not found elsewhere, and that in one way or another an improvement and remedy is needed.

Finally, he expresses the conviction that the Bergscollegium would surely promote a test which they have granted to so many foreigners and which, if successful, would accrue to their own benefit. (Doc. I:421; LM. p. 284)

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The copy of this letter received by the Bergscollegium has a note that it was laid before the Assessors on December 13, 1722, but no mention of the matter is in the Minutes of that day, nor, indeed, on any other date. In fact, from this time, the matter is lost sight of and no further trace of it can be found.

Probably, despite the good will of the College, which, under Count Bonde, may be taken for granted, the Falun authorities made it impossible to arrive at any fixed rules for the test, and Swedenborg was unwilling to risk his reputation by allowing prejudiced judges to determine the award to be paid him.

We have dwelt on this matter because it shows not only Swedenborg's knowledge of men and mining matters but also keenness in nice legal precautions.

The opening of 1723 witnessed the commencement of Swedenborg's participation as a member of the House of Nobles in the business of the government. He had been introduced into the House in January 1720,* but does not seem to have taken any active part in its affairs. In 1723, however, a matter came up for discussion which both awakened his interest and aroused his fears for the welfare of Sweden, especially in respect to her principal industry, her mineral wealth.

* There was no Diet in 1720-21.

The many questions involved in the establishment of political freedom had fully occupied the preceding Diet, 1719-20, and now, at the time of the Diet of 1723, there was an active discussion as to the means to improve Sweden's economic and financial position, and especially to favor Swedish merchants against foreign merchants, who, by their resident agents, etc., then had so great a portion of Sweden's trade. The matter was not discussed openly in the Diet but was referred to the Commerce Deputation. We may add that on February 9th, Swedenborg had been elected a member of the Bergs Deputation* which was closely associated with the Commerce Deputation. On February 6th, the Bergs, Tull and Commerce Deputation were officially recognized as a single Deputation, and to this Deputation, the question of import duties was specifically referred. In these Deputations, expecting perhaps the Bergs Deputation, there was a strong party which wanted measures taken which would raise the taxes on imports, and, what was most stressed, would ensure that the great sums of money which were expended for ocean freights would go to Swedish vessels. It was therefore proposed and generally favored that no foreign ships should be allowed to import into Sweden any goods except those originating in the country to which the ship belonged, and that goods for export must be sold to Swedish merchants. This would, of course, strike hardest on England, which country, however, was by far the best customer Sweden had. Moreover, the whole of Sweden then possessed only 228 ships, of which only 85 were over fifty tones, and only 14 over a hundred. Naturally, the proposal found great favor with the shipping interests. (Hjärne, pp. 708, 730, 731, 718-19, 740, 744; R. o. A. R. Prot. 1723:I:76, 66, 78, 163, 712)

* Swedenborg appears to have acted, at any rate sometimes, as Secretary to the Deputation; for several of its documents are in his hand. See ACSD 317A, 317AA, 321A (fin.), 322, 333, 333A, 334A, 335B, 335C, 335D, 339.

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Swedenborg, who as a modern author has declared, was "as good a business man as any one," contributed to the discussion by a written Memorial wherein he sought to point out the true lines along which alone prosperity can be expected. Here he does not enter into any specific plans - it may be even that at this time the proposals to which we have referred had not assumed an active place in his mind. At any rate, in his first Memorial - for, as we shall see, he wrote two - he does not refer to them. The Memorial was presented to the House of Nobles on February 5th. It was read by the Business Council or Steering Committee of the House on February 7th, and referred to the Commerce Deputation which had this subject in hand. (Hjärne, p. 737; LM., p. 289)

"The foremost cause of a country's progress," he says,

"is the balance in commerce. If more is imported from the

foreigner than the land with all its domestic products can

pay for, the consequence is that the country not only loses

considerable sums yearly and places them in the hands of

foreign nations, but thereby diminishes that capital which it

has accumulated in better times and has intended for

posterity. And, as soon as a kingdom, by such imprudent trade

comes into unlooked for poverty, it inevitably follows that

it then falls into the contempt of wealthier nations who

withdraw from having commercial dealings with it although

formerly they drew their wealth from it and sucked in its

juice and marrow. And, what is more lamentable, if one does

not in time keep a watchful eye on the balance in the

kingdom's trade, there can thereby arise a general want which

soon extends to every individual's private economy; the

capital and wealth in the kingdom are diminished; no funds

are found for the assistance of the fleet and army, and none

are obtainable; defence becomes weak and powerless; the

servants of the state must content themselves with small

salaries; Swedish manufactures and agriculture, with all

their assets become inconsiderable, besides other losses

which both knights and nobles and especially merchants would

unfortunately undergo and experience."

To show this from experience, he adds to his Memorial an elaborate calculation showing the exports and imports of today compared with those in the reign of Charles XI when Swedish trade was at its best. The former table shows an excess of imports amounting to over two and a half million Dutch Guilders a year, while the latter shows a balance of exports amounting to four and half million Guilders. Thus, Sweden's products cannot now pay for the surplus of imports, which must therefore be paid for in cold cash.

"For some years, this lack has been lessened and offset by

the capital sums which have fallen to Sweden, and should

still fall, from foreign powers. But as soon as this comes

to an end, the country must necessarily fall into lamentable

poverty, unless the Diet finds means to ward it off.

"And since every one is now left free to give his counsel, it

will not be taken ill if I humbly call to mind, that it is a

matter of importance that the present Diet seek to assist and

forward all suggestions which serve for the righting of the

general economy, and the arriving at a balance."

It is such deliberations, he adds, that occupy the English

parliament and the Dutch States General, "wherefore their

economic position is brought to the highest prosperity, the

balance is held, the land and its people are wealthy, and the

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means and the interest of other nations flow into their

treasury."

He points out that his tables show that much as been lost by the loss of the conquered Baltic Provinces, hence it now behooves us to make up these losses by industry. They also show that all the profit of foreign trade and of Swedish freightage are in the ands of foreigners

"Because during the long time of war, Swedish ships have

become ruined, and capital has diminished, so that foreign

merchants now receive the whole of the profit" annually

amounting to many tons of gold. They also show that iron and

copper are Sweden's greatest riches.

Finally he recommends:

1. To procure information as to the condition of Swedish merchant ships, and to see how they can be bettered and brought to their former glory.

2. To examine imports as to how far they are necessary or can be bought cheaper or can be made at home.

3. To examine into the possible improvement of domestic manufacture.

As we have stated, this Memorial was referred to the Commerce Deputation. It was read there on February 22nd, whereupon it was resolved to call Swedenborg to a meeting of the Deputation to explain orally upon what foundations he based his opinion. Presumably he appeared, but we know nothing as to what then transpired. It is certain, however, that the majority of the Deputation were unchanged in their determination to exclude foreign freightage. (ACSD 317)

On April 2nd, Swedenborg therefore addressed a Memorial to the Diet, which was referred to the Commerce Deputation. Here Swedenborg maintained that since the question now being considered by the Commerce Deputation was a question of forbidding foreigners to buy Swedish wares direct from the producer, and since this very especially concerned the mining industry which stood to be utterly ruined if such a measure were passed, therefore, the Bergs Deputation should have an equal part in its consideration, and it should be considered in joint meeting of these Deputations. (LM., p. 305; ACSD 321A)

The result appears to have been that the matter was taken up in the Bergs, Customs, and Commerce Committees sitting as one. At any rate, Swedenborg, on April 13th, as a member of the Bergs Committee, presented to the Diet a Memorial* on this weighty subject. Here he addresses himself to a special point which had been urge din the Deputation, and practically decided on, namely, that the rights of foreigners and their agents be diminished, and that Swedes be obliged to sell only to native merchants. This, he says, would utterly ruin the mining industry, and therefore he feels it his duty, "both as partaker in the prosperity of the mining districts and as a subject," to show the fatal consequences of the proposed measure. (LM., p. 310; ACSD 328)

* This Memorial is not signed by Swedenborg, and the original which was formerly in the Commerce Deputation Handlingar in the Riksarkivet, is now lost. But it is printed in full by Chydenius, who ascribes it to Swedenborg. (See Chydenius, Politiska Skrifter, Helsingfors, 1880, p. LXXXVII, cf. pp. 156, 253, 329.) Hjärne, also ascribes it to Swedenborg (Hist. Stud., p. 733). It has never appeared in English. Chydenius says that Swedenborg here predicted what actually came to pass (Pol. Skrifter, p. 329).

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During Charles XII's reign in 1699, under the pretext of

the general welfare, a like plan was carried out, and

foreigners were forbidden to trade. Thereby, exports

threatened to cease, and in fourteen days iron fell from 31

to 32 dalers to 22, and at that the seller had the trouble of

seeking customers. The Colleges then loudly complained, and

the old conditions were restored. This experience should

serve as a mirror wherein we can see the condition the mining

industry which is the Kingdom's greatest wealth, would be

brought into, under the change now proposed.

"The spring and vein of the Kingdom's prosperity is

indeed the mining industry. It is by this that trade is

balanced; the Kingdom provided with all necessities; imported

wares both for food and clothing paid for. By this, the

State's copper coinage is held, and domestic activity

flourishes. Without it, there would be public and private want."

Painting the matter in more lively colors, he gives grain as an illustration:

"If certain parties had alone the right to receive all

the grain which comes from estates and farms, and to handle

it according to their own agreed on plan and object, what

would this amount to other than the throwing down of all that

which comes from the cultivation of the land, and the giving

away of all profit from Swedish properties; the draining off

unnoticed of the juice of all the profits which, in other

kingdoms, belong to the subjects; and the depriving men of

the profit and advantages which should come to them from

their lawful property, thus making them the slaves and

tributaries of the dealers; in return for which, they are

allowed to retain the shell and the name of being masters of

their estates."

So would it be with the iron industry if owners were obliged

to submit themselves to the discretion of certain dealers,

and "to acknowledge and worship them," as the principals of

those effects of which they themselves are the owners, and

from which those dealers receive payment from foreign nations

while, under the decent pretence of the general welfare, the

owner must trade indirectly as to his own property, leaving

the profit to others, being compelled to this because freedom

is taken away from him.

"And if the mining industry is destroyed, then the whole

economy of the Kingdom goes likewise. The strength of

domestic trade, and the profit from the stock of the estates

and farms, and also the activity and the balancing of export

commerce depend and steady themselves on the prosperity of

the mining industry; by this the countryman gets payment for

his grain, the merchant and shopkeeper his profit and the

movement of his goods, and every resident subject an increase

in products of the farm. Otherwise, all movement sin trade

stops, the nobleman no longer has profitable payment for his

cattle, nor the peasant and the priest any special income;

the merchant, with the exception of some who have interests

in the matter, has no trade, and this because the profit

coming from the mineral kingdom would fall into the hands of

a few persons, and particularly into foreign hands."

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No King of Sweden, he continues, has ever ordered such a

plan except in 1699, which was soon changed. And still less

should it be done under a free government (when the support

of the economic position is the only object), thus

strengthening monopolies. To do this, would be the same as

bringing into question whether or not an owner may dispose of

his own property, or whether the noblest treasures of the

Kingdom shall be sacrificed for the service of others.

Finally, the author undertakes, if called on, to show at greater length the ills that would ensue from the proposed law.

Of this Memorial, Chydenius, the Finnish Economist and Liberal, cannot speak in terms too high. He writes:

"He [the author] lays the matter out with all the clearness,

strength, and ardor that can never be expected of an

unprejudiced and sincere member of the Diet. He builds his

opinions on reason; he appeals to irrefutable experience

. . . he paints the consequences of this embargo with such

lively colors, not as they would be in the beginning, but as

they would be in the long run. He shows how it would be a

dark invasion of the rights of the citizen which should least

of all be proper in a free republic . . . I would do my

reader an injustice," he adds, "were I to satisfy his

curiosity by an extract from this Memorial," and so he prints

it in full. (Pol. Skrifter, p. 156)

On April 20th, this Memorial was referred by the Diet's Business Committee to the combined Mining and Commerce Committee for Athorough investigation." (ACSD 328)

But the Commerce Deputation were not convinced either by this and other memorials, but necessarily they were silenced by the unquestionable lack of Swedish ships. And so they reported to the Diet that while they held in principle that foreign ships should be excluded from Swedish freightage, the carrying out of this principle must be postponed. It was postponed, however, only for a year; for at the end of 1724 it was adopted by the Diet. The consequence was, as Swedenborg had predicted. Beginning with 1725, the price of iron began steadily to fall; nor was there any regaining of its former prosperity until twenty years later when a "palliative" was supplied by the establishment of an iron office. (Hjärne, p. 747; R. o. A. R. Prot., 1723:338, 346, 348s; Chydenius, p. 329)

As already stated, Swedenborg was a member of the Mining Committee of the House of Nobles; indeed, he seems to have acted, at any rate at times, as Secretary of the Deputation. This Deputation had a great variety of business to attend to, among its other duties being that of hearing petitions and appeals to the Diet for privileges, abatements, etc. See ACSD 3188. (ACSD 317A, 317AA, 321.1)

This Deputation frequently met with the Taxing and Commerce

Committees, the three bodies being considered as one for the

purpose of discussing special questions submitted by the

Diet. (R. o. A. R. Prot., 1723:66)

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One of such questions was as to whether the right of taxing imports should be sold to a private society, or should be retained by the crown. This referred more especially to the taxing of imports into certain specified cities which had the privileges of markets. Swedenborg favored the selling of the taxing rights, and in a written vote presented to the combined committee at its meeting in the Stockholm Council room on May 24th, 1723, he gives three reasons for this question: (ACSD 318Abis)

1. It will insure the public a certain and sure income, which otherwise would be fluctuating.

2. It will afford better protection against smuggling. Under the State's management, this would require the appointment of a chief director in every market town.

3. This selling would tend to assist all lawful dealings and discourage all others.

He added that those who oppose it should be indirectly

responsible to the public if the tolls do not bring in a

certain sum.

4. That they shall not profit by the unjust confiscation of goods; and, therefore, that the Commerce Collegium shall always be open to receive appeals.

5. Lest they import a superabundance of goods during any one year resulting in a loss of income to the public on the following year, the contract shall contain the proviso that the Diet can lay new conditions on the purchaser, or can void the contract. (LM., p. 319)

Swedenborg's view was not favored by the majority of the Deputation, and on June 26th, the latter reported that until the next Diet, the Crown should retain its taxing rights. (R. o. A. R. Prot., 1723:349, 384)

By the time Swedenborg presented this last-named Memorial - that of April 13th - he was a recognized Extraordinary Assessor of the Bergscollegium, in addition to being a member of the Mining Committee of the House of Nobles.

On February 12th, he had written to the Bergscollegium enclosing a copy of Charles XII's Warrant and accompanying letter, appointing him Assessor Extraordinary of the College with a voice and a seat in that body,

"from the enjoyment of which advantages I have been hindered

since the King's death, partly by journeys at home and

abroad, and partly because I wished humbly to await the

gracious and voluntary invitation of your Excellency and the

Royal College.

He makes no further allusion to his Warrant of

Appointment, the Warrant itself being sufficient evidence

that legally he was still an Assessor in the Bergscollegium,

never having been dismissed therefrom.

But he diplomatically continues:

"Now, since my only wish and desire is further to perfect

myself in matters which concern both in general and in

particular the economy of the Swedish mining districts, and

since this cannot be attained without attending the sessions

of the Royal College, the obligation rests on me in this

matter, first to await in humility the gracious expression of

your Excellency and the Royal College as to whether there is

anything to prevent re-entrance into those sessions."

(ACSD 314A; LM., p. 297)

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This letter was handed into the Bergscollegium, but no action was taken by the body because its members were so occupied with matters concerned with the Diet, of which all the Assessors were members. Therefore, after waiting five weeks, Swedenborg, on March 20th, took advantage of the Easter holidays and again addressed the College, asking for a definite decision. (ACSD 318A; LM., p. 299)

The matter was considered by the College on April 1st, but it seems that prior to this, the College or its President had already appointed Swedenborg as an Assessor; for we find his signature on a Bergscollegium document dated March 23rd, together with the signatures of other Assessors. It is probable, however, that this was merely a recognition of him in his old status of Extraordinary Assessor without pay. At any rate, he does not seem to have been at all satisfied, for on Saturday, March 30th, he addressed a Memorial to the Diet, petitioning for leave to present to the Diet a supplication with respect to his own private business before the Diet after April 13th, in case he had not received by that date an answer from the Bergscollegium with regard to his position. (ACSD 318A, 319)

The Business Committee of the House of Nobles did nothing about the matter because the Estates were sitting "in pleno." However, Swedenborg's petition had its effect, for on the following Monday, April 1st, this meeting seems tacitly to have recognized Swedenborg's right to a full Assessorship, and devoted itself merely to considering the question of precedence.

Swedenborg had been appointed Assessor Extraordinary with seat and voice, in December 1716, and had taken the oath in 1717 (see above, p. 228). Since that time, three other Assessors had been appointed, namely, John Bergenstierna in 1719, Magnus Bromell, 1720 - both of these having been appointed in spite of Swedenborg's applications for the vacant places (see above, pp. 229-29) - and Swedenborg's brother-in-law, Lars Benzelstierna, in 1722. Naturally, therefore, Swedenborg considered that he had the right of precedence over these men - a right which was of importance as it involved precedence in the appointment to a Councillorship in the College.

Swedenborg's two letters and also Charles XII's Warrant and titles were duly read at the meeting of April 1st. After this, Swedenborg himself was called in, and Count Bonde, the President, asked him whether he was willing to yield precedence to Bergenstierna and Bromell so as to avoid any dispute. (Doc. I:427)

The College had already been notified that since Bromell had had a full Professorship in 1716 prior to Swedenborg's appointment, he readily yield to him; and since Bromell, on his appointment to the College, had yielded to Bergenstierna, he would also follow his example.

There then remained only the precedency as between Swedenborg and his brother-in-law, and at Count Bonde's suggestion, Swedenborg readily consented to come to some private agreement about the matter with his brother-in-law.

Swedenborg did meet his brother-in-law, but the meeting does not seem to have been satisfactory. On April 3rd, the two men both attended a session of the College, when Swedenborg took his place below Benzelstierna. This was not a sign of any agreement, however; for, on the same day, the latter wrote a strong protest which he handed in to the College the following

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day. He had heard from brother-in-law as to this question of precedency, he says. On the point of merit, he contended this precedency belonged to him, and as reasons for this, he cites the fact that from 1700 he had been auscultant, notary, and bergmaster, all which offices he had filled with satisfaction. He had also traveled to foreign mines and even worked in them in order to gain knowledge and experience. Last year, he had been appointed Assessor, and, he continues:

"I could not otherwise than be sensible of a slight if

Assessor Swedenborg, who holds a warrant only as

Extraordinary Assessor and undeniably has his great

advantages in other sciences, but who began to direct his

thoughts to the subject of mines at least sixteen or

seventeen years after me,* and now for several consecutive

years has not been present at any deliberation or occupation

in the Royal College,** is allowed to take his seat before me

and no other."

* Lars Benzelstierna was eight years older than Swedenborg. His statement is correct, for Swedenborg became interested in mining matters in 1717 or 178.

** Swedenborg's last attendance at the sessions had been on November 17, 1717 (see above, p. 212 also p. 272).

The matter was finally settled by Swedenborg's giving way, and this was reported to the College at its session of April 11th, when, although he had already sat in the College as a member, he was called in for this purpose. Swedenborg stated that since his brother-in-law was an ordinary Assessor, and therefore must attend every session, while his own warrant was only as an extraordinary Assessor and he could therefore attend when he pleased, he had consented to sit down Benzelstierna, but with the important reservation that this consent shall not prejudice him in case a new Assessor is appointed; so that he must always have his place immediately after his brother-in-law. (ACSD 322)

And so he took that place as the sixth and last of the Assessors in point of precedence. Still, he was only an Assessor extraordinary and - without pay. The important point was that he was recognized and was a candidate for the next vacant Assessorship. Thus Swedenborg now enters upon the active performance of those uses which, with some intervals of leave, he continued to perform for twenty-three years. He commenced as the sixth and last in rank, rose to the fourth place in 1730, the second in 1731, and the first in 1734.

A law had been made in December 1722, which favored copper

and silver as being the nobler metals above iron. To the

iron miners, and so to Swedenborg himself, this was a matter

of vast importance, as it was also to the whole of Sweden,

for iron was its greatest export. As the mines in Sweden

were worked, the neighboring woods became depleted, and it

became more and more necessary to procure the wood for

charcoal from more distant places. This was particularly

true for Kopparberg which had been worked for many centuries.

In consequence of the law above alluded to, favoring copper

and silver above iron, the mines for the former and

especially Kopparberg had a first call on all wood, and only

when their demands had been satisfied could the iron workers

get their supply. (R. o. A. R. Prot., 1723:187; Doc. I:475)

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On February 18th, he had addressed to the Diet a Memorial protesting against the new regulation as arbitrary,

"since it takes into consideration only the nobility of the

metals," and he gives some examples showing how it might work

to the ill of the country, as, for instance, where the silver

ore is poor or scanty while iron ore may be rich. Under the

ordinance, 80,000 pounds of iron would be sacrificed for the

sake of six and a half pounds of silver, which at the best

prices for silver would amount to gaining 1 dalar and losing

8. (Doc., I:475; LM., p. 301)

He therefore prays the Diet to modify the ordinance by applying preferences not only according to the nobility of the metal but also according to the public good.

This Memorial was referred by the Diet's Business Committee to the Bergs Deputation of which Swedenborg was a member, and it was read to that body on March 1st.

On April 24th, the Bergscollegium memorialized the Diet

for appointment of a commission to inquire into the shortage

of charcoal at Falun, which was causing much suffering; and

also to inquire into an alleged illegal use of wood by

certain iron works.

(R. o. A. R. Prot., 1723:186-87; see Doc., I:416 '. 2)

On May 15th, the Diet's Committee on Instruction, a

powerful Committee concerned with giving general instructions

to govern the policy of the different Colleges and provincial

Governors, reported instructions issued to the

Bergscollegium, where "copper and silver mines were very

highly recommended to the Bergscollegium's care, as being

nobler and more precious as compared with the iron mines."

(ACSD 330A, B; (R. o. A. R. Prot., 1723:73-47,261, 6:483)

At the instance of the Land Marshall, these instructions were laid on the table, that the members may have time to consider the changing or bettering of them. They were taken up again on May 22nd, and a Memorial by Swedenborg was read, strongly protesting against the proposed recommendations, and presenting under ten heads, reasons why iron deserves the consideration of the Diet, and the "untiring care and protection" of the College, just as much as copper. (R. o. A. R. Prot., 1723:24)

The annual production of iron is between 500,000 to

540,000 tons, valued from 48 to 50 tons* of gold if paid in

silver dalers, yielding to the Crown tolls amounting to about

6 tons of gold. This gold is brought into the country. The

sale and carriage of this iron brings in another 2 tons of

gold, to which must be added 15 tons of gold earned by the

various contributory industries, such as forestry, wood-

cutting, charcoal, etc.; about 20 tons of gold earned by the

purveyors of food, etc., to the miners, besides other profits

arising from the working of iron into various forms. Al this

wealth is kept in the country and promotes domestic trade.

In addition, it results in copper remaining in the country.

Such an industry surely demands more care than is indicated

in the issued instructions. (Doc., I:477; LM. p. 315)

* Swedish Tunna of gold = L4,166. 12s. Od; 50 tunna = L20,833. Os. Od.

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Copper, on the other hand, is produced to the amount of

16,000 tons,* yielding from 14 to 15 tons of gold. These

mines, especially Falun, ought certainly to be protected, but

not at the expense of iron.

* For many years past, the copper mines had considerably decreased in their output in their prosperous days - days which never again returned.

Instead of distinguishing between these metals as noble

and ignoble, the care given to them should have regard to the

public benefit to be derived from them. Here Swedenborg

gives an example taken from his former Memorial. He then

concludes his Memorial with the words: "From this it can be

seen that if these metals, merely in reference to their being

nobler, ought to have the preference and push the others out

of the way, as seems desired by the Instructions, one would

have to fear the censure that the public had received a

miscalculation and mistake in its general financial economy,

and so might find itself the loser of many tons of gold,

merely for the sake of regaining an eighth or tenth part in

that which has the advantage of being placed in a higher

class and possessing a nobler name and a more honorable and

glorious title."

Immediately after the reading of this Memorial, Assessor Bergenstierna, one of Swedenborg's colleagues, stated that the Bergscollegium had no intention of attending to copper and silver to the ruin of iron, which latter might be more important for the public. Most care must be given to that which is most useful. (R. o. A. R. Prot., 1723:216-62)

Swedenborg's Memorial was then referred to the Instructions Committee, which promptly sent a copy to the Bergscollegium; not that the latter may give its opinion, for the instructions given out could not be changed, but for its information. It was discussed in the Bergscollegium on May 24th, but was not approved. Indeed, the College appointed Assessor Bergenstierna to wait on the Committee of Instructions on the following day, May 25th, and orally inform them that the College had never injured any iron owner in his rights, even when a vein of nobler metals was found near his mine; and, on the other hand, has always seen to it that a certain income for the pubic shall not be disturbed for the sake of an uncertain hope. A specific case was given where they had refused to suspend profitable ironworks for the sake of a newly found vein of copper. On the other hand, when a vein of the nobler metals has been found, they have always endeavored to promote it if it could be done without prejudice to the existing and profitable working of the more ignoble metal. Thus, they had acted in accordance with the Instructions, which latter were calculated to the best profit for the Crown and the public.

It was only a copy of Swedenborg's Memorial that was sent to the Bergscollegium. The Memorial itself remained in the hands of the powerful Instructions Committee, who also seemed to have received Swedenborg's first Memorial on the same subject. By them they were referred to the King, and two years later, on August 10, 1725, the King sent them to the Bergscollegium where they now rest. (ACSD 421)

It will be observed that in the Diet activities which we have described, Swedenborg's activity was specially directed to the prosperity of the iron industry, which was then of chief importance in Sweden's foreign

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trade. Swedenborg's own private interests were also deeply involved in this industry, the business of his ancestors, both paternal and maternal.

But he was concerned not only in the industry as then established; he sought also to provide for its development. The Swedes had not hitherto shown themselves capable men of business, and outside of raw products, their greatest merchants were foreigners or the agents of foreigners. It was foreigners who contracted for the pig iron; sometimes contracting long in advance of actual manufacture. This iron they then sent abroad, there to be made into bars, sheet iron, etc., and then again imported into Sweden. The Swedish iron manufacturers were perfectly satisfied with this wasteful procedure, and so long as they got their profit, were not desirous of any change in their time-honored customs - indeed, they would the rather resent any change.

Swedenborg, as a mine owner, was well aware of this fact, and his active mind was not slow to grasp its evil consequences in draining the wealth of the country.

On April 11th, he addressed a memorial on this subject to the Diet, in the hopes that some encouragement might be given to the promotion of Sweden as a manufacturing country.

"The most important thing in a country," he writes, "is

to promote the establishment of manufactures, especially when

on has the raw materials ready to hand; by this, the ignoble

is ennobled and is bettered in price, and the public enjoy

the benefit and profit thereof.

It is known everywhere that no country can establish

iron manufacture better than Sweden, but "many complain of

our fatalism in that we ourselves wish for and desire the

starting of manufactures yet without any actualization or

effectuation," and so he presents an active and practical

plan, introducing it by setting forth some points to arouse

the attention of the Diet:

1. Many thousand tons of unwrought Swedish iron are exported to foreign lands where they are made into bars, hoops, etc., which are sold to all countries at a handsome profit which, at the cost of a little money and industry might have been retained in Sweden.

2. This iron converted by rolling and cutting mills into fine articles then serves to promote all kinds of small manufactures, thus saving time, work and money.

3. It also serves for small smithies, supplying them ready-made the materials which would cost them much time and money to make themselves. Thus, manufactures and small smithy-works are both promoted and lowered in cost.

4. A certain part of these manufactures would be sold domestically, and the rest can be profitably sold abroad. And there is more hope of this as a large part of the goods sent from Liege is made of inferior native iron. Were the same goods to be made in Sweden of Swedish iron, it would soon displace the others besides selling at a higher price, as is well known from those who have visited the foreign places.

Should the Diet be disposed to promote the setting up of

such works in Sweden, thus laying the groundwork of an iron

manufactury, it would grant certain privileges which the

Bergscollegium could suggest, in order to promote the work on

a profitable basis. (Doc. I:480; LM., p. 306)

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The Memorial is accompanied by a drawing of the rolling and cutlery mill used abroad. This plan is now lost, but it is undoubtedly identical with that which Swedenborg subsequently printed in his De Ferro, Plate XXIX, being a picture of the work at Liege.

This Memorial was read by the Diet's Business Committee on April 20th, and referred to the Mining and Commerce Deputation, where also it was read. But we know of no other results. The future, however, has shown the soundness of Swedenborg's project. See New Philosophy, 1950, January p. 2.

Some five months later in the year, Swedenborg made a similar effort to promote the establishment of manufactures in Sweden. On September 16, 1723, a Swiss by the name of Colonel de Wallair appeared before the College of Mines asking for privileges for a company to manufacture steel by a process he had discovered, whereby there was no loss of weight caused by scoriae and refuse. As he was not versed in Swedish, a draft of the privileges which might be granted was handed to him to be read at his leisure. Swedenborg was present at this meeting, and on that same day he penned a letter to the College to the effect that while on his foreign travels he had "acquired from Vienne [in Dauphine, see Reaumur, p. 3] a knowledge of the process whereby steel can be prepared of such hardness as one may wish." It takes a longer time than the usual method but is cheaper. He therefore requests a test be made of this process before the privilege is granted to Wallaire, and if it is found useful, that he be given the right to enter into this work. (ACSD 335C:2; ALS., 1724:451; Doc. I:430; LM. p. 324)

Nothing further is known as to this matter beyond the fact that de Wallair was granted his privilege.

With respect to Swedenborg's other activities as a member of the Diet, it may be mentioned that he was occasionally appointed a member of a delegation to wait on one of the other Estates to deliver the opinion of the Nobles. (R. o. A. R. Prot., 1723; Aug., p. 8, Sept., p. 113)

A more important business in which he expressed himself was the matter of the right of the nobles to certain exclusive privileges.

In 1719, the nobles retained the exclusive right of

appointment to all higher state offices, and the preference

in appointments to all other state offices; besides the

exclusive rights to tax-free property, being forbidden to

marry taxed people on pain of losing their privileges; the

right to chastise their servants; and the right of patronage

in the local church. (Hildebrand V, p. 34)

In 1720, the matter came up again under the protests of

the priests and burgers, the latter of whom petitioned the

King for the abolishment of the nobles' privileges; but

nothing was done; in fact, the protestors were punished.

(Ibid., p. 35)

In 1723, owing to increasing unrest, the nobles gave up

some of their privileges, including the exclusive right to

frlse property, the marriage provision, and church

patronage. But in September 1723, the Burgers, secretly

supported by the priests and peasants, brought in a Memorial

praying for a right to fill one-half of the state offices.

This, they claimed, was their constitutional right, as indeed

it was. Moreover, it would prevent disharmony and jealousy

and result in better work, since the ofrlse could go on with

their work when the Diet took up the time of the nobles."

(R. o. A. R. Prot., 1723:447, 449)

278

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 279

[1723
September

This raised a storm of angry protest among the nobles,

and the military members characterized it as an attack on

their "well earned freedom and advantages," aimed to weaken

their position as the principle Estate, and which they would

resist "with life and blood."

(R. o. A. R. Prot., 1723:126, 133)

This fiery ebullition was applauded in the House where

it was read on September 23, 1723. At the same time, a

reasoned answer in the burgers was presented. This pointed

out that the latter had all the profits of trade, which were

so great, and contributed little in taxes to the government

as compared with peasants and nobles. For their privileges,

the nobles must risk their life in war. They have already

given up many of their privileges, and now the burgers ask

from them their only means of livelihood, nobles being

excluded from merchant business, the church, and the

magistracy. The burgers have many ways of placing their

children, and this effort to deprive the nobles of their only

way is the fruit of jealousy. (Ibid., p. 451)

This also was applauded in the House, and it was

resolved to draw up a "convention." This was done by

Landmarshal Lagerberg, and it was signed by all the nobles

(430) including Emanuel Swedenborg.

(Ibid., pp. 135, 461, 465)

It commenced with the declaration that the nobles would

never suffer their freedom to be trampled on by any other

Estate. All that is left them to retain their position is

the right to hold estates and their exclusive right to

positions in the State service. (Ibid., p. 461)

They, therefore, bind themselves "on our knightly honor

and faith, to stand one for all and all for one, and not to

spare life or goods when the need arises to defend our

freedom," and Alike honorable knights, to dare the utmost

before submitting" to the burgers' request; and every one who

would not join herein was considered as an unworthy member

who had forfeited his nobility. (Ibid., p. 462)

This was dated September 23rd, and, as stated, was

signed by Swedenborg. The burgers' move was felt to be the

more unjust because the government has always ennobled

ofrlse men who were capable, and at the present time four-

fifths of the state officials were composed of such nobles,

only one-fifth being the sons of nobles. If now, one-half of

the offices were to be given to the ofrlse, no noble could

get an office for fifty years or more. (Ibid., p. 468)

The matter caused the greatest excitement, and there was

talk of breaking away from the Burger Estate; but calmer

counsels prevailed, and finally the matter was settled by the

ofrlse obtaining the right to one-half of the lower offices

of the state. (R. o. A. R. Prot., 1723:138; Hilder. V:49)

This vote is Swedenborg's last recorded activity in the House of Nobles itself. But his time was occupied, not only in attendance at the House, but in the regular sessions of the College of Mines, in whose charge lay the whole administration of the mining laws and regulations, and whose duties were of a very varying character.

279

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 280

[1723-1724
Feb.

Much if not most of his time, however, was taken up by his work as a member of the Bergs Deputation. To this body, the Diet referred all petitions, memorials, etc., respecting mining matters, which were addressed to it, and the recommendations of the Committee were usually accepted as final. But these recommendations frequently required much correspondence and inquiry.

The Bergs Deputation, moreover, was frequently called upon by the Diet to sit with the Commerce and the Tax Deputations, and sometimes matters of the utmost importance were considered by these united bodies.

The Diet adjourned on Wednesday, October 23rd. On the preceding Wednesday, as a part of the closing ceremonies, the House of Nobles assembled in the castle church, and there Swedenborg had the pleasure of hearing a sermon preached by his brother-in-law, Eric Benzelius, on keeping the Ten Commandments (I Chron. 28:8). A few days later, Swedenborg obtained leave of absence from the College of Mines in order to attend to his private affairs, which had necessarily been neglected during the year. (Hildebrand V:288; ALS. 1723:488; Doc., I:430-31)

It may here be remarked that we should probably have known more of Swedenborg's life during 1723 had it not been for the fact that this chief correspondent, Eric Benzelius, was at Stockholm as a member of the Kingdom's Consistory or House of Priests.

After paying his respects to Count Bonde, he left Stockholm on November 6th, probably for his favorite place Starbo where he not only could attend to his iron business, of which he had received very insufficient news from his brother-in-law and partner Benzelstierna, but could also pursue studies for which he had had little time in Stockholm. (ACSD 342A; see Doc. I:334, 335)

During the Christmas holidays, however, he visited his father at Brunsbo, and it was here that he commenced writing the first of his promised work, called by Benzelius "Collectanea Metallica." This was doubtless based on his own extensive experience, supplemented by the many notes he had made during his foreign journey. The MS. is now lost, and we know of its contents only from some descriptions given in the minutes of the Upsala Society to whose president Eric Benzelius he sent the MS. from time to time. (Bokw. Gillets Prot., p. 98)

The first two chapters were written in December. They were entitled AThe Ore of Copper and the Process of Smelting it at Fahlun." In a letter addressed to Eric Benzelius on January 24, 1724, Swedenborg states that the information contained in these chapters has never been given out in print - so far as he knows. (Bok. G. Prot., p. 100; OQ. 1:312 = LM., p. 326)

Swedenborg continued this work after his return to his duties in Stockholm in the beginning of February 1724, and by the beginning of March he had completed the work in 79 pages, containing 15 chapters describing the processes used in various parts of Sweden and also in foreign countries. (Bokw. Gillets Prot., p. 103)

"That which I now send you," he writes when sending the fifth

of his installments, "as well as part of what has preceded,

and likewise that concerning the separating processes,

consists indeed of secrets; for a stranger finds it hard to

obtain knowledge of any thing concerning this matter; yet,

according to my simple

280

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 281

[1724
February

opinion, it seems that nothing ought to be mysterious in

matallicis, for without this science, no one can go forward

to the investigation of nature. Still less should this be

the case with our Swedish processes, since they cannot sere

the foreigner for any information. I hope to increase this

my mineral cabinet or collection as others increase their

stones." (OQ. 1:312 = LM. p. 328)

Benzelius evidently considered this work incomplete, and in February he writes Swedenborg, suggesting he incorporate other features with regard to copper than merely the ore and its smelting. But Swedenborg does not agree with this:

"As to what my brother is pleased to mention concerning

observata metallica, it would be too comprehensive to bring

in everything, for in each of the observata on gold, silver

and iron, I shall have more to say than on copper. But,

should my brother think it worth while, the subject could

first be reviewed in a general way, and then something could

be inserted later."

He then suggests some rearrangement of the work by making chapter 2 on the Falun process follow the chapter on the Hungarian process, and this "for certain reasons." Swedenborg evidently changed his mind when he published the work on copper many years later. (OQ. 1:312 = LM., p. 328)

The second volume of his "metallurgical and chemical work," as Doctor Benzelius also calls it, consisted of 167 pages, called by Benzelius "Sulphurs and Salts." Swedenborg, however, refers to it as "Collections on Sulphur, Vitriol, Alum, Common Salt, and Nitre and Acids." Swedenborg sent the MS. to Upsala by "Brother Swab." Apparently, this second work was not prepared with the care of the first; probably it consisted only of "collections" of materials put together from his experience, his notes and his reading; for in his contemporaneous letter, dated May 26, 1724, Swedenborg says of these collections: "They are as yet put together with little niceness, but hey are as I would have them for my own private use." Indeed, considering the short time in which they were written (two months), they could hardly be anything else. This MS. also is lost. Swedenborg may have continued the work by treatises on gold, silver, and iron. All trace of these works is lost. The two works that were sent to Benzelius were recalled by Swedenborg himself, and were evidently sent to Upsala only for the information of Benzelius and the Literary Guild. Indeed, Swedenborg specifically requests their return "not later than July," probably with a view to doing further work on them during the summer holidays; and, therefore they are not preserved among the Benzelius papers. (OQ. 1:314, 313 = LM. p. 335, 333; Doc. I:336)

At this time, he certainly expected these works to be printed, but decided later to postpone the printing - perhaps because the subscriptions did not indicate sufficient demand.

We have said he returned to Stockholm in the beginning of February 1724. His private affairs, however, still demanded his presence in the mining district, and after attending apparently a single session of the College (February 10th), he again obtained leave of absence. (ACSD 352A)

On February 14th, we find him at Prsthyttan, one of the furnaces inherited from his stepmother. A letter which he writes on this day to his brother-in-law Eric Benzelius gives us some idea of the details to which his mining property demanded his attention, in addition to the writing of his mineralogical works.

281

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 282

[1724
March

It seems that he had ordered grain from Upsala University, presumably for his men and horses, but early in February, Eric Benzelius wrote him that none would be available. Swedenborg is very indignant at his fumbling

"on the part of the University's treasury, in changing what

the Academy had concluded upon. No merchant would wish to do

this. If this happens with many, in the end their credit

becomes poor, for then it were better to deal and make

contracts with an upright and honorable merchant. But I will

see to it that they will not have the opportunity to repeat

this example." He adds that he would have paid the

University's price, and would even have paid beforehand.

(OQ. 1:312 = LM. p. 328; confer UUH 3:12-13)

However, he had had a presentiment of the Academy's refusal before receiving his brother's letter, and had already purchased his grain elsewhere; for the works were in active preparation for commencing smelting, charcoal was being prepared, and ore carted, and it was necessary for him to provide for his men.

We may notice also another letter which Swedenborg sent to Benzelius about t he middle of March, and which shows that his mining business and the legal mattes with which he was then engaged, of which we shall speak presently, by no means repressed his eagerness to investigate the various fields of nature.

The Aurora Borealis had been seen many times during the year 1723; Prof. Burman was especially interested in this and similar phenomena, and somewhat inclined to the opinion that its origin is connected with some subtle sulphurous matter in the lower region of the earth, a theory which was then generally held by the learned. The matter was probably discussed in the Upsala Society, especially in connection with an invitation received in February from the Royal Philosophical Society, to communicate to the Society meteorological observations in Sweden. Benzelius evidently wrote to Swedenborg about the sulphur theory, and referred to a suggestion that the sulphur might originate in active volcanoes, such as Hecla, Vesuvius or Aetna. (ALS., 1724:518, 568; Ph. Trans., 1734:243; B. G. Prot., p. 101)

Swedenborg at once rejects any such theory, and gives reasons showing that it is ridiculous. The air is certainly impregnated with sulphur, he says, as seen from the many meteors, fiery appearances in the sky, the Aurora Borealis, the effect of thunder, the luminous appearances on high towers, sulphurous odors, and the fact that sulphur falls with rain. The latter phenomenon shows that for a time the air had been well sulphurated; but this is probably due to summer heat or winter cold unaccompanied by rain.

"One knows," he continues, "that in summer, in every clod of

earth there are perpetual distillations and sublimations, the

particles being sometimes dissolved, sometimes bound

together, sometimes formed into certain growths; sometimes

the particles vegetate so that, according to the state of the

weather one finds endless chemical operations in the earth."

One or two dry summers preceded by very cold winters might

easily cause the air to be impregnated with "the subtlest

sublimated sulphur." To say that a volcano could fill the

whole air with sulphur would be equal to saying that all the

rain comes from a single river. This sulphur must come from

an enormous surface, played upon by the sun and ever exhaling

particles. On the same ground, one would suppose that there

were many more meteors in Sweden than elsewhere, especially

around Falun where, from the many roasters and furnaces

burning day and night, as much sulphur goes into the air as

from Etna; yet this is not the case.

282

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 283

[1724
March

He thinks, therefore, that the sulphur which is the cause of meteors is much more subtle than that which comes from open fires or a volcano. The latter sulphur is soon precipitated, but

"sulphur which has not yet been in the fire can thrive in

water, as in acid waters, in the air, in the sky; and later,

in dry weather, it can be combined in the air." Lights and

fires appear in the sky while Aetna is burning, but not, "so

far as I know," after the burning.

His conclusion, therefore, is that aerial sulphur originates from the surface of the earth by means of the sun. (OQ. 1:304 = LM. p. 329; Doc. I:327)

Swedenborg was now in a position to carry out his stepmother's wish, that he should buy out his co-heirs' share in the Starbo property, except that, for purposes of convenience he had relinquished one-half of the property to his brother-in-law Lars Benzelstierna, who was to share with his brother Eric, or to purchase for him. Presumably this was done in consideration of Lars Benzelstierna managing the property. It now remained for Swedenborg to come into full legal possession of his half share; for this, he had been well supplied with funds, resulting from his various inherited properties, and especially from his free ownership of Starbo for the first year after his stepmother's death in March 1720.

Accordingly, on March 2, 1724, he appeared in the Court of the Mining District and handed in three documents for registration, namely:

1. His agreement of April 1721, on behalf of himself, his brother Jesper and his brothers-in-law Lundstedt and Unge, with Lars Benzelstierna on behalf of himself and his brother Eric, to share equally in the property at Starbo, Prsthyttan and Marns, being the inheritance left by Sara Bergia, Swedenborg's stepmother; and also as to Swedenborg's Benzelstierna's, and Eric Benzelius's share in the Skinnskatteberg and Giesberg property inherited after the death of Swedenborg's maternal uncle Albrecht Behm.

The 2nd document was a deed, dated march 1723, by which

Bishop Swedberg agreed to pay the children of Sara Bergia by

her first marriage 12,000 dalers in full settlement of all

possible claims; 3,000 of this sum being retained by the

Bishop to be handed over to Sara Bergia's nephew John Hesselius.

This document was accompanied with a receipt for 9,000

dalers, signed by the heirs in question and dated March 30,

1723.

On the following day, March 3, 1724, Swedenborg again appeared in Court and filed three deeds, showing:

1. His purchase from his brother-in-law Unge, for 16,000 dal. K. mt., of his share in the Starbo, Prsthyttan and Marns property, also Skinnskatteberg, Axmar and Giesberg, dated January 26, 1723.

2. His purchase from his brother Jesper, for 4,571 dal. K. mt., of his share in Starbo, dated February 3, 1723.

3. His purchase from his brother-in-law Lundstedt, for 15,957 dal. K. mt., for his share in Starbo, Prsthyttan and Marn, dated March 26, 1723.

This last document was accompanied with a document dated

March 27th, waving all claims by Sara Bergia's brother, in

consideration of the sum of 3,000 dal. k. mt.

(Swedenborg's Ekonomi, pp. 6-7, or NKTid., 1927, pp. 77-78)

283

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 284

[1724
May

It will be seen, therefore, that in the spring of 1723, Swedenborg paid out the sum of nearly 40,00 dal. k. mt., and became the owner or part owner of:

Prsthytta (furnace)

Marns ( " and forge)

Starbo ( " )

Giesberg ( " )

Axmar ( " and two forges)

Two weeks later, March 19, 1724, the same documents were filed in another Court, in whose jurisdiction part of the property concerned was situated; and again, in both Courts, in march and June 1725 and January 1726. (NKTid., 1927:77s)

Swedenborg did not return to Stockholm until May 1724, but in the meanwhile, an event occurred which affected his position in the College of Mines. It will be remembered that he was recognized only as an Assessor Extraordinary and was therefore free to come and go as he pleased; but, also, he was without salary. Magnus Bromell had been appointed President of the Medical College. This left a vacancy in the College of Mines, and at a meeting of the College on April 28, 1724, it was resolved to recommend to the King that Lars Benzelstierna take Bromell's place with a full Assessor's salary of 1200 dal. s. m. - he had formerly been receiving only the Bergmaster's salary of 800 dal. s. m. - and that Extraordinary Assessor Swedenborg be granted Benzelstierna's salary of 800 dal. s. m. (ACSD 361)

The recommendation was sent to the King on the same day, and on May 22nd, the King granted the College's request as regards Benzelstierna but refused it as regards Swedenborg on the ground that this was an appointment as Assessor and for this the law required three nominees to be appointed. (ACSD 363)

It would appear that the College of Mines showed no disposition to take any further action in the matter; and it was probably with a view to reminding them of his position that Swedenborg, a month later (June 16th), addressed to the President and Assessors a letter of thanks for their recommendation. After due thanks, he continues:

"And now I humbly request that your Excellency and the

College, in consideration of the fact that I have now served

in the Royal College for eight years as Extraordinary

Assessor without salary, by virtue of the warrant given me by

King Charles XII, and during this time have journeyed to

foreign mines and spent my time in that wherein I thought to

be able to be of humble service to your Excellency and the

Royal College, still further to continue the favoring grace

hitherto shown me."

(Doc. I:432; LM., p. 336)

The College considered the matter on July 6th, and after reading the King's letter and also Swedenborg's, resolved to write to the King that Swedenborg was in the first place for appointment as Assessor, adding two mining masters in the second and third places. This was done on July 6th. (ACSD 369)

On July 7th, Swedenborg also wrote to the King,* and only July 15th, the warrant on his appointment as Assessor was finally issued, entitling him to a salary of 800 dal. s. m., equal to about L100 sterling without reckoning

284

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 285

[1724
July

changed values at the present day. Moreover, owing to the fluctuating market, the silver daler paid to state servants was reckoned at the rate of 225 s. d. = 100 tons of grain. Thus, if grain were selling at 25 dal. s. m., 100 tons would equal 2,500 dal k. m., or 555 dal. s. m., which would make Swedenborg's salary nearly L235. (Confer UUH. 3:12-13; Then S. Basun T., pref.)

* In this letter, Swedenborg repeats his statement as to having served for eight years without salary, and adds: Aand twice at my own cost have made journeys to foreign mining places (LM., pp. 33738).

It will be remembered that the College of Mines recommended Swedenborg as Assessor on April 28th; the King's answer refusing the appointment was dated May 22nd, but it did not come before the College until May 29th, and until that date, Swedenborg was ignorant of what awaited him. He was, of course, in constant communication with Eric Benzelius who seems to have been keenly anxious to help him to a settled place in life. (ACSD 363)

The Professorship of Astronomy in Upsala had become vacant by the death of Nils Celsius on March 21, 1724, and about the middle of May, Benzelius wrote to his brother-in-law, stating that the Chancellor desired the nomination of some clever men, and suggesting the University might appoint Swedenborg to the vacant office. Swedenborg answers him on May 26th - three days before he learned of the King's rejection of his appointment - at the same time that he sends him the metallurgical collections on sulphurs and salts. He definitely rejects all thoughts of entering into academic life.

"My business has now become geometry, metallurgy and

chemistry, and it is a far cry from these to astronomy. To

abandon that in which I think to perform useful work would be

inexcusable. Besides this, I do not have the donum docendi;

my Brother knows well my natural difficulty in speaking. I

hope, therefore, that the Academy will not put me in

nomination. First, this would be the hindering by the

Chancellor of that which is now before his Majesty, namely,

my receiving of a salary in the College, which I propose to

try to get at some time. Besides this, I no longer find

either profit or inclination in academical matters, even

though I were paid a salary of 1,500 Riksdalers, so that it

cannot be. Therefore, if any one in the Consistory should

make reference to me, it would be showing me much friendship

if my Brother answers the reference with an absolute No. But

aside from this, I thank my Brother for having held me worthy

of this question." (OQ. 1:313 = LM. p. 333)

It is interesting to note that in this letter, Swedenborg gives assurance of being in plenty of funds. During the 1723 Riksdag, the Secret Committee had decided to pay to each Professor, as part of his salary, 40 tons of grain reckoned at the state value. The sale of this put Benzelius in funds, and he offered to lend money to Swedenborg. (UUH III:1:13)

"I thank my Brother for the offer of money, but I already

have a good deal in Norrberkie,* which will not come to be

used before next winter, so that I have no occasion for it.

It pleases me that my Brother comes out of it well, but I

should like to hear what price it was sold at."

(LM., pp. 335-36)

* A district which includes Skinnskatteberg, and in which Swedenborg had property.

Until after the middle of July, Swedenborg was occupied with his duties at the Bergscollegium in Stockholm. When the summer holidays commended on July 19th, he went on a commission to the sulphur works at Dylta near rebro, and from there, in the beginning of August, to the iron works at Axmar. (ACSD 371, 370A, 373A, 425C; OQ. 1:315 = LM. p. 343)

285

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 286

[1724
July

This property, which had been under the management of Brita Behm, was left by her brother Albrecht at his death in 1722 to his five sisters or their heirs. The Swedenborg family - Emanuel, Jesper, and the fours sisters - were therefore entitled to the one-fifth of the property which would have fallen to their mother Sarah. Swedenborg had already bought the shares falling to two of his sisters, and probably also the shares of the other two and of his brother Jesper; for it appears that at this time he owned one-fifth of the Axmar property. The other four-fifths were owned by his Aunt Brita in conjunction with her nephew Major Schonstrm - who, in her turn bought the three-fifths shares falling to her sisters other than Sarah, and became four-fifths owner in May 1724. We may get some idea of the value of this property when we know that on Brita Behm's death in 1755, the Axmar works alone were sold for 340,000 dal. k. mt., equal to about kr. 450,000 ($121,500), not counting the modern values of money. Swedenborg's one-fifth would thus amount to over 60,000 dal. k. mt. (Kr. 80,000 = $21,600). (NKTid., 1927:98-99; ACSD 424A)

The property itself consisted of a smelting furnace, two forges, with an annual capacity of 1,5000 skeppunds (3,000 tons) of iron, together with several farms, houses, meadows, hop gardens, a wood, fishing rights, and mills. There was also property outside Axmar, including an estate at Grno. It was Brita Behm's desire that all these properties should be specifically divided or exchanged, instead of being held on shares. During the summer, Swedenborg drew up a plan with this in view; he met his Aunt at Axmar in July. They did not come to any agreement, and further discussion was postponed till later, in Stockholm. (NKTid., 1927:78; ACSD 420A, 415A, 395:2)

Subsequent events indicate that Brita Behm was not satisfied with part ownership of the smelting furnace, and she seems to have made things very unpleasant for Swedenborg, apparently in the hope of forcing him to sell his share, as he subsequently did. There were difficulties in a joint ownership when the smelting was to be done in a single furnace, but these could easily have been amicably arranged. However, these difficulties came later; as yet, all was peaceful. The object of his present visit to Axmar was in connection with the new furnace which he and Aunt Brita were erecting, and on account of which Swedenborg, on this visit, expended 2,000 dal. k. mt., in cash (L55). The old furnace had been destroyed by the Russians in 1721. (ACSD 379A)

On his way from Axmar to Stockholm, he visited his brother-in-law Benzelius in Upsala. The few days he spent there happened to include a Friday, and in his honor a special meeting o the Literary Guild was held. Swedenborg had been a member of this Guild almost from its commencement four years earlier, but the present is the only time he ever attended its meetings. Indeed, it is probable that his membership hardly occurred to him, and certainly in his old age he had entirely forgotten it.

It may prove of interest to consider what was done at this meeting. Four members were present, viz., Benzelius, Swedenborg, Eric Burman - who had reviewed in the Acta Literaria Sueciae so many of Swedenborg's works, and who was now Professor of Astronomy in succession to Nils Celsius - and Peter Martin, Adjunct in Medicine: (Bokwetts G. Prot., p. 108)

Benzelius opened the meeting by reading his Latin review of a

book by Bishop Swedberg, published in 1723. The book is

entitled "The Poor Man's Cottage is the Rich Man's Treasure,"

the sum of which, to quote Benzelius's words is that "living

in accordance with the admonitions of our most Holy Savior

Jesus Christ and of His holy

286

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 287

[1724
July

Apostles, we should be merciful and liberal to the poor and

needy, and thereby testify to our faith by pious works; for

the in future, the reward of this liberality and benevolence

in the heavens will be gracious and glorious."

(ALS., 1721:521)

Benzelius then related an account, proved by witnesses,

of the catching of a young eel that was living on its

mother's navel. A letter was then read asserting that the eel

was both oviparous and viviparous, as in the case of

serpents.

The talk then turned on the criticisms directed against

Swedenborg's article on the Hydrostatic law which had

appeared in the Acta Literaria Sueciae some twenty months

earlier. This article had been sharply criticized by a

former writer in the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit, writing in

the Neue Zeitung last March. Some five months had now

passed, and it was felt that Swedenborg should give an

answer. Thereupon, Swedenborg "promised to be willing to set

up something in answer . . . setting forth the state of the

controversy, and leaving the matter to the decision of

Professor Wolff."

A letter was then read, to the effect that Czar Peter

proposed establishing a Society of Sciences, and suggesting

sending a complete set of the Acta Literaria Sueciae to

Russia.

Also a letter from the Secretary of the Royal

Philosophical Society of London, gratefully acknowledging the

establishment by the Guild of barometrical observations, and

asking to receive other matters of use to natural science.

This particularly interested Swedenborg, and he had some

private conversation with Benzelius as to the possibility of

himself corresponding with the Royal Society.

And finally was read Bishop Swedberg's latest work, a

tract entitled Festum Magnum or the Great Sinners' Great

Festival, wherein the Bishop describes the effect of his

first sermon, preached in 1673. In the evening of that day

was heard in the church much music, with clear voices, saying

Godly Psalms, when yet there was no organ there, or

instrument or person. All in the parish bore witness to

this. It was a sign that angels were present and God

approved his work. "Who knows," he says, "perhaps some

sinner that day became converted." This was the Festum

Magnum which he celebrated in his tract.

(OQ. 1:315 = LM. p. 377A)

This ended the meeting. When he returned to Stockholm, on August 16th, Swedenborg had the pleasure of meeting his brother, Lieutenant Jesper, whom he had not seen for fourteen years. He had arrived at Brunsbo in the spring of 1723, but it does not appear that Emanuel had met him before the present time when he came to Stockholm. (Records of H. Trin. Ch., p. 281; ACSD 375, 377A)

Jesper Swedenborg had led somewhat of a wild life, and

had been sent by his father to the army in Pomerania, to

England, and, finally, to America, at which latter place he

stayed nine years teaching school. His experiences seem to

have had a very sobering effect, for he returned home almost

a pietist.

From Jesper, Swedenborg doubtless heard something of the Indians in America, and among other things, he would hear the same account of their character as was given by Bjorck some nine years earlier, namely, that "they

live in many respects, following the light of nature, a more

reputable life than many who have the clear light of the

Gospel and bear the name of Christ."

(J. Swed., Then Sidste Basun Tyskland, Pref.)

287

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 288

[1724
August

Together with Jesper, Swedenborg met also Andreas Hesselius, his cousin, who for many years had served as pastor of the church in Wilmington, Delaware. Andreas, like his brother John who had been Swedenborg's traveling companion in his journey to Holland and Liege, was a student of nature, and had brought with him a curious collection in natural history, besides a book on Pennsylvania which he had written at Bishop Swedberg's request. Unfortunately, a great storm arose and carried off his collection and many of his books, besides utterly spoiling his MS., and had it not been for financial help from the British Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, he would have been stranded in London. Even so, he was obliged to remain in London for seven months, and there, to add to his misfortunes, his wife died, leaving him with four children, among them a boy of six years old, named Emanuel after his uncle, who, indeed, was one of the godfathers (by proxy) at his baptism in Wilmington. (Records of H. T. Ch., pp. 281, 243; BL. 6: p. 125; Then s. Basun T., Pref.)

A third person whom Swedenborg met with Jesper and Hesselius was Pastor Nordberg, a fellow student at Upsala whom Bishop Swedberg had sent to London as schoolmaster in 1701, and whom Swedenborg, of course, had met during his stay in London. (Carlson, p. 145)

In a letter to Benzelius, dated August 20th, Swedenborg speaks of meeting these old friends, noting especially the loss of Hesselius's collection and of his MS. book on Pennsylvania, adding, as to the latter, that "he will call it back to memory and will again put it on paper."* (OQ. 1:315 = LM. p. 343)

* The rewritten work was published in Norrkping, 1725, Ber. Om Svenska Kyrkans nuvarande tillstnd i America (BL 6:125).

In the same letter, Swedenborg speaks of having met in the College of Mines, Ren Reaumur, the eminent mathematician, naturalist and practical scientist, who was visiting Sweden in pursuance of his interest in the development of the practical arts and sciences.

Reaumur, who was five years Swedenborg's senior had already

attained high honors in France, had published in 1722 a work

on the art of making steel, which introduced many valuable

improvements, a work of which Swedenborg made great use when,

some years later, he wrote his book on Iron in which, indeed,

he incorporated many of Reaumur's plates. Reaumur was

essentially a practical rather than a philosophical man, but

naturally his skilled knowledge of steel making would

interest Swedenborg.

"Reaumur, who wrote a book on steel in France, has come

here," he writes to Benzelius, "and is now in the College.

So far as I have seen him, he is a very fine and curious

man." (Ibid.)

Swedenborg finds himself very busily employed in the College, especially in making preparations for a journey to rebro as a member of a College Commission, consisting of Assessors Benzelstierna and himself. And, although Benzelius had returned him his two works on metals, he finds no time either to revise them or to commerce a new work.

"When I come back," he writes, "I will always take some fixed

time each day which I will use for useful work in a literary

way." (Ibid.; ACSD 371)

288

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 289

[1742
September

He seems, however, to have given up all hope of getting a sufficient number of subscribers in answer to his Prospectus of two years earlier. On the other hand, the fact - which he had heard at the Upsala meeting - namely, that the Royal Society wished to correspond with the Literary Society on subjects of natural sciences, raised in him some hopes that he might contribute papers to the Philosophical Transactions. (Bok. G. Prot., p. 109)

In the letter to Benzelius, written immediately after he got back to Stockholm, and from which we have already quoted, he writes:

"If my Brother answer Doctor Sloan* of England, the

subject on which we spoke might be mentioned. I would

readily carry on a correspondence on metallurgy with some one

[of them] if it is printed at their expense; for to print

anything more at my own expense were to loss as much as

formerly; nor would I take up my time in afterwards crediting

the copies." (OQ. 1:315 = LM. p. 343)

* It appears that about this time, Doctor Sloan had commenced a correspondence with Benzelius. The latter's (1725-38) are preserved in the British Museum.

Evidently, Swedenborg was keeping track of the sale of his books by the Leipzig and Amsterdam booksellers - a sale which does not seem to have brought him any profit.

Swedenborg returned from his rebro commission work in the beginning of November, and at once took up his regular duties in the College of Mines. These duties were largely of a judicial character, having to do with the application of the mining laws and regulations. But on November 9th, Swedenborg himself became party to a mining process, or rather, he himself instituted such a process before the College of Mines.

It will be recalled that during the summer he had spent 2,000 dalers k. m. in conjunction with Aunt Brita's 8,000, in building up a new furnace at Axmar. The time for using this furnace would be in the winter, and as the work would necessitate his attending to the materials, paying the men and receiving the profits, therefore, on September 12th, while he was still in rebro, he appointed a local man, named Lindbohm - a former clerk at Axmar who had managed three-fifths of the works for the Schonstrms before they sold out to Brita (ACSD 395:3) - to act as his agent herein, "and if any dispute should arise, to report it to me." (ACSD 378A, 383)

He received Lindbohm's first report, dated November 1st, as son as he returned to Stockholm, and thereby received the first intimation of the trouble which his aunt was to cause him.

We cannot do better than quote the words of Herr F. G. Lindh, who is probably the best authority in the world on Swedenborg's affairs as an iron manufacturer. Writing in the Nya Kyrka Tidningar, Mr. Lindh says: (1927:100)

"Ever since the beginning, Brita Behm had a series of

lawsuits with Swedenborg, evidently with a view of

maneuvering him out of Axmar, that she herself may become the

sole owner of the property. Herein also she succeeded after

many years of conflict filled with vexations and annoyances

from her side. Most of the documents in these lawsuits are

preserved in the Svea Hofrtt's Archives. But to enter here

into any account of the contents of these great

289

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 290

[1724
November

bundles filling many hundreds of pages, would serve no

purpose, and the less so, inasmuch as a careful reading

through them gives no light of any value for the judging of

Swedenborg's financial position."

We do not propose to go extensively into these law cases, but since we are not limited, like Herr Lindh, to a study of Swedenborg's financial position, we propose to say something further about them in order to present this side of Swedenborg's character. As to this character, Herr Lindh writes:

"On Swedenborg's side, the documents which were sent in

are written in an elegant and easy style and conclude in a

courteous and polite tone. The writings signed by Brita

Behm, on the other hand, contain in many cases gross abuse

and attacks, both against the Judge in the County Court where

the case first came up, and against County Governor

Stiernmark and against her opponent Swedenborg. And,

therefore, both these [latter] gentlemen requested to be told

the name of the agent who set up Brita Behm's letters in

order to fasten responsibility for the abusive manner of

writing, but without result."

(NKTid., 1927:100; see LM, p. 390)

Lindbohm's letter of November 1, 1724, informed Swedenborg

that the "Fru Professorska, in the presence of Major

Schönström" [Swedenborg's cousin], had told him through her

servant Wahlstrm that Ashe will by no means" use the

smelting furnace together with Swedenborg, "although all

these days I have just as good materials as she, and already

have my ore ready roasted for this purpose; and as her action

is quite opposed to the mining ordinance and all custom," he

therefore begs Swedenborg to get the College of Mines to

order the local Master of Mines to assist him, "that I may do

my smelting in proportion, so that I do not have to heat the

furnace later; otherwise, both coal and the other materials

must be fruitless and smelted away. For me, this is very

important in order that I may get my iron to the forge."

(ACSD 378B)

On receiving this news, which, in view of the great expense he had been under in building the new furnace, was, to say the least, disconcerting, on November 3rd, Swedenborg wrote a friendly letter of expostulation to his aunt, which we now present as illustrating the courtesy which Herr Lindh states runs through all his letters in this process: (ACSD 379A; LM., p. 346)

"Well-born Fru Professorska

Highly honored Aunt Moster:

"Two days ago I arrived here in Stockholm from working on the

Commission in rebro. On my arrival, I learned that my aunt

is now in Axmar. I regret I had not the pleasure of

conferring orally with my aunt before she left, which

likewise I had hoped for, had not the Commission, against all

supposition, continued so long. I am writing today to Mons.

Lindbohm, instructing him to conform himself as follows: 1.

That the meadows be divided into five parts, and lots cast on

them. 2. That, as to the dividing of the Gran farm, this

remains as already decided by lot. 3. That the peasants on

the mortgaged arm be divided and likewise be shared by lot.

4. That he keeps the lower room for one peasant, according

to the proposal. 5. As concerns the division of the estate

of the Axmar works, and also the rooms in the house, my aunt

will be so kind as to leave this matter until I have the

honor to

290

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 291

[1724
November

confer about it orally.* 6. My aunt will please be so

gracious as to assist to her utmost Inspector Lindbohm in

recovering from Madam Berglind** my deposit; of this I have

the less doubt, since on my visit in Axmar, of this deposit I

have her nearly 2,000 dalers in cash for the building of the

furnace.

* These arrangements as to dividing the property were made in accordance with a promise made to Aunt Brita to arrange that he and she should have specific parts of the property instead of a one-fifth and four-fifths share in all (see ACSD 394:2).

** The widow of the former master of mines, Johan Bergklind, in Uppland, who had died in 1722 (Almquist, p. 170).

"I hope that all will come to a happy union and

settlement before my aunt leaves Axmar, and should anything

be opposed by Herr Lindbohm, my aunt will be so good as not

further to dispute on the matter but to note it down when, on

my aunt's arrival here, we will probably come to agreement;

for I have always perceived that my aunt never intends

anything but what is just and reasonable."

Whether Swedenborg's aunt answered this letter or not is unknown. At any rate, six days after writing it (November 9th), Swedenborg followed the suggestion of his inspector and entered a complaint with the Bergscollegium.

He wrote to the latter body as follows: (ACSD 381; LM., p. 347)

"Fru Professorska Brita Behm's servant at Axmar, a man

named Wahlstrm, wishes, on behalf it is said of his

principal, to deny Mons: Lindbohm, who is in charge of my

fifth ownership in the furnace which was lately built by us,

the right to blast in conjunction with him, with the

undoubted purpose that I, to my great damage and loss in coal

and iron, may then make a separate smelting or be caused

delay, as seen by a copy of the said Lindbohm's letter

enclosed herewith.

"Now, as I have the coal at hand, the roasted ore is

ready and the materials prepared, and no dispute ought or can

be raised concerning them nor concerning my ownership right

to a fifth, nor in respect to the furnace itself, that I for

my part contributed to its building more than my share and

not less; therefore, I am compelled humbly to inform your

Excellency and the Royal College respecting the servant

Wahlstrm's unreasonable behavior in this matter; this is

against the many times repeated regulations made by the Royal

College in the mining districts, and also against the custom

which obtains everywhere where there are works with part

owners, and in reality against the interests of his

principal, the above-mentioned lady, as well as against mine,

which are bound up with hers. So, if one of the interested

parties, acting according to his own good pleasure and from a

caprice which is opposed to the understanding itself, is not

willing to tolerate any joint use of the work with the other,

but blasts separately for himself, then the furnace must be

heated up many times, and, as a consequence, coal be burned

in useless quantity and the woods belonging to the works be

ruined without the due effect, and the production of iron in

proportion to the quantity of coal used be diminished."

291

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 292

[1724
December

Swedenborg therefore requests the College to order the local Bergmstare

"to assist my servant when he claims protection herein, by

letting the above-mentioned Wahlstrm be advised concerning

the advantage which a joint smelting carries with it, and of

how smelting work ought to be conducted in the usual way, in

case he did not know this beforehand; and also that he should

not, by reason of caprice and self-will, do injury to the

woods, the works, and the smelting. This is so much the more

important for me, since all is ready for the work, and the

smelting will soon commence."

Swedenborg finally asks that Wahlstrm be restrained from commencing the blasting until the College of Mines has made its decision.

This Memorial was considered by the College on the same day, and word was sent to the Bergmstare at Axmar to demand an explanation of Wahlstrm. A copy of Swedenborg's letter accompanied the letter.

Wahlstrm's answer was received by the College of December 22nd, wherein he complains that Swedenborg has directed his complaint to him, and not to his principal; who doubtless will be allowed to give her own answer. He also complains that Swedenborg is acting as principal in the complaint, when yet his servant is the cause of all the trouble.

"That from all my heart I have desired and with prayers have

requested that I might be spared from having anything in

common with the Herr Assessor's servant at these works, this

I do not deny. I am daily confirmed in the same thought."

(ACSD 385)

As an Assessor, Swedenborg, of course, saw the letter as soon as it arrived, and on the next day, December 23rd, he hands in his answer. Referring to Wahlstrm's statement that he acted by order of Fru Behm, Swedenborg says:

"That such was Fru Professorska's order and intention, I am

unable to credit, for it is wholly opposed to justice."

He therefore requests that his two letters be sent to Fru Behm, in order to ascertain

"what gave rise to so unjust a proposal. But since the

blasting must soon commence, and it may be that, contrary to

all justice and in opposition to the Resolution of the Royal

College and the Bergmstare's orders in pursuance thereof,

bookkeeper Wahlstrm will still attempt alone to carry on the

blasting in the furnace before the explanation of this point

can arrive and a conclusion be reached in the Royal College -

therefore, in the event that such should be the case, I claim

for my own account and to the utmost of my power, all

replacement of compensation for the ore and coal which I

should lose in such case by instituting a separate blasting,

and also for the loss entailed thereby at the forge;

especially since, if this should be done, it would be in

contempt of all the Resolutions which the Royal College has

been pleased to make." (ACSD 386; LM., p. 351)

Swedenborg's request was complied with, and his two letters were sent to Fru Behm with instructions to answer within eight days or pay a fine of ten dalers s. m. (L1 15s.). But Fru Behm, in view of the Christmas festivals which in Sweden at that time extended to December 28th, begs for eight days more. This was granted, and on January 9th, the last day of the extended period, she handed in a lengthy answer to Swedenborg. (ACSD 392)

Right in the beginning of her letter, she indicates some

antipathy to Swedenborg, and also gives us what is perhaps

the

291a
[1724
December

key to her character - a person with so strict a sense of

justice and so great a lack of tact that when he thinks

himself to be most in the right, he finds to his great

surprise that he is the more accused of injustice.

"When I wish the most to avoid occasions for quarrels,"

she writes, "the more certainly I am drawn into them." And

then she adds: "Yet I have been able to anticipate little

else since it has come to me to have anything in common with

the aforementioned Herr Swedenborg in the Axmar works."

She asks why Swedenborg did not inform himself of the

cause of the trouble, especially from his cousin Peter

Schönström who knew both sides of the case having lived in

Axmar at the time; and why he did not keep his promise to

settle matters with her personally after she returned to

Stockholm.

She defends her action in Axmar on the ground of

Lindbohm's character. "The Herr Assessor knows in his

conscience," she writes, "that in Lindbohm he has a servant

with whom none who know him will willingly have any

dealings." Swedenborg cannot be unaware of how quarrelsome

and captious he is, even in trivial matters. During her last

visit at Axmar, she had seen him knock her servant over

"almost in my own room," and Schönström had been obliged to

lock him in a room, otherwise Awe should never had come to

agreement so satisfactorily and quickly as we did." She has

no time to submit proofs, but appeals to the civil

authorities in Axmar who are only too well acquainted with

the lawless character of the man and his abusive language,

even on the Sabbath and in the church grounds, for which he

had been recently fined 400 dal. k. mt. More especially, he

attacks the workmen at Axmar. "If now I try to avoid such a

man, and leave him all reasonable advantages apart and by

himself, especially in view of my servant's lamentations who,

in part, express their desire to leave because of him, and,

in part, compare it to a Marstrand work, to have any work to

be carried on with him. Now they swear that they see nothing

else than that some day there will be murder," etc.

Swedenborg "not only finds no remedy for this state of

affairs, but what is more, avails himself of the curious mind

of such an underling, gives him a warrant and instructions

whereby he gets freer scope for calling everything into

question according to his own pleasure, not as an attorney or

servant but as his own master, right against or parallel with

the orders of his principal." And for all this, Swedenborg

gives no other counsel than to refrain from opposition and to

leave the matter for another time and place, "replying on the

Herr Assessor's reasonable and speedy conclusion and

decision; and when in simplicity and trust I rely on this, I

find that the effect is such as it is today; that the

Assessor and his servant Lindbohm, instead of getting one-

fifth share in the works, have had three-fifths of the works'

profits, ever since Michaelmas, and keep my servants from

what belongs to me, under the pretext that the division is

not yet settled."

She then calls upon Swedenborg to mention any

regulations which prevent separate smeltings by partners; if

such regulations exist, they contemplate peaceful men such as

Lindbohm is not.

292

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 293

[1724-25
Dec.-January

Moreover, she instances the case of herself and the

Schönströms who smelt separately in one furnace without any

trouble.

She had offered Lindbohm the alternatives: 1. To take

the first or second smelting, and she would take the other;

or, if he thinks his separate smelting too costly, she to

contribute four-fifths to this cost if he will give one-fifth

to the cost of her smelting.

If some better arrangement can be suggested, Fru Behm

would readily agree to it, "provided only his servants and

mine be separated." (ACSD 394)

This was handed into the College of Mines on January 9th, and four days later, Swedenborg submits his reply:

"The College will note," he says "how far Fru Behm

touches on the main matter. There is a complete description

of the servant Lindbohm. The lady is careful also to mix

something which concerns my conduct; and I see also that the

lady has been pleased to express with her pen all that

suspicion could offer her. But what has Lindbohm's personal

character to do with this matter? Why so many

circumlocutions, digressions, and stories on all other

matters, when the question concerns only the matter of

blasting? No one who has any understanding can think that a

matter is won by blaming the person. This in itself is

unbecoming and is a procedure already banished from the

honorable world. One can well see what is white, even though

another will mark some black strokes on it. A judge does not

traverse all the byways whither he is meant to be led by

partisanship. Sometimes judges regard such procedure as a

crime against the process, and punish it with a fine of 10

dal. s. mt., in accordance with the 1695 order of procedure.

"In what would it help my matter if I were to

reciprocate the unjust charges here made; for example, if in

this Memorial wherein the subject should concern blasting, I

wished to bring forward how that all the fair proposals for

division which, at the lady's request and advice, I drew up

last summer for the preservation of unity at Axmar, were

disapproved. As to how this came about, another will likely

know better than I; my letters would show that I have always

sought and still seek unity, and these letters the lady will

be so kind as to exhibit according to her promise. One

writing, consisting of ten points with some threat at the

end, was delivered into my hands, whereto I answered in

writing and agreed with almost all that was demanded. But

because I, with all possible courtesy, submitted to the

lady's mature consideration one or two others, it seemed as

if I became a subject for suspicion and enmity. If I now

assented to all the points without reservation, and granted

more in addition, then I would be in friendship. But in

return for my courteous answer, a letter comes back with

expressions such as I would not expect of so righteous a

lady. If I do not answer to every single point, then at once

it is thought something lies behind it. Thus, if the lady

proposes to share with me the stock which I have with

peasants in Moo and Srsta parishes, eighteen to thirty miles

from Axmar, and which in no way whatever belong to the Axmar

works and I give no answer thereto, as stated, then at once

it is thought that I am taking to myself an

293

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 294

[1725
January

improper advantage in respect to my one-fifth share, which is

spoken of in the writing; if I answer and refuse it, then it

is pretended that I am unwilling to be at one with her. But

outside of this, I have much cause to praise Fru

Professorska, who in all things is ready and willing to do

what is just and to come to an agreement; but -

"As concerns the servant Lindbohm, if he makes a stand

on the rights of his principal, this, in the minds of the

other servants, is thought to be unjust. The Lindbohm who is

referred to, is sixty years old, a man of good understanding,

experienced in mining work from childhood, a bookkeeper of

good ability in the management of furnaces and forges. He

is, indeed, somewhat zealous against those who will do him

harm. He has been with Assessor Schönström* for a long time

and understood all his works to the late Assessor's

satisfaction; was for a long time with the lady herself at

Longwind,** and, according, to her own expression, kept

correct accounts. He managed the one-sixth part of Longwind

for the Herrar Schönström, and three-fifths in Axmar, and now

manages half of Longwind in common with Wahlstrm, the lady's

same servant. He is now complained against for the first

time; were he simple and gave way in everything, then he

would be praised; if he did something unjust as regards my

fifth, then one complains; for this there will certainly be

some remedy, yet no change shall be made in that wherein he

is right.

* He died in 1692.

** An ironworks some fifty miles north of Axmar.

"But all this which I have brought forward merely as an

example, what effect has it on the main question? can I

argue that my right to the blasting is justified thereby?

Therefore, I will now put such matters aside, especially

since I have made this digression for no other purpose than

to overtake the one who went so far aside in his letter, and

to lead him by hand back to the thing itself and the main

matter.

"And now as concerns this thing, the Fru Professorska

wishes to show a regulation that the work should be done

together. There are innumerable precedents on this matter,

likewise College orders which ought to guide us in such a

matter as well as regulations. But why should a regulation

be made concerning that which sound reason dictates? Shall

the law expressly say that one must blast together if this is

to the advantage both to the one party and to the other? for,

if the contrary is done, one loses a great part of his store.

But here there is a difference in that, while the lady loses

one part, I lose four, as should be quite clear for its own

reasons. Shall the law command that one must not throw his

iron into the lake? or burn up his coal for foolish objects?

If the understanding is clear, it knows this of itself. I am

looking out not only for my own interests but equally for the

lady's - I hope the party understands this. Has a private

person leave to handle the economy as he wills? A College is

established which has oversight on such matters, and in such

cases as these, it acts as guardian, and acts to see that the

general welfare shall not be injured by bad private

management, and that in such case rein and bridle are put

upon self will.

294

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 295

[1725
January

"In the mining district, when there are twenty or thirty

parties interested in a smelting works and many of them very

disunited, so far as I know there has never been any

complaint as to the proprietorship and participation; in

this, such firm rules are observed that the one could not say

he had lost on the other a single piece of coal and bit of

ore. There are a hundred examples where one of the parties

has offered to become the proprietor, but as yet, since the

mining regulations have come out, not a single case can be

brought forward of any one refusing a joint smelting; and

should I mention such a thing to a miner, he would deem it as

the most absurd thing he had heard in all his days.

"And now, as I note that the matter and rules in regard

to joint operations are unknown, therefore, for the

information of the servants, I may be permitted to present

them herewith:

"1. A lot shall be cast as to who should blast, first or last, the one on whom the lot falls, to blast first or last.

"2. In the first twelve days, while the furnace is being heated, each shall contribute coal and ore in the proportion of his share in the furnace. If the lady contributes four portions of ore and coal, then I will contribute one, and this will be continued until the furnace is heated, and all is added that is needed, which generally is in about twelve days.

"3. While these twelve days of joint smelting are going on, all the iron that comes out is divided, the lady receiving four parts and I one.

"4. After this is done, the first who got the lot to blast first does his blasting, and this so long as his coal or ore last.

"5. When the coal is finished, the other makes eleven or twelve deposits according to the size of the furnace, or as he desires, and meanwhile the one who blasted first gets the runnings that come out during this time.

"6. Then the other comes in and blasts his store, without the one being said to have anything in common with the other.

"But the Fru Professorska is of the opinion that she has

done all when she offered the servant (which yet has hitherto

been unknown to me - perhaps it was done after my humble

supplique had been handed in) the choice of blasting first or

last; if last, that I, in such case, contribute one part of

coal for the first blasting while the lady contributes four

parts. Is not this a joint blasting; the only thing which is

in common consists in fact in this. The lady offers me to

blast afterwards, being willing to contribute four parts of

the coal for the heating. If the lady then requires that the

iron remaining therefrom shall be divided in the same

proportion, then the blasting is a joint one; in this

consists all that can be called joint in a blasting, for then

each blast for himself, and the one can commence when the

other finishes. But in what way will two heatings serve the

matter? or two joint blastings? one joint blasting is

rejected, but two are proposed and favored. This last

proposition the Fru Professorska is pleased to make, namely,

that she contributes four parts of coal when the furnace is

being heated for me, and I contribute one-fifth of the coal

when the heating is done for the first blasting. This I

accept with all respect and thankfulness. I desire only that

he lady will please lay out all the details belonging

thereto, and then on my side consent will follow.

295

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 296

[1725
January

On January 19th, Aunt Brita entered a sharp reply. The

looseness of Swedenborg's answer, she says, may suggest why

all her conferences with him have been fruitless. After

stating that the specific question is, for what reason a

joint smelting with Lindbohm should be refused, she continued

that she had given that reason and supported it by

Schönström's testimony, by an appeal to Swedenborg's

conscience, and by a court action against Lindbohm. All

Swedenborg answers is that persons have nothing to do with

the matter. She was inclined to leave the matter as it was

to the judgment of the College, but knowing the assessor is

pursuing the same tactics as he used with her last summer,

she will examine his points more closely.

It is not against honor to seek a judge's help against

unruly men, and one must do this with just that proof which

the Assessor says is attacking persons, acting against honor,

etc. Yet he himself does not hesitate to accuse Wahlstrm of

caprice and self-will; the difference is that in the one case

proofs are offered, in the other, it is unproved assertions;

and she asks the College to protect her from this.

From his "manifold digressions," Fru Behm gathers "this

to my advantage," namely, that the Assessor cannot name any

regulation forbidding separate smeltings; he merely

ventilates his own objections:

1. By appealing to reason, "which the Assessor somewhat cavalierly deduces from self-interest or profit." But if the rules of reason depend on self-interest or profit." But if the rules of reason depend on self-interest, then each one must judge for himself to set up rules for my interest, I may ask by what warrant he does this. I am the person best qualified to judge of my own interests, and in the present case would readily put that interest back into the fire for the sake of being delivered from the disturbances of neighbors."

2. He appeals to one's obligation not to destroy his own goods. "The resolution I have reached to spend some measures of coal for the Assessor's private use belongs to the exceptions to this rule, namely, that one has leave to throw away much advantage and money for the sake of peace of mind; and of two evils, to choose the least." Here Brita Behm notes that Swedenborg does not deny the charges against Lindbohm's character, but indeed admits that "he is zealous against those who will do him harm, which confirms the charges." A new proof of these charges lies in the fact that though Brita Behm expressly offered him the proposals stated in her letter to Swedenborg, he did not so inform his principal in his letter of complaint, and this because he wished the latter to go to law.

She confirms these proposals, to contribute four-fifths

coal to Swedenborg's first blasting (if he chooses the first)

against his one-fifth to her blasting; she will even grant

more, and let the Assessor blast as long as he will, though

he is entitled to only one-fifth of the time. "My servant

asks every now and again to be separated from Lindbohm."

If this offer is against reason as the Assessor says,

then one wonders why Lindbohm, who, he says, is a man of good

understanding, accepted the same arrangement at Lngvind on

Schönström's behalf, and declared it practical.

296

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 297

[1725
February

Finally, Brita Behm gives a little dig at Swedenborg for having put a 9 ore stamp on only one instead of on the three sheets of his Memorial. (ACSD 396)

On February 4th, Swedenborg's and Brita Behm's letters were read at a meeting of the College of Mines - Swedenborg, of course, leaving the room when the reading began. The Assessors were of the opinion that joint smelting would be the best for all. But since the two servants could not be reconciled, they thought Brita Behm's suggestion - which Swedenborg had accepted - the most practical, with the provision that the one who blasts first shall leave the furnace hot, and get a proportion of the coal in compensation therefore. (ACSD 397)

After this conclusion, Rosenadler (acting for Brita Behm) and Swedenborg were called in and informed of the decision, to which both agreed; Swedenborg also said he would take the second blasting if guaranteed a warm furnace; a contract would be presented later for the approval of the College.

The matter, unfortunately, did not end here. When the decision was communicated to Wahlstrm, he accepted it but only with the provision that if Swedenborg took the second blasting, he must either pay one-fifth of the coal for the heating of the furnace, or receive the furnace cold. If Swedenborg agrees to this, there might be a written contract, otherwise, the case would have to go once more to the College of Mines.

Rosendler, on behalf of Aunt Brita, then applied to the College on February 25th for guidance. Count Bonde cited a similar case which had been before the College some twenty years earlier and suggested a similar settlement now, namely, the four-fifths owner to smelt for four weeks, and the one-fifth owner for one week in turn, each to leave a warm oven for the other. No decision was reached, as Swedenborg was not present. (ACSD 408A)

Soon afterwards, Aunt Brita submitted to Swedenborg a draft contract, providing that the respective parties shall contribute four-fifths and one-fifth to the heating of the furnace prior to each blasting; that after his separate blasting, the furnace shall be thoroughly emptied and cleaned and handed over cold; that each shall be allowed to finish his coal and ore even if out of proportion to their respective shares; but with the proviso that enough coal must be left to give the due share to the warming up of the furnace by the next following party; otherwise due compensation must be paid.

Dissatisfied with this, Swedenborg submitted to the College his own draft agreement. This provided that while the furnace was heating, each shall contribute his due proportion of coal and ore, and receive the same proportion of iron produced during this period. (ACSD 408C)

Then lots shall be cast as to who is to blast first; the blasting then to continue so long as this party has coal and ore; then, while the blasting is still going on, it is to be handed over to the second party. So that the one shall not injure the other by leaving the furnace in unfit condition, Lindbohm shall always blast last. But if Wahlstrm is responsible for leaving the furnace in bad condition, then compensation must be made.

All costs for preparing the furnace to be shared four-fifths and one-fifth.

This Draft was submitted to Wahlstrm, and he noted on it: "To this proposal, which is quite opposed to all I have asked, I cannot assent."

297

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 298

[1725
February

The matter came again before the College on March 1st, when all the documents were again read. Swedenborg and his brother-in-law Lars then retired.* Before retiring, however, Swedenborg was asked if he would agree to an arrangement like that made in 1705; to which he answered Ayes," if the draft contract was not accepted. (ACSD 409)

* This indicates that Lars Benzelstierna now represented Aunt Brita; for he had not retired on previous occasions when this matter was discussed in the College. And this again lends some color to the thought that it is he who is meant by the AB" who is said by Swedenborg to have "incited Brita Behm to bring a lawsuit in regard to Axmar" (Drommar, p. 72).

The result of the subsequent discussion was, that while it was the mining custom in all such cases to have joint smelting with a due sharing of the resultant iron, thus saving expense, yet, since the two servants could not work together, the College ordered that Fru Behm shall take the first blasting, including the heating of the furnace, this to continue so long as her coal and ore last out; Swedenborg is then at once to continue the blasting, with the advantage of a ready heated furnace. At the end of his blasting - the fifth (the first four being Behm's) - he is to leave the furnace in the same condition for Behm's next blasting. The particulars in other respects are left to them to determine.

As to the servants, a fine of 100 dal. sm. M. (,12 10s.) will be imposed if either molests the other "by word or deed" while the blasting is going on.

And so the matter was settled, and as to this question at least the joint owners of Axmar rested in peace.

In February he was appointed to carry out a commission, officially to examine and report on those machine models which had been produced by the Mechanical Laboratory established under Polhem in 1697, but completely defunct for nearly twenty years. It will be recalled that during his first foreign journey, his mind had been much occupied with mechanical inventions; and when, on his return to Sweden in 1715, he visited Stockholm in December of that year, almost his first work consisted in an examination of the models left by the Mechanical Laboratory and which were standing neglected and falling to ruin in the Bergscollegium building on Mount Torget. In examining these models in 1715, Swedenborg's object had been to write descriptions of such o them as he thought worthy of note for the Daedalus Hyperboreus. On that occasion, he wrote to Benzelius that the models "are perishing from time to time" (see above, pp. 95-96). And now, ten years later, probably at his own suggestion, he was to examine them officially.

He conducted his examination with two of the College's Auscultants or Apprentices as assistants, and on February 14th he sent his report to the College.

Whole models were missing, or parts of them, and those that

remained were constantly deteriorating owing to the bad

condition of the windows which allowed snow and rain to fall

on them. Before making a specific report, he asked for an

appropriation of 50 dal. s. m.

298

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 299

[1725
February

(about L6) to employ an artisan to assist in completing the

examination by making easy repairs and by specifying the

missing parts, and he further suggested that some of the

funds belonging to the Mechanical Laboratory may then be

appropriated to preserving the models and to buying tools so

that repairs may be made without the aid of workmen.

(ACSD 399)

The 50 dal. s. m. + 100 dal. s. m. was duly granted, and was used by Swedenborg in the way designed; but no report of his expenditure was made until March 1732. See ACSD 542ee. (Ib. 527e, 499e)

At the same time, he memorialized the College about another of Polhem's models - a famous hoisting machine - which was kept in a locked room, that it should be added to the rest of the collection so as to be of use to examiners. (Ibid., 400B)

In a third Memorial of the same data, after referring to the past interest of the King and the Bergscollegium to the establishment of a mechanical laboratory, he suggests the increase of the collection of models by the purchase of an air pump, "which would seem to be so much the more useful, because of such an air pump many hundreds of experiments can be shown in regard to weather, fire and water, and one can thereby acquire experience in much that pertains to physics." Among the existing models invented by Polhem

"are some whereby one can see the power and effects of water

under different conditions; also the gradation in pendulums,

and the rise and fall of bullets, besides other machines

useful for experiments in physics. And since mechanics and

physics are so nearly related that he one cannot do without

the other," these should now be added to by an air pump

"which would add lustre to all the other machines collected

in this room at such great cost."

He recommends the pump be purchased at about 1,000 dal. k. mt. (L28) from the English Hawksbee, as being the very best (see above, p. 48). (ACSD 400)

These Memorials were considered by the College on the following day, February 15th, and Swedenborg was granted 50 dal. s. mt. As requested. The second of Swedenborg's requests was granted with regard to the air pump; the College, after ascertaining that it possessed funds for the Mechanical Laboratory, on February 17th voted 1,000 dal. k. mt. For its purchase by Swedenborg.

In the purchase of this air pump, Swedenborg made use of his friend of London days, Jonas Alstrm, who was then just beginning that career which brought such brilliant success to himself and such benefit to Sweden.

Alstrm had left England, having during a sojourn of

seventeen years become a wealthy man, and after travelling in

France arrived in Sweden in 1724 and took steps to establish

his afterwards famous manufacturing works at his birthplace

Alingss near Gothenburg. He had received valuable

privileges from the government, but his wealth was not

sufficient for the extensive work he contemplated.

Therefore, early in 1725, he secured the support of some

wealthy men in Christinehamn on Lake Venner, and in February

formed a company with shares at 100 dal. s. m. It was

probably in connection with his visit to Christinehamn and

the sale of these shares that he visited Bishop Swedberg at

Brunsbo on February 26th.*

(SBL; Malm. 2:92; see Dalin, s. 24)

* As one of the leading members of the Swedish church in London, Alstrm would naturally wish to visit his Bishop and the father of his London friend, Emanuel.

299

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 300

[1725
February

We learn of this visit from a letter written on that date by Jesper Swedenborg to his brother Emanuel:

"Today Herr Alstrm was here, and then left for Stockholm.

He has a great desire to get an opportunity of talking with

dear brother. He would much like dear brother to journey

with him to England, when he would show dear brother much

which would be highly important and useful for the

Fatherland. He has done great things here at Alingss; has

had such machines made, the like of which are not to be found

in all Europe. Either he will be a very rich man or very

poor." (Doc. I:342)

It was to Alstrm that Swedenborg turned in his purchase of the air pump, the purchase being effected by Alstrm's sister Mary who was in charge of his London business, and the money paid to him in Stockholm, after the safe arrival of the pump which "was shipped by the grace of God in good order." And then there was trouble with customs, for which 300 dal. k. mt. (over L8) was demanded. On May 27th, Swedenborg wrote a Memorial to the College of Mines, to petition for free entry, or that the Crown pay the duty, since the pump is for the public service; and, meanwhile, that guarantees be furnished so that the box can be removed to the AMechanical Laboratory"; for where it is now, being constantly shifted, it is liable to injury. Presumably this was done. (ACSD 410(1), 411)

Swedenborg had not quite finished his trouble as to his seat in the Bergscollegium. It will be remembered he had stipulated that he should have precedence after his brother-in-law Lars Benzelstierna. At that time, Swedenborg was appointed a regular Assessor, and in July 1724 it was generally supposed there were only five Assessors including Swedenborg. But in June 1725, Swedenborg's stepbrother, Anders Swab, who was also his brother-in-law having married the widow of his younger brother Eliezer, applied to the Bergscollegium to be recognized an Assessor as of date 1716, and so the second Assessor in point of precedence. He supported his claim by the fact that whenever he had been in Stockholm, he had always sat at the Assessors' meetings, taking precedence of Assessor Bergenstierna. This, of course, meant a step backward for the three Assessors who had been appointed after 1716, namely, Bergenstierna, Lars Benzelstierna and Swedenborg. (Ib. 442, 444)

Swab's application to the King was referred to the College of Mines which in turn officially communicated it to the three Assessors who would be affected, and this at their own request. Each of these Assessors answered by a petition of protest addressed to the King. In his petition, which he wrote early in July, Swedenborg protested that although Swab had been appointed Assessor in 1716, the warrant shows that it was merely a complimentary appointment; moreover, since 1714 he had been Bergmstare in the copper district without interruption, and a man cannot serve two offices simultaneously, especially when one is subordinate to the other, "so that he would be one of those whose orders he must obey." (ACSD 442, 422aa, 420a, 442, 420)

In the interim, Swab requested from the College copies of these protests, but though this was refused, he was permitted to read them. (Ib., 422aa)

As a consequence, in October he addressed a second petition to the King, advancing new points in answer to the protests; and in December this was followed by a second petition by Swedenborg, wherein, among other things, he called attention to the royal ordinance of 1723 where a distinction was made between those who are taken into the College, and those who actually work in the College. (Ib. 426, 442a)

300

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 301

[1725
June-Oct.

All these had been given in to the College of Mines for transmission to the King who had asked counsel of the College concerning Swab's original application. The matter was not of pressing importance as it did not involve any immediate benefit to any of the parties concerned. This seems to have been the attitude of the members of the College who were not directly concerned. At any rate, until the correspondence between the contestants was finished, eleven months after Swab's original petition had been handed in, it had not yet been transmitted to the King.

The two Councillors of the College and its senior Assessor, none of whom was involved in the dispute, met together finally to dispose of the matter by formulating their advice to the King, on May 4, 1726. All the documents in this case were read - which took up an entire morning session - and, finally, in the afternoon the conclusion was reached that since the matter concerned the King's own interpretation of Swab's warrant of appointment, and his understanding as to how far the royal ordinance of 1723 applied in this case, it was resolved to send the whole correspondence to the King without recommendation. A few days later, on May 17th, the King, sitting in Council, give his decision in favor of Swab. And so the matter ended. (ACSD 444)

Swedenborg does not seem to have done any literary work during 1724 and 1725 except the "mineral collections" on which he proposed working further in July (see above, p. 280); but we have no trace of any further work in this direction during 1724 or 1725. Indeed, he could not have had much time for literary work. The only thing we know of in this field is that in August 1724 he promised to contribute an article "for the adornment of the Acta Literaria," but in none of the issues put forth after this date is there anything by him, or even any mention of his name. (OQ. 1:316 = LM., p. 344)

In July 1725 he did work out some calculations, for on the thirteenth of that month, Benzelius writes:

"A good friend has translated my Brother's Calculation of the

well-known funeral mound so that it may appear in the Acta.

He has made the calculation based on a conical figure, though

dear Brother's was based on an oval." (Ibid. = LM. p. 382)

What the reference is, is clear from the Bokwets Gille, from which it is seen that the funeral mound in question was at Markim, some 18 miles north of Stockholm. (Bok. G. Prot., p. 121)

At the end of May 1725, Swedenborg had been appointed to replace Assessor Adam Leijel, who was sick, on a Commission consisting of Leijel and Bergenstierna, who had been at work since 1721 in the effort to bring about more economical methods in the iron smelting and forges of Vermland. (ACSD 414, 416)

During the preceding summer (1724), the Commission had assembled the various ironworks in the region of Philipstad with a view to combining forges and furnaces for the saving of the woods and because of other economies. On this occasion most of the parties concerned had consented; but, in a written opinion most of the parties concerned had consented; but, in a written opinion handed in to the College on May 14, 1725, Bergenstierna and Swedenborg had recommended further discussion of the question with the miners in order to avoid undue haste. Another recommendation which they made at the same time evinces considerable prudence. In the town of Philipstad, many smelting houses had been built between the houses, with the great risk of fire. These could not well be moved for they had originally moved to Philipstad some years before by order of the College and at much expense to themselves. The recommendation was that they be allowed to remain, but as soon as they were unfit for use, they must not be rebuilt. (ACSD 410F)

301

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 302

[1725
Sept.-October

Swedenborg and Bergenstierna left Stockholm for Wermland toward the end of July, and were busily occupied in interviewing the ironworks and arranging for the projected mergers. Finally, after notices had been announced from all the pulpits of Philipstad and the surrounding villages, on September 6th the ironworks assembled at Philipstad where one by one they appeared before the commission and were questioned as to their willingness to combine their works with others and with what others. (ACSD 410F)

Toward the end of September, the Commission left Philipstad for Nya Kopperberg some forty to fifty miles northwest, to investigate into some complains against the master machinist and the crown bailiff. Both these officials were appointees of the Bergscollegium, and it devolved on Bergenstierna and Swedenborg to investigate the complaints against them. They opened the hearing of the accused men on September 23rd, but it was evidently a clear case of guilt for on September 27th both men resigned, the master machinist doing this in a letter to the Commission, dated September 27th, whose language indicates his character: "God beware," he says, "that I should ever have the least thing to do with this mining district." (ACSD 425A)

There remained the appointment of new officers, but this was deferred for a later visit.

On their return to Philipstad, the Commission found a memorial addressed to them by the iron workers of that city complaining of various abuses by the mine workers of Persberg where they obtained their ore.

Accordingly, on their return journey to Nya Kopparberg early in October, they stopped over at the old and rich Persberg mines to investigate these complaints, to the effect that the Persberg miners had raised the price of ore from 4-2 to 6 or even 9 dal. k. mt.; that they demanded in payment hay, rye, or articles of food at their pleasure, and that the richer miners refused koppar money and would take only silver. This complain was accompanied with a request that the Commissioners would consider a proposal that these mines be regulated by the Mining District Board with a central office where all ores will be brought for sale under supervision of the Board; and with charge of seeing that the mines are worked to the best advantage. (ACSD 436app., 436)

On the visit to Persberg, Swedenborg and Benzelstierna descended into each of the five mines, one of them two hundred and forty feet deep, and found all in good condition except one, which, owing to the heavy rains, had several fathoms of water.

After this survey, the Commission, on October 10th, called a meeting of the mine owners, and after reading the bills of complaints, asked them if

"it was true that, against the Resolutions, prohibition, and

proclamation of the Philipstad master of mines, they had

resisted in so wilful a way, to the harm and injury of the

mining district" as to raise the price of ore and to refuse

copper money, etc. "They should know and keep in mind that

the mines belong to the mining district and not to them, and

it was not proper that the district would suffer at their

hand so harmful and ruinous a compulsion, but it would likely

itself work the mines, and make some other arrangement as to

them." (ACSD 436app.)

302

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 303

[1725
October

The miners then explained that the miners were now very

deep and hard to work, the work being made more difficult by

water; moreover, wood was very dear. Their costs were,

therefore, higher than formerly and fully justified a change

of 6 dal. k. mt. A tunna. They had never charged more nor

demanded goods in return for ore, or refused to receive

copper money.

The Commissioners then stated they would look further

into the matter. Meanwhile, they again warned the miners

that they might render themselves subject to being put out of

their mines.

The Commission concluded that the increased cost of

procuring the ore did justify some increase in its sale

price; but it is not reasonable that the miners "who cannot

be considered in any other light than as servants of the

mining district who have been set in occupation under certain

conditions to work the mines, should act as they have; for

the increased cost of ore can but tend to destroy the iron

industry of the region and deprive the crown of its royalties

therefrom. They therefore recommended that the Philipstad

Bergmstare carry on an investigation to fix a fair price for

the ore; also that he inquire into the practicability of the

district establishing a central office for the sale of the

ore, etc., and then report.

The Philipstad iron workers had also complained to the

Commission that the miners cheated them in the matter of

weights, and, moreover, instead of selling the ore as it came

from the mines, gave the small pieces which were richer in

ore to those whom they favored, and the large lumps to the

others. The Commission therefore recommended the

establishment of a public weighing machine and that each

purchaser receive the big lumps of ore and the finer in a

certain proportion per measure. All these recommendations

were subsequently adopted by the Bergscollegium.

Having finished the work at Persberg, the Commission

proceeded to Nya Kopparberg where they took up the matter of

appointments. The candidate for master machinist was not a

competent man, but then "the salary is so small" that one can

hardly live on it, and the necessity of appointment some one

is imperative and, in case of emergency, an experienced man

could be consulted. The Commission found the candidate a

good and energetic man who has the opportunity of learning

more of his business from his father-in-law; moreover, he had

the commendation of the mining district. He was therefore

appointed subject to approval. See further business in ACSD

576. (ACSD 425)

The same was done in the case of the candidate for crown

bailiff, who was found to be a suitable man for the office,

and fulfilled the condition that he was neither a miner nor

had any share in a mine.

These appointments were subsequently confirmed by the

Bergscollegium. (ACSD 425B)

303

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 304

[1725
October

Swedenborg left Philipstad and arrived in Stockholm on October 26th. He was not in Stockholm more than one or two weeks before he found himself a party to suit which his Aunt Brita had entered against him in the Swea Hofrtt. See Documents 3:749. (ACSD 425C)

The matter of the furnace and the smelting had been settled on March 1st, as already related; but this did not meet all Aunt Brita's wishes. She wished to be entirely separated from Swedenborg in the whole of the extensive Behm inheritance. Part of the property had already been apportioned by an agreement between herself and Swedenborg, but the Axmar property itself was still unapportioned.

The matter had been in dispute for some time, in fact, ever since May 1724 when Aunt Brita acquired her four-fifths ownership of the inheritance. On November 3, 1724, Swedenborg had written to Aunt Brita (see above, p. 289) making certain proposals for a division by lot, and suggesting that the division of Axmar itself be settled at a personal conference. (ACSD 424A: LM. p. 346)

Presumably the matter was settled by lot as regards nearly all but the Axmar property, but the latter still remained a bone of contention. Early in December - a month after Swedenborg had begun his action in regard to the furnace - he received a letter from Aunt Brita containing, under 10 heads, a detailed proposition for the division of Axmar property, including a proposal that Swedenborg should include in this division deposits which he had with some farmers in Vroo and Srsta some 20 to 30 miles from Axmar. Her tenth proposition, according to Swedenborg, contained "some threat." (ACSD 415A pp. 2-3, 395 p. 2, 415A p. 3; LM., p. 349)

In his answer, dated December 12th, Swedenborg accepted "almost all" the points suggested by Aunt Brita, and courteously submitted "one or two things" for her approval. To this he received an answer of which he says that it contained "expressions which I did not expect of so just a lady." But then Aunt Brita was right in the midst of her task of answering the summons of the Bergscollegium regarding the furnace. (ACSD 395 p. 2; LM. p. 349)

With this, the matter rested until after the dispute about the furnace was decided by the Bergscollegium. This was finally done on March 1st, as already noted. Five weeks later, on April 17, 1725, Aunt Brita entered suit in the local court, praying that Swedenborg be summoned by the court to show cause why he should not at once enter upon the division of the property; and why he should not pay Aunt Brita compensation because he had been enjoying more than his one-fifth share, and also pay the expenses to which she had been subjected due to his delay. (ACSD 415A; LM., p. 374)

The summons was duly served on Swedenborg, who was then in Stockholm, and he was required to appear before the court in June.

The case was taken up on June 10th, when Swedenborg, by his agent Lindbohm, presented a letter to the court. He (Swedenborg) states that the most important part of the Axmar property had already been apportioned by the casting of lots. "The meadows, fields, hop gardens, horses, tools, workmen, stores, etc.," still remain unapportioned from no fault on his part; in support whereof he enclosed his letter to Aunt Brita of December 12th last, wherein he had accepted nearly all her conditions. He also shows by an attested document that on April 19th, his Agent Lindbohm had proposed a division by lot of the cabbage patches and kitchen gardens. (LM., p. 374)

304

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 305

[1725
October

He then continues that in view of what he had written, the

summons which called on him to see to the dividing of the

Axmar property was of too general a nature, since, as shown,

part of it had already been divided. He requests, therefore,

that he enjoy the legal benefit of a summons from which he

can learn specifically to what he must answer, whether it

concerns the exchange of the forge, the Gran property with

its many important divisions, or the distribution of

something else. For he does not know what is intended,

whether the meaning is that he shall provide himself against

whatever shall run through the lady's thoughts with respect

to the division, or that what has already been divided is to

be undone; or that what he has stated in respect to one thing

or another is not to be accepted; or whether the case is one

which belongs to another court; or whether something else

which he cannot guess at. For he is entirely ignorant as to

what the specific complaint is.

He did find one specific thing aimed at in the summons,

namely, the dividing of the house. But since, reckoning

according to the cost of the building, this would not be of

greater rent value than 3 dal. k. mt. For half a year. In

this house Lindbohm occupies three rooms, the others being

occupied by Wahlstrm. His one-fifth part entitles him to

two rooms and a part of a third room. Lindbohm, therefore,

occupies a little more than his share, and for this, interest

would be paid. The lady, however, could not lay any claim to

this since he had never refused a partition of the property,

and until this division is made, the lady cannot deny him the

use of the room. (LM., pp. 375-76)

He therefore requests a reconsideration of the illegal and

false charges, and the sum of 184.16 dal. k. mt. For

expenses; as per account enclosed. (Ibid., p. 376)

Meanwhile, he repeats his assertion that before he be

obligated to answer to any matter, he shall be summoned in

specific terms, and that the general citation served on him

shall be voided. (Ibid.)

The court ruled that before any further steps could be taken,

the specifications requested by Swedenborg must be supplied.

(Ibid.)

Brita Behm was accordingly summoned to supply these, at which

she is extremely indignant. Nevertheless, on July 22nd, she

supplies them, and from her list we learn that the portion of

the Axmar property still undivided consisted in the eleven-

room house on the estate besides seven other houses

elsewhere, a brew house, stables, barns, three toolsheds,

five workshops, grain house, tract of woods, two meadows, two

kitchen gardens, three cabbage patches; four horse paddocks;

two mills; and various fishing waters.

See ACSD 458(1), 462A. (LM., p. 383)

The court sent Aunt Brita's list to Swedenborg, together with

a new summons commanding his appearance at the winter court

which opened on October 26th. (Ibid.)

Swedenborg was in Wermland when he received this summons, and was too fully occupied to give any thought to the Axmar division. Therefore, on October 13th, he wrote to the district court begging to be excused from

305

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 306

[1725
November

obeying the summons because of his urgent business on an official commission, and, moreover, because his case would require the production of letters and other documents which were then in Stockholm. He encloses also a sworn attestation by Bergenstierna and another, that he was engaged on a Royal Commission. (ACSD 324A; LM., p. 384)

When the court met in October, Swedenborg's request was granted and the matter was further postponed. This aroused Aunt Brita to the utmost degree. She despaired of any relief from the district court and therefore on November 16, 1725, she appeals to the Swea Hoftrtt in Stockholm. (ACSD 424A; LM., p. 385)

Her appeal is a bulky document fortified with many

appendices. Here she complains that she has been rendered so

helpless, both by her opponent and by the undercourt, that

there is no way open to her save by an appeal. (Ibid.)

Ever since she had been associated with Swedenborg in the

Axmar property, she saw she would have no peace. She

complains of Lindbohm's conduct, and says that all her

prayers to Swedenborg had produced no other effect than that

"by his words and promises, now I was enticed up to Axmar,

there, at the time appointed, to complete the division

between us, now was called back to Stockholm, and meanwhile

his servant was making use of my possessions and, instead of

enjoying his one-fifth part in the house, sat there and

enjoyed part of my four-fifths," with the resultant fear of

personal violence whenever he was reminded of his

encroachments. (Ibid.)

The Bergscollegium had freed her from participation in the

smelting, but for the division of the property she had

compelled to go to the district court. Here, her opponent

had escaped by a pretext, and the court by its judgment had

made her effort vain.

Here she expresses her indignation at being called on by the

court to specify the property to be divided. Many fascicles

of paper, she says, could be filled merely with a list of the

contents of the house on an estate, let alone of the whole

estate. Despite this, however, she had made the

specification, and thus all her trouble was rendered useless

by the court's decision.

At the first hearing, her opponent had sated: 1. That part of

the property had been divided; and, 2. that in the division,

something might be demanded which belonged to another court.

Poor defences both; for it but needed to divide what

remained; and if anything belonged to another court, it could

go there.

She had supplied the required specifications, numbering almost forty titles, and however difficult a work this was, "yet I feared that I had forgotten something which my opponent would not have neglected to exclude from the division on the ground that it had not been specified in the summons, rather than that I had made the list too long." At trouble and expense, she herself had sent this list to her opponent who was then in the mining district.

In connection with the second hearing, there were several

irregularities, one being that Lindbohm was allowed to appear

for Swedenborg without producing any power of attorney. But

her chief complaint was that

306

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 307

[1725
November

the court had recognized as valid her opponent's excuse on

the ground that he was engaged on a Royal Commission. This

excites Aunt Brita's hottest indignation. If a private man

can escape from the ills he has done on such a ground, many

would escape justice. The result would be that no one would

have any dealings with one who was in the public service; for

the ill doer would find for himself some work, which

otherwise he would escape from, merely for the purpose of

evading appearing before a judge, and "he who gains time

gains all."

Swedenborg had excused himself from going into the division a

year ago, on the ground of being on a Commission in rebro

(see above, p. 289), and now he repeats the excuse. "He

has, as he himself admits, a part of my property, and among

it, my houseroom; and for the want of house room for myself,

I was unable this summer to go to Axmar and look after the

works." And because Amy opponent willingly allows himself to

be turned aside by the business of a Commission, which,

moreover, cause shim no expense, therefore I must feed his

servant, give up my lawful property, and myself be without

house room." Surely the Hofrtt will not approve of this.

She had no guarantee that her opponent would make the same

excuse next year since he so nicely profited thereby at the

second hearing. The district court bases its decision by the

citation of law, but the law in question contemplates only

one who is called to defend the country against an enemy. No

law can be shown which enables a civil servant to avoid

appearing before a court; and she appeals to the court, that

if this were allowed, there could be no remedy for ills

committed by civil servants. One would first have to appeal

to the King to free the defendant from all business, and this

would cause much delay during which the defendant might

escape; or the King's decision might come too late if the man

were already on a Commission, just as now "I see my

opponent's Commission has already continued for two summers."

But in addition to this, Swedenborg's proof showed that he

was on the Commission on October 13th, and it seemed to her

that the court was incautious in presuming that because he

could not come on the 13th, therefore he could not be present

at the opening of the court on the 26th. He was in Stockholm

some days before the 26th, and from rebro to Axmar is little

farther than to Stockholm. In any case, he could have

appointed a representative.

"The court seeks to mitigate its decision with my opponent's

appeal to the writings, letters and documents which were

lying in Stockholm"; but the court should have required proof

that such documents were necessary. Had the court relied on

the law, she might have had some hope of a decision, but so

long as Amy opponent" is allowed such excuses and by this

means "has the great advantage that meanwhile he uses and

enjoys what belongs to me," she sees no prospect of justice

save in a higher court.

She asks, therefore, that the court's resolution be declared

unlawful, that Swedenborg be enjoined to appear before the

next district court with all necessary documents, and that

the court be required to take the matter up. Also that

Swedenborg "who without reason has caused me this trouble, be

ordered to compensate me for my expenses herewith." Then

follows a bill of expense for 190 dal. k. mt. (L5), 150

dalers of which is for "composing letters of defence and for

copying."

307

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 308

[1725
November

This was the document which Swedenborg received from the Swea Hofrtt two or three weeks after his return from Philipstad. His answer, which is dated November 26th, deserves to be quoted in full, both for its own sake and as further illustration of the character of law processes at that time. (ACSD 428C; LM., pp. 387-90)

"For the very gracious communication on the 19th instant

of Professorska Frue Brita Behm's bill of complaints which

has been received, thanks is humbly given; and I must admit

that I could not but marvel when I saw so bulky a libel, with

so many allegations concerning a small preliminary matter

which might have been embraced in a few lines. But I

wondered still more when I read this libel and saw that so

small a matter was written in rhetorical style and with a

choice assembly of important terms as though it concerned a

part of the kingdom's welfare or the return of the enemy to

the xmar works. Yet, I can swear that all that the lady is

pleased to bring forward and recommend in such high sounding

and weighty terms is little worth the cost which the lady has

used in the setting forth and copy of the libel, namely, 150

dalers k. mt.; for the principal part of all that over which

the lady is troubled is supposedly that Inspector Lindbohm is

occupying the three-fifths part of a room in which I have a

right to only two-fifths, and from which he cannot move until

an adjustment has been made because of my two-fifths part.

And with this and the like, the mountains are in labor.

"As concerns the merits of the several matters that are

brought forward, your Excellency and the Court will not take

it unkindly that they are left unanswered by me, since all

will come to be discussed in its own court and cannot repay

the trouble of answering at this time. But so soon as the

Lady gets her wish, that the main question shall be taken up,

I hope the Lady will come to see better than she does now of

what little value their merits are.

"I may also be graciously excused for not answering at

length the first interim judgment, since no displeasure

thereat is expressed but it has obtained legal force.

"As regards the second interim judgment in which the

county court considered and honored as lawful justification,

the fact that I was engaged on a Royal Commission - the thing

speaks for itself and the County Judge will show that in this

he has followed the law and ordinances. But, to reason as to

whether or not this is a lawful justification, or whether or

not it is agreeable to equity - seeing that the ordinances,

legal practices, justice and the understanding itself dictate

it so plainly, I wonder how it can be drawn into doubt and

dispute by mere reasoning, and, in addition, that a

philosophy should be employed herein which is against all

those things.

"The statement that the attest with regard to my

presence in a royal Commission was given out on the 13th of

October, and that I had time to leave for Gefle before the

26th, has no foundation; for this attest had to be sent by

the post which leaves rebro for Gefle only once a week. Had

I delayed with it eight days more, my exception and attest

would have come too late and I would have been at fault and

would have been judged in contempt of court.

308

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 309

[1725
November

"That I came to Stockholm prior to October 26th before

the Court opened, is not true; for I arrived here from the

Forge Commission ordered by his Majesty, together with Herr

Bergenstierna, on the afternoon of October 26th.

"That Inspector Lindbohm did not have a power of

attorney can likewise be proved false, for I sent him the

power to answer in this matter as on the previous occasion.

"That I was on the same business last year as now, is

also incorrect; for last year I was ordered by his Majesty to

attend to business concerning the Sulphur Works, and this

year was on another Commission which concerns the Forging

Work in Vermeland and Nerike.

"It is unnecessary to bring forward more of this kind

against the voluminous document, especially since what is

petitioned for - after a rather long and, in its own way,

well worked-out preliminary - is very short, namely, that I

must give answer at the next county Court. But since this is

a matter which belongs to the County Judge, and the same

petition was not made to that Court and a new summons will

come to be served on me, I know not in what condition I shall

then be, whether I shall be hindered by sickness or some

other legal excuse. Thus, I am sure, and I humbly pray your

Excellency and the Royal Court, that nothing else shall

befall me but what your Excellency and the Royal Court finds

to be in accordance with law and practice.

"Moreover, to make the one as strong as the other, and

that the expenses may be even with the libel, there is set

out for the composition and copying of this document, 150

dal. k. mt. But since it is no art to write a number, more or

less, it is my humble opinion that 10 dal. s. m. for the

voluminous and unnecessary writing should not be honored and

should be stricken off.

"Meanwhile, since I think my expectations are as

valuable as the libel, I humbly beg to be excused if I

likewise add an expense account of the same kind, though it

is subject to examination by the County Court, and it is not

necessary that your Excellency and the Royal Court bother

about it.

"For the rest, there are found in the supplique one or

two expressions which seem to be offensive, and wherein,

because of some zeal, the pen does not seem to have been

capable of control. Such, for instance, as: 'I see for myself

no end to the injustice and self-will of this opponent'; and

in another place: 'It seems, indeed, that there are those who

when they think they are going to be brought to law, let

themselves be assigned to some extraordinary business which,

otherwise, they would readily escape from, in order to elude

an appearance before the judge.' The application then follows

with much more which concerns not only me but the King's

servants generally. Such expressions and many others the

Lady perhaps had no part in, she being of a good nature and

reasonable in all her ways; but that the libel has been

conceived and composed by some one else, seems clear from the

expense account. And

309

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 310

[1725-26
Jan.

I humbly request that it please his Excellency and the Royal

Court to command the author to set his name to the document

that I may thereby have the opportunity of seeking legal

satisfaction for such unlawful statements and unconsidered

expressions."

Then follows the account, which accounts to 174.18 dal. k. mt., including an item of 150 dal. k. mt. "For cost of the answer to the complaint."

Whether Swedenborg, in the last paragraph of his letter, is aiming at any particular person, cannot be known; but it may here be noted that in a note written many years later, on the flyleaf of a volume of the Spiritual Diary, he says: "B ... proved to have desired to excite Brita Behm to begin the process concerning Axmar." The "B" probably stands for Lars Benzelstierna. (Drmmar, p. 72)

His judgment concerning Aunt Brita - a judgment to which he more than once gives expression - seems justified. At any rate, after she had petitioned the Court on February 10th, that the local Judge Stiernmarck be requested to make judgment, the case rested in the Swea Hofrtt; for on January 31, 1726, six weeks after Swedenborg's answer, she and Swedenborg join in a petition to the Swe Hofrtt to drop the case because they have come to an amicable settlement between the themselves. Swedenborg, on his own behalf, appeared before the Stockholm Court on April 15th, and promised to appear before the local court (which was to meet in the following June) without any further summons, and Rosenadler, on behalf of Aunt Brita, expressed himself agreeable to this arrangement, and so the matter was disposed of in Stockholm. (ACSD 436A, 437P)

Thus ended for the time the legal disputes with Aunt Brita.

While this case was proceeding, during the fall of 1725 and the first part of 1726, Swedenborg was busily engaged in his duties as Assessor of the College of Mines. It was during this period that the only tender passion in his life occurred - at any rate, of which we have anything like real evidence. This evidence is furnished in a letter from Bishop Steuchius of Karlstad (at the head of Lake Vetter) to his father, Archbishop Steuchius. The letter is dated Stockholm, March 10, 1726, and says in part:

"During this time my dear daughter Stina Maja has had several

wooers such as Magister Arnell, Assessor Swedenborg and

Hofjunkare Cedercreutz, and although I, for my own part, and

also Court Chancellor Duben, have turned our thoughts to

Arnell [a pastor in Stockholm] as being the most suitable to

my station, yet I notice that she is more highly attracted by

Cedercreutz."

The young lady in question whom Swedenborg probably met through his brother-in-law Lars, was only seventeen and a half years old at this time, while Swedenborg was over thirty-eight. His wooing was probably not very serious; at any rate, the lady married Cedercreutz in November 1727. (NKTid. 1917:41)

It was in this year 1726 that Swedenborg wrote his last known letter to his brother-in-law Eric Benzelius, who, on March 7th, had been appointed Bishop of Gothenburg. It was written from Stockholm on June 6th, the day after Benzelius' consecration in Upsala, and deals with his old studies on the Longitude: (UHH. 3:20; Bok. G. Prot., p. 128; ALS. 1726:174)

"A few days ago," he writes, "there was sent me a treatise on

finding the Longitude of places written up by an author in

England whom I did not know of. The method depends mainly on

observing the moon when it comes to the meridian; to find it

there, the author seeks the help of one or two stars."

(OQ. 1:317 = LM., p. 393)

310

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 311

[1726
June

The book here referred to is a Latin work by John Petrus Biester, a German resident in England, entitled A Method of Finding the Longitude by the Meridian, at Sea and on Land, London 1726. The work did not meet with Swedenborg's approval, for in his letter to Benzelius he says:

"Two things seem to militate against this method. 1. That

it is difficult to find the right time when the moon comes to

the meridian of the place; this must be adapted to his

altitude, and although other aiding means are sought for this

purpose, yet one cannot accurately get the position of the

moon or know when its arrival at the meridian occurs, and the

less so at sea than on land. 2. With this method, the

parallax is as hard to ascertain as when it is in any other

position, so that the method has the same difficulties as

other methods. For the rest, the discovery is properly

Kircher's who later himself acknowledges the difficulties."

(Bok. G. Prot., p. 132)

This and another work on the Magnetic needle, published in 1725, were both sent to Swedenborg by one of his scientific friends in England - perhaps Woodward or Halley - and Swedenborg sent both books to Eric Benzelius in Upsala.

During the summer, John Bergenstierna and Swedenborg were appointed to constitute an important commission of inquiry into the charcoal supply available for iron and copper respectively. Their headquarters were to be Falun, but their inquiries concerned also the rising town of Avestad. The Diet of 1723 had confirmed certain past ordinances whereby copper - as being the more precious metal - was favored above iron.

According to these ordinances, the woods of the district were

to be used for iron, only after the needs of Falun had been

satisfied; and with these needs were closely connected the

needs of Avesta where the Falun copper was used especially in

the manufacture of coinage. Falun had been suffering a

shortage in charcoal for some time, and meanwhile many iron

works had risen up in the mining district, and of course made

a great demand on the charcoal supply. Naturally, being

unprivileged, the iron workers offered a better price than

the copper workers who had the monopoly by law; and equally

naturally, all the charcoal owners who could, sold to the

iron workers. Thus, copper was beginning to suffer from a

growing shortage of coal.

Confer Riksdag Prot., Ap. 24 1723, p. 189. (ACSD 445)

It was into this question that Bergenstierna and Swedenborg were to inquire, and, as it turned out, the inquiry continued through many summers and resulted in long and circumstantial reports. It was an important commission and required proclamations to ensure that all who were concerned should be ready with their documents, privileges, etc., to appear before the Commission for examination. By a Royal order of April 1729, this visit to Falun by two members of the Bergscollegium was to be made every year. Swedenborg and Bergenstierna were the appointees for 1729, 1730, 1731, 1732 and 1735 after Swedenborg's return from Europe. (ACSD 446, 572A)

In ACSD, reference to and Reports also, as follows:

1728 = n. 485C

1729 = A 499D Report: 499N(1)

1730 = A 504-5a " 515

During the summer of 1726, Swedenborg and Bergenstierna worked in Falun only five or six weeks, leaving Stockholm July 12th and returning on

311

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 312

[1726
July

August 31st. Up to now, Swedenborg when in Stockholm had probably stayed with his sister Hedwig and her husband Lars Benzelstierna, who lived between Drottninggatan and Malmstorggatan. His literary work he had done for the most part at Starbo or at Brunsbo. Now, however, he was permanently settled in the College of Mines with the prospect of devoting his whole life to the work there; moreover, he needed freer opportunity to be able to devote himself to that mineralogical work of which he had printed so proud a prospectus in 1722. Furthermore, we can easily imagine that during the disputes as to precedency in the Bergscollegium, there was some strained feeling between Swedenborg and his brother-in-law Lars. Probably something of this extended to his sister Hedwig, and perhaps some image of this and also Swedenborg's life in the family is reflected in a dream which Swedenborg had in 1744:

"I saw Hedwig my sister with whom I did not wish to have

anything to do. Afterwards it seemed she first said to her

children, Go out and read, and afterwards, that we might play

at backgammon or cards, whereupon they sat down to while away

the time and also to spend time at meal."

(Drmmar, p. 27 = Eng. n. 119)

Therefore, when he returned from Falun in September 1726, he determined to secure bachelor apartments; these he was able to secure in the same building in which Hedwig and Lars resided - evidently a house of some pretensions since it had been the abode of Count Feif, and Swedenborg's new apartment had been occupied in 1725 by the Count's son. Here, at "no. 10 in the Brunkenhuvud quarter," Swedenborg took up his abode in September 1726 together with a manservant Olof to look after his wants, and it was here that he intended to devote himself to his mineralogical work. Here also he remained unto 1728 when his sister Hedwig died in December. (NKTid., 1917:42)

That Swedenborg was well off at this time is indicated by a gift of 700 dal. which he gave to the assistance of his stepbrother Anton Swab; and also by the fact that he owned the smaller forge at Axmar which brought in a net sum of over nine hundred pounds sterling a year. (Doc. I:345)

But he was not to be left in undisturbed peace. Of course, he had his work at the College of Mines, but this, while of importance, was not exacting and left him plenty of leisure. But his Aunt Brita still pursued him.

According to the notification given by the contestants to the Swea Hofrtt, the Axmar case was heard by the local court on June 14th, when doubtless Swedenborg was represented by his agent. Before this, however, it seems they had agreed on the division of most of the Behm property. Thus, Swedenborg by lot had become the sole owner of the smaller forge with a product of 600 skep. (1,200 tons) yearly, bringing in the gross sum of over L900; also of one-fifth of the Gran estate. There remained the Axmar estate itself together with the famous house, the woods which the works had acquired for the sake of charcoal, and also some house sin neighboring villages which were occupied by peasants who were obligated to sell their charcoal to the Axmar works. This charcoal they obtained from woods to which they had rights but which themselves were the general property of the village. It was the division of this remaining part of the Behm inheritance that came before the court on June 14, 1726. (NKTid., 1927:7; ACSD 461A(5), 463 p. 4, 538C)

312

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 313

[1726
July

The Court then ruled that the Axmar property itself with its barns, sheds, etc., and also the houses owned in the villages, could not be divided because of their very nature, and as to the dividing of the usufruct, they referred the matter to the Mining Court for decision inasmuch as this Court was skilled in the matter of the needs of forge owners. (LM. P. 394; ACSD 449D, 462A)

As to the Axmar woods, the division was referred to the parties themselves to arrange for the surveying and division at their convenience.

The meadows and paddocks also were to be surveyed and divided at the same time as the surveyor measured the woods.

As to the fishing waters, the Court suggested the employment of an expert arbitrator; and as to the two mills, it suggested that they be rented out and the yearly proceeds be divided between Aunt Brita and Swedenborg; or, alternately, that one of the mills be destroyed.

Aunt Brita was indignant at this decision. What she wanted above all was to be completely separated from Swedenborg, and the decision deferred this separation to an indefinite time; moreover, it contemplated a continued partnership in some respects. She therefore lost no time in sending a Memorial to the Swea Hofrtt appealing against the decision mainly on the ground that the Court had no right to declare that the property could not be divided, and also that it had referred to the Mining Court a matter which itself should have determined and in which the Mining Court had no jurisdiction. On June 28th, the Swea Hofrtt notified Swedenborg that he must present his case to the Court within eight day or be subject to a fine of 10 dal. s. mt. (ACSD 462A, 449C; LM., p. 395)

This summons reached Swedenborg during his last days in Stockholm prior to his disparture on July 12th for the Commission work in Falun and Avesta. However, on July 5th, he addressed to the Court a long Memorial in which, point by point, he presented his reasons why the decisions of the lower court should be retained. (Ibid.)

He pointed out, the Court had definitely decreed that the

Axmar estate proper could not be divided into five parts,

four for Brita Behm and one for Swedenborg. In this respect,

the Court had denied the petition of Brita Behm, and had not

referred the question to another jurisfaction. "That the

judgment in respect to the desired division has been

negative, is not from any lack of jurisdiction, and still

less is it due to any error in procedure, unless the lady

thinks it to be an error that the decision does not accord

with her pleasure and her claims." (Ibid. 449D: pp. 2, 3)

Further, the Court had decided that the rights to the

peasant's charcoal and labor can be divided, and it is this

division that it referred to the Mining Court. This is

objected to on the ground that the property is held from the

Crown and is not subject to the mining courts, "but in this,"

says Swedenborg, "the lady or her 'conceptist' - [he always

refers to his aunt with this alternative name] either are

ignorant or show themselves to be ignorant" both of the law

and the practice. However, this is a question for the Swea

Hofrtt to decide.

The lady also complains that the division of the Axmar

woods has been wrongly referred to the Mining Court. Here

Swedenborg disputes the fact. What the Court had done was to

leave the parties

313

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 314

[1726
July

to seek the division "at the proper place," meaning that when

we desire the division we can go to the Landshfdning and

secure the services of his surveyor. In appealing against

this, the Lady misinterpreting the Court's language, "seeks

an unnecessary change in what is agreed on by the parties."

The error is not in the judgment "but in the understanding

and interpretation of its words." (ACSD 449D:p. 4)

Swedenborg then turns to the much discussed Axmar house

together with the sheds, etc. Following the law that the

buildings at an ironworks shall be under the charge of the

local Bergmstare who is an official of the Bergscollegium,

the Court had referred this question to the Mining Court. It

is now contended that this law does not give the jurisdiction

to the Mining Court but that it is for the Landshfdning to

determine to what court any given dispute under it shall be

referred. Here, Swedenborg observes, the lady seems to be in

doubt as to how "the law shall be adapted to the case and the

case to the law." That the division of such things as belong

to a forge pertain to the Bergmstare is undoubted, and

therefore he must make the examination of the property.

"Shall thus the Bergmstare journey thither to view some

houses, and the Magistrate to view others? Can it not be

done by one man? and the work not be multiplied beyond

necessity?" But this also is a question for the Swea Hofrtt

to decide.

As to the meadows and paddocks, etc., the Lady complains

that these are to be divided when the Surveyor measures the

woods, and since this latter measuring - according to her

interpretation - is referred to the Mining Court, one cannot

see that the division will ever be made up. The matter

should have been left to the Executor. But, says Swedenborg,

the division of the woods was not referred to the Mining

Court, and as the case now is, "the Lady has the matter in

her own hands, after coming to an agreement with me as to the

time"; thus, it actually is in the hands of the executor as

desired by her. "The error, therefore, is with the party not

with the judge." (Ib., p. 6)

The Lady complains of the expense of an arbitrator in

the division of the fishing waters, but here Swedenborg

sticks strictly to his rights, observing "when two parties

are in opposition . . . no division can be made without a

previous examination."

As to the mills, the Lady complains against renting them

and dividing the proceeds proportionately, and suggests that

she work them for four weeks and Swedenborg for one, and so

on, alternately. For his part, Swedenborg could see no

better plan than the employment of a miller. The other plan

is unfair besides leaving room for quarrels between the

laborers. In the Court, Wahlstrm, speaking for the Lady, had

suggested that Swedenborg might give a release for the mills.

"It would please the lady," Swedenborg adds, "if any judge

had given his favor thereto; but neither the Fru Professor

nor any one else can flatter themselves with any hope of

this, that I shall give a release for the mills or the works;

I think to retain and enjoy what belongs to me"; Wahlstrm's

proposition is both "unreasonable and unthinkable."

(Ib., p. 7)

314

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 315

[1726
October

In connection with this, the Court had said that the

smaller mill should be torn down in order to ease the matter

of working the larger, and with this Swedenborg was content.

The Lady demands her costs, "and I also do the same,"

and "in the proper place will show that I am justified

therein."

Swedenborg sums up that the Lady complains that the

judgment of the Court will cause long delay so that she will

never be able to have the matter settled, and therefore she

prays the Swea Hofrtt to reserve the lower Court and

instruct it to proceed to the settlement of the case.

"Here," says Swedenborg, "it seems that under the appearance

of longing for the division, the Lady seems to wish so to

present her case as though it were her desire to divide, and

to move away all hindrances. But, as shall be shown when the

time comes, I have worked both orally and in writing for a

division long prior to being taken to law; and now every

division which is against her proposals is disallowed."

Swedenborg concludes his Memorial by expressing his

assurance that the Swea Hofrtt would confirm the lower

court, and also would allow him the expenses "whereto the

lady has unnecessarily brought me" - these expenses being

entered in a bill for 132.30 dal. k. mt. which accompanies

the Memorial. (ACSD 449D:p. 8)

The above Memorial was sent in on July 5th; but four days later, Swedenborg against communicated with the Court, stating that he is leaving Stockholm on the 12th on a Royal Commission, and asking that no decision be reached until his return on September 1st. (ACSD 450B)

The case was resumed in the Fall, when Aunt Brita, on October 5th, sent to the Court a new Memorial, repeating substantially but more concisely the points previously made.* Swedenborg handed in his answer to this on October 4th. Here he protests against the proposal to divide the houses in

* This Memorial was given in "loco conferentiae," i. e., in place of a personal hearing before the Court.

the village and to leave the woods which are common to the

village undivided, and this because in an ironworks charcoal

is the most important thing. To divide the houses is

nothing, for they are lived in by peasants, and it is their

labor that is the most valuable thing; but to divide this and

also the use of the woods belongs to the jurisdiction of the

Mining Court. As to the contention that these houses are not

in a mining district and therefore cannot come before the

mining court, Swedenborg explains that these houses "are

situated in villages such as Haeckels Tuga, Axmar and Gran

... but the whole tract with all its villages with their

charcoal woods have twenty-six years past been placed by the

Bergscollegium under the disposal of the Axmar works." The

peasants living in these houses are not free but must sell

their charcoal according to agreement to the Axmar works.

If, then, there is a dispute as to the division of charcoal

rights, this must necessarily go before the mining court.

315

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 316

[1726
October

The Lady wishes clearer light as to whether the division of

the Axmar wood belongs to the one court or the other. "The

light is clear enough," says Swedenborg, "both in the letter

and the context, provided no other beams blind the vision."

No judgment was needed in this matter, for he had long ago

stated his desire to have the woods divided. The Lady needs

only to ask the Executor to act. "To argue about courts in

such a matter, and to make an uncontested thing into a

contested, is indeed to dispute concerning goat's wool. But

it is the same here as in all else to which I have been

summoned to law. Both orally and in writing I have consented

to nearly everything, but since in such case every matter of

strife would seem to be taken away from the lady, no

attention is paid to any consent or approval; but I must go

on and be involved in unnecessary quarrels that so my

opponent may have something in hand with which to amuse

herself and her time, and likewise to cause her partner

unrest; and to make their case favorable, she is pleased to

set on it a colored sheen and fine colors, as though the lady

were the one who desired the division. - But since a judge

can well separate the unright colors and paintings from the

right, so I doubt not that they who rashly go to law, will in

the end be regarded according to the ordinances."

(Ibid. 458(1): pp. 2-3)

As to the six other points in Behm's last Memorial,

Swedenborg declares that "it is altogether the same to me

whether the magistrate's court or the mining court settles

the matter and the division, if only I may be freed from the

unpleasantnesses in which my opponent or her adviser finds

pleasure in continually keeping me." (Ibid., p. 3)

Swedenborg's answer was handed in on October 5, 1726. On October 10th, Rosenadler, on Aunt Brita's behalf, appeared personally before the Court to request a speedy decision.

The Court decided to hear the parties personally, and on November 8th, Rosenadler and Swedenborg appeared for examination. In answer to a question, Swedenborg affirmed that the estates in question could not be divided, but Rosenadler retorted that they could be as easily divided as had been done with the Gran estate. Swedenborg, however, pointed out that the latter estate was occupied by the farmer, whereas the others were occupied by laborers who were bound to the Axmar works. Rosenadler was then asked if he would like the division to take place merely as to the income; to which he answered that this would lead to endless quarrels. Both were then asked whether, in order to avoid lengthy proceedings, they would not agree to a division into five parts. Swedenborg answered that he would be pleased at a reconciliation, and would see what he could do with this in view; but Rosenadler protested "inasmuch as the Assessor, by his unfound objections, had hitherto caused Fru Behm expenses." (ACSD 461A(3))

This ended the hearing, and after the parties had left, the Court proceeded to discuss the matter, the youngest in office being the first to express himself, and the President the last.

Seven members of the Court held that the lower Court had no right to decide that the property could not be divided, and that the case should be referred back for final decision.

316

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 317

[1726
November

But the President and Vice-President supported Swedenborg's contention and held Brita Behm had no case.

The official decision was by majority vote.

The other points in the case, namely, the division of the Axmar woods, houses, gardens, fishery and mills were decided two days later, when again Behm's contentions were affirmed, with the President and Vice-President dissenting.

This decision was not formulated until December, and in the meanwhile another phase of the matter came before the Court.

On November 10th, Swedenborg, in accordance with his promise to the Court to do what he could in the way of reconciliation, addressed the following letter to his aunt:

"Highly honored Fru Moster:

"Since, at the last conference before the Royal Court, I

promised to sound my Aunt as to whether the dispute which we

have between us as to the remaining partition at Axmar could

not be settled in amity, especially since, in itself, the

matter is of little value and my Aunt knows in her conscience

that I am not to blame that the dispute began; and since it

is uncertain as to whether the outcome will be pleasing to my

Aunt; and even more since relationship binds us rather to

live in unity than in disunion; it is my most humble request

that my Aunt will be pleased to let me know whether she is

desirous of having the matter compounded without being

decided by lawful judgment; and in case this is agreeable,

whether one or two good men on either side might not then be

relied on to settle the matters disputed between us; or

whether my Aunt is pleased to think of some other expedient

to end the matter; yet, this suggestion is offered without

prejudice to my rights, and is the result of the promise I

made to the Royal Court. Having the honor to await Aunt's

favorable reply, I am," etc. (ACSD 461A(5); LM., p. 410)

As to how this letter was received can best be seen from a letter which Swedenborg sent five days later to the Swea Hofrtt, and in which he encloses a copy of his letter to his Aunt.

After referring to this letter, he continues:

"I have received no other answer than that I must talk on the

matter with her authorized agent, Counsellor of Chancery,

Herr Rosenadler, the Lady herself taking no part in the

matter. This was the same answer that I formerly received

from the Fru Professorska, namely, that the matter no longer

belongs to the Lady but the Counsellor of Chancery; and since

the Counsellor of Chancery ... has uttered himself before the

... Court to the effect that he will not condescend to any

compounding ... the matter should now be concluded without

further conference." (ACSD 461A(5); LM., p. 411)

Swedenborg then refers to Rosenadler's statement before the Court, that the division was very important "because I would not contribute my share for the taxes as rightly as would the Fru Professorska for hers; but since this property has been free of all taxes for six years,* and this will continue

317

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 318

[1726
December

for at least two years more ... the argument consists of words and is of no value.

* This was by Royal Order, as a compensation for the great damage done to the place by the Russians in June 1721 (Hildebrand, 5:43).

"Meanwhile, it will not be taken as unnecessary if I

venture to add what in the hurry of the conference I could

not bring to mind, namely, since the division of the real

property has been decided by the Judge with reasons, and the

dispute now is merely concerning the division of the usufruct

of the estate, whether it belongs to the magistrate's

jurisdiction or to the mining court," etc. What follows is

an argument to show that the division of the usufruct of

labor, charcoal and woods belongs to the jurisdiction of the

College of Mines.

Swedenborg asks that this letter be added to the Court record, and also that the Court confer with Rosenadler on the matter; he would be quite content if this conference took place without his being present.

On November 17th, two days after Swedenborg's letter, both Swedenborg and Rosenadler appeared before the Court by request. (ACSD 461A(5))

In answer to questions, Rosenadler and Swedenborg both told the Court that the Bergmstare had not been at Axmar, and had done nothing as to dividing the house. Asked as to whether they could not agree to rent the mills and divide the income, Rosenadler said the return would be so small that no one could live on it, besides there would be no way to avoid quarrels.

The court gave out its decision on December 6, 1726. After reciting the opposing claims, the Court held that the magistrate's Court had not formally decided that the property could not be divided but had merely made this assertion as a reason for referring the matter to the Mining Court. The Court erred both in declaring the property indivisible, and in referring the matter to the Mining Court.

As to the woods, meadows and fishing waters, the

Magistrate himself should have seen to the division.

As to the mills, the lower Court should have laid down

the method of division, and had no right to speak of

destroying one of the mills. The case was therefore referred

back.

On December 12th - a week after the publication of this judgment - Brita Behm addressed a Memorial to the Court, thanking it for the decision. She added that the decision, however, had been silent on the matter of costs, and she was therefore in doubt as to whether Swedenborg was thus freed from paying them, or whether she must seek the costs at the Magistrate's Court. (ACSD 462B(1))

On the same day that this was handed in, December 12th, the Court called Rosenadler and Swedenborg before them, but the latter asked for a day's delay before presenting his case, and this was granted. Accordingly, on the following day (Dec. 13th), both gentlemen appeared before the Court at 9.0a.m. Rosenadler made his claim for costs orally, but Swedenborg handed in a Memorial, in which he stated that he had reason to thank the Court for its decision of December 6th,

"because by it I attain my object, in that the disputes that

have arisen between us [himself and Behm] will the more

quickly be helped, and the division will approach its

completion."

318

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 319

[1726-27
April

As to the costs, he observes that the judgment is in no way

against himself, for he had expressly stated that it was

indifferent to him whether the magistrate's or the Mining

Court decided the matter, and he had merely asserted that the

matter of the usufruct and the charcoal belonged to the

Mining Court. (ACSD 462B, 462C)

As to the house, "neither the Magistrate's Court have I

requested, nor afterwards in the Royal Court have defended,

the apartments which should be apportioned by the

Bergmstare, but have merely used the single iron storehouse

situated near the forge, and in this decision is not against

me." So no fault was found with Swedenborg in respect to the

mills, "and since I was not to blame that the lower Court

remitted the matter, and have not defended ought but what

could be defended ... the opponent has so much the less

reason to claim any costs" Indeed, he could produce documents

to show that he has been needlessly brought to law since he

had "previously consented to all that the Lady can reasonably

claim." (LM., p. 414)

After this, the Court informed the two parties orally that the matter of costs belonged to the Magistrate's Court.

The matter did not end here, for when the case came up again in the Magistrate's Court, Behm claimed that "the original Judge was disqualified, and demanded an Extraordinary Court with a special judge. This demand she made in a Memorial to the Swea Hofrtt dated February 13th, which in due course was communicated by the Court to Swedenborg. The latter's answer was made on March 9, 1727:

He points out that no fault can be found with the two

interlocutory judgments made by the Magistrate; as to the

third judgment, the higher Court had found some errors in it,

but the Lady herself asked that the matter be referred back

to the Magistrate's Court, and the Court had so ordered. He

hoped no change would be made in this. "If an extraordinary

Court is set up which has no knowledge of the case, it would

not only cause both the parties work and labor to prepare all

that has been brought forward and with which the ordinary

Court is well acquainted, but the cost ... would mount to

more than the merits of the case are worth, and would run up

to more than the amount of all that is disputed."

(LM., p. 415)

The Court's decision is dated April 15th and ruled that the former Magistrate was disqualified because he had said that the estate could not be divided. An Extraordinary Court was then appointed.

It seems that before this decision had been announced, Swedenborg understood that the two parties would be called to court for a hearing. On April 10th, however, Fru Behm sent in a statement of the case "in place of a conference," and since the Court did not think a conference necessary, Swedenborg was not notified of this until April 13th, the day after the giving out of the decision. However, he made one more effort to avert the cost of an extra Court. In a letter dated April 18th, the writes to the Court:

"Against my expectation, I find that the Court has appointed

an Extraordinary Court." This, of course, he must accept,

"but I may complain that since Fru Professorska handed in a

Memorial on the 10th instant in place of a conference, which

Memorial was first sent me on the 13th, in my haste I have

had no opportunity to enter a respectful answer and contra

Memorial which I aimed to do had I been fortunate enough to

be called for a hearing, when

319

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 320

[1727
April

I thought" to show that "I should not be subjected to a

costly extraordinary Court for no fault of my own." He will

now merely declare that he would consent to a division of the

estate according to the Lady's wish, but with the reservation

that the ordinary Court may take up what remains to be

decided. And since this concession makes an extraordinary

Court unnecessary, "I await the Court's decision on the

matter. Since the main thing itself is not of as much value

as the cost an extraordinary Court would amount to; but my

opponent seeks by this to lead me to costly and drawn out

proceedings; therefore, it is my humble request that the

Court will be pleased, in case an extra court is set up, to

say whether all the extra costs should not then fall on the

opposite party, and this the more, since I could not consent

to such a Court." (ACSD 467B(1); LM., p. 422)

However, Swedenborg had little hope of a favorable decision, and a few days later (April 22nd), he notified the Court that he will appeal to the King direct. (ACSD 467B(3))

Before this step could be taken, however, his opponent entered a Memorial in answer to his of April 18th, so bitter in its tone that it shows her highly exasperated state of mind.

"While we cannot but wonder," Behm writes, "at the

opinionativeness he [Swedenborg] shows, we get form it this

comfort, that we can now hope that the Court, which like all

other judges must have found it very hard to penetrate into

the party's secret objects, will be able to notice, perhaps

more clearly than before, what singular profit the Herr

Assessor has hitherto had from the different interlocutories,

Magistrate Stiernmark has imposed on me, and how highly he

counts on like help in the long run" in this matter which in

his last Memorial he says "is of little or no value." And

so, in order "to get the same judge, he goes so far that he

permits himself to wish herein to follow the Royal Court

decision. I shall account myself relieved of a great burden

when it is found, when appearing before the Judge, that we

have not to do with vain accusations. The Herr Assessor now

reveals himself very plainly; and is not time and delay the

main thing whereby he thinks to enjoy greater profits for the

fourth and perhaps the fifth year? but we, see how at the

end he would find himself before the supreme judgment." The

Assessor," she continues, "has come at the twelfth hour when

the dyes are already cast." But no assent can be given him

since his request is against the Court's decision. He asks

whether the expenses shall fall "on the loser or on me" who

have been compelled by my opponent and by the ordinary

Magistrate to seek another Judge. "The Herr Assessor's own

conscience convinces him in this matter, that he has dealt

unrighteously with me and has lost. Should he, contrary to

my expectation, escape the extra costs caused by the

Extraordinary Court, Herr Magistrate Stiernmark will be

responsible to me for it, and the Herr Assessor may well

believe that we will never for this reason let the main

question come under his judgment." (ACSD 467B(4))

Two days earlier, namely, on April 22nd - the same day that Swedenborg announced his determination to appeal to the King - the Court answered his appeal from its decision. That decision had been made independently of Fru Behm's last Memorial and could not be altered. (ACSD 467E)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 321

[1727
October

Still two days later, namely, April 24th, the Court further notified him that the time for appeal to the King has expired, and no such appeal can be allowed.

What happened at the new local Court we do not know, though it seems that Swedenborg was not dissatisfied, at any rate at first. For on October 24, 1727, he wrote to his cousin Abraham Daniel Schönström:

"As concerns the meadows at Osltfors [in Gestrikeland and

probably a part of the Behm estate], the judgment was made

concerning them last week ... the Landshofdingen's was simply

confirmed. As further concerns Fru Behm, nothing further has

been done. The Lady will yield neither to the one nor to the

other, at which, for my part, I am equally content."

(NKTid. 1927:10; ACSD 473; LM. p. 425)

As to the house, Brita Behm seems to have succeeded in her object; for Swedenborg was ordered to pay 484 dal. k. mt. Rent for the part of the house occupied by his Manager from the autumn of 1724 to December 1, 1727, and also 456 dal. k. mt. for costs. However, Bishop Swedberg interposed, with the result that both parties sent a Supplique to the Swea Hofrtt in January 1728, notifying the Court that they had amicably agreed on the division, but in what way we know not; probably by Swedenborg eventually relinquishing his one-fifth part against due compensation - which would have been a great relief to all. However, they were still partners and there were still strained relations in December 1729. (Doc. I:380, 351; ACSD 479B)

We return now in point of time to the September 1726 when Swedenborg returned to Stockholm and set up his bachelor apartment.

The Diet had been called by his Majesty three months earlier

than expected because of important business which had

developed which could not be settled by the Council, namely,

the matter of the Hanover Alliance. At that time there were

no parties in Sweden in the modern sense of the word; but

there was a decided and very bitter contest as to Sweden's

future policy. On the one side was the party headed by the

veteran statesman Count Arvid Horn, who believed in allying

Sweden with England, and who therefore was opposed to the

Holstein party. The latter fastened its faith in Russia,

which had pledged to restore to the Duke of Holstein the

lands which had been taken from him by Denmark. The Duke of

Holstein who, in 1725, had married Anne of Russia, the future

Empress, was the son of Ulrica Eleonora's sister, and Russia

desired a member of his family or even himself to be the

successor to the Swedish throne. The contest between these

two parties was very bitter, and vast sums of money were

spent on either side in the hope of securing Sweden's

cooperation. The immediate question was whether Sweden

should join in Hanoverian Alliance entered into by England

and France in 1725, or should join the opposing alliance

between Russia and Austria. Here was foreshadowed the future

parties, the Caps and Hats - the former desiring peace and

the development of commerce, and the latter seeking by an

alliance with Russia again to regain its lost possessions and

its position of eminence in the European world. The balance

between the parties was close, the vote in the Council being

nine to eight in favor of the Hanoverian Alliance, the

majority including the two votes of the King and also the

vote of Count Sparre who was expected soon to die. Horn,

therefore, decided to appeal to the Riksdag which he

therefore called in September 1726 instead of at the

appointed time, January 1727; for here he expected to get

support for his policy of peace.

(Fryx. 31:123; Nya Hand. p. 137)

321

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 322

[1726
October

It was in the midst of the greatest excitement that the

Diet met. The Ambassadors of Holstein, Austria and Russia,

on the one side, and of England and France on the other, made

themselves the centers of the two parties. Meetings were

being held by the party leaders at the Embassies; the English

fleet was sailing in the Baltic, apparently for no purpose;

bribery was in full swing, and open accusations were made on

both sides. (Fryx. 31;12;5-127, 130; Nya Hand., p. 138)

At the opening meeting of the House of Nobles on

September 6th, the preliminary victory was won by Count Horn,

by a large majority, was elected Landmarshal.

(Nya Hand., p. 127)

The first few days of the session were occupied with

necessary preliminaries, and during these days the College of

Mines had no meetings, in order that its members might attend

these sessions. Saturday, September 10th, was the day

appointed for the attendance of the Diet at worship in the

Stor Kyrka. The nobles assembled in their own House, and at

8.0 a.m. they marched on foot to the church with Arvid Horn

at their head in his official robes. There they found the

three other Estates already assembled, and after they

themselves were seated, came the King with his crown on his

head and followed by his Council. The sermon was preached by

Eric Benzelius now Bishop of Gothenburg.

(R. o. Ad. Prot. IV:13, 10)

In the exciting sessions that followed - and the Diet was an unusually long one, lasting for nearly a year - Swedenborg took no prominent part, though his recorded actions show that he favored the moderate party. Early in the sessions, he was elected as one of the forty-eight Benchmen whose duty it was to elect twenty-five members as a nominating Committee for the filling of various deputations. He was also elected a member of the Deputation on Grievances. But these appointments were small matters as compared with the great events which were soon to come, and which, even from the beginning of the Riksdag, were the animating cause of almost every move, including complaints of the presence of the English fleet in the Baltic, the effort to exclude all persons in foreign service or receiving foreign pensions from the all-powerful Secret Committee of one hundred elected by the three upper Estates, the instructions given to that Committee, and the endeavor to exclude the men in question from the meetings of the House of Nobles, etc. (R. o. Ad. Prot. IV:49, 27; Fry. 31:125; Nya Hand. pp. 138-40)

The first attack on the Holstein Party came on October

19th, when the Secret Committee - which had a majority

favorable to Horn - reported that it was necessary to examine

Count Wellingk's letters and documents, an that meanwhile two

soldiers had been sent to his house to watch closely over him

and prevent all communication with outsiders.

(Fryx., p. 125; R. o. Ad. Prot. 107)

This was an attack directed really against the Holstein

Party. Count Mauritz Wellingk - the same man to whom

Swedenborg, at Brunswick in 1721, had dedicated his amorous

poem about the metamorphosis of Uranies (see above, p. 249) -

was now a man of seventy-six, grown old in the service of

four kings of Sweden. He had been in the intimate counsels

of Charles XII, being closely allied with Baron Goertz; had

served as Governor, first of Vismar and later of Bremen and

Verden when these were Swedish Provinces. At the time

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 323

[1726
October

Swedenborg first met him, he was the Swedish Ambassador

Plenipotentiary at Brunswick and a Senator or Counsellor of

Sweden. But, for the ruling Party he had one great fault -

his great devotion to the House of Holstein. He was the very

soul and the clever leader of this Party. The leaders met at

his house, and he was in constant communication with the

Russian and Austrian and Holstein Ambassadors, giving them

complete information of what was going on. Many of Sweden's

highest men were at one with him in this movement, but his

were the brains, the experience, the leadership; and it was

for this that his removal had been determined on. There was

no doubt but that he was in receipt of money from Russia.

But the crime of which he was more directly accused was the

attempt on behalf of King Frederick to borrow money from

Prussia in 1722 by the pawning of Swedish territory. The

Secret Committee learned of this from some documents

transmitted to it by the King, and this led the Committee to

ask the House of Nobles that Wellingk's documents be

searched. Nothing had come of his attempts made in 1722; but

the excited feelings of the time, the great fear lest Sweden

by an alliance with the Holstein-Russian party be embroiled

in a devastating war with England France, made the removal of

Wellingk necessary. (R. o. Ad. Prot. V:580-81)

At the meeting on October 19th, there was great excitement in the House of Nobles, some contending that the Secret Committee should be empowered to search Wellingk's papers, and others that the House of Nobles should first be definitely informed concerning the charges that were made. The latter opinion prevailed, and on October 25th, the Secret Committee communicated the desired information. The reading of this was followed by a Memorial from Count Wellingk protesting against a search of his papers with the object of finding grounds for an accusation against him.

The plea was made by Wellingk's friends that he could

not be tried under the law made in 1723 for what he had done

in 1722; and, moreover, that what he was accused of, had no

connection with present circumstances or the relations of

Sweden to foreign powers, and therefore did not belong to the

Secret Committee; the Committee, moreover, was not a

judiciary body. The contest, therefore, became one as to

whether the Secret Committee should be allowed to search

Wellingk's papers, or a separate committee be appointed by

the Estates. The Secret Committee, it was argued, had

already declared itself against Wellingk; moreover, the

latter had a right to be heard by all the Estates, whereas

the Secret Committee represented only three of them. In the

discussion, it was pointed out that the Secret Committee was

overloaded with business, and the Wellingk inquiry might well

go to a special committee which could include members of all

four Estates. (Ibid., IV:118, 120, 121)

At this point, Swedenborg gave his thought in writing, probably not only because of any defect in his voice but because in the prevailing noise and excitement, it was difficult to speak loud enough to be heard. Swedenborg's speech was as follows: (Ibid., V:156, 158)

"It is my humble opinion that since his Excellency

Counsellor count Wellingk, in his Memorial which was this day

read to the House of Nobles, requests that his writings and

documents may be left in his hands and not be opened by

others and examined, and this for reasons which the

Counsellor brings forward in his Memorial and since this

matter is of not little weight and consequence, and concerns

not only the Counsellor's own person but likewise his

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 324

[1726

correspondence with ministers and foreign dignitaries of high

standing, and one, moreover, seldom finds in any kingdom that

resort is had to this extreme measure; therefore, I hold for

my part that it would be safest for a Commission of the

Estates to be appointed, subject to the same secrecy as the

Secret Committee, and to consist of twelve persons from the

House of Nobles, but including four members of the Secret

Committee, which shall examine the matter; but it shall first

consider and give to the full session of the House its

conclusions as to whether or not and how far Counsellor and

Count Wellingk's writings and documents should be opened and

examined by the deputies in the same commission."

(LM., p. 407)

This utterance gives token of a spirit of a fairness and of calm which seems to have been little in evidence during this exciting preliminary skirmish over Sweden's European policy. The proposals for a special commission were found by the majority to be a reflection on the Secret Committee; and, moreover, that the law demands that all secret matters shall go to that Committee; on the other hand, it was argued that while the Secret Committee said this matter was a secret, Count Wellingk said it was not. (R. O. Ad. Prot. IV:122)

Great excitement prevailed, and when there was voting, both

sides strove to emphasize their numbers by the loudness of

their ayes and nays.

Eventually, on the following day it was decided to elect a

Commission of twelve who should be chosen from members of the

Secret Committee and should take oath and sit as a judicial

Commission for the legal trial of the case.

Thus ended the first of the long series of acts which led, on

April 26th, to Wellingk's doom to the loss of life, honor and

goods, a doom which was changed to life imprisonment without

the loss of honor or goods. He died on July 10th while on

the way to prison. The case was fought in the House of

Nobles at every stage of its progress, and Swedenborg seems

to have been present at most of the meetings of the House

when this matter was discussed.

The removal of Wellingk, however, was but a preliminary to

Horn's great work of aligning Sweden with England and France

and also Hanover and Denmark, and brining to a decisive and

that chauvinistic spirit which dreamed of the recovery of

lost greatness.

Because of the Duke of Holstein, the nephew of Ulrica

Eleonora, Sweden's position was somewhat complicated. On the

one hand, she was bound to help Holstein to recover the land

of which Denmark had robbed him, and to this recovery his

mother-in-law Catharine of Russia was devoted. On the other

hand, England and France had guaranteed this land to Denmark

who was a member of the Hanover Alliance. The Duke of

Holstein was privileged to address the Swedish Diet direct,

and on December 19th, an address from him was read which

reminded Sweden of her promises. (Ibid., p. 263)

On March 15th, the Secret Committee reported to the House of

"account" of their conclusion of a treaty whereby Sweden

entered into the Hanover Alliance. The account gave the

reasons for the treaty and assurances that it was a purely

defensive alliance, was not in conflict with other treaties,

and was to Sweden's best advantage; but "the most binding and

powerful reasons," it said,

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 325

[1727

"are ... so bound up with various state secrets and the

interests of foreign powers" that they cannot be

communicated. (Nya Hand., p. 351)

When this "account" was read in the House of Nobles, the

old strife was renewed, though not always by the same

speakers. The contest was to have the treaty itself

submitted for consideration by the House; and opposed to this

was the contention that the Secret Committee was empowered by

law to conclude alliances in conjunction with the Royal

Council and the King. The discussion was prolonged and more

or less acrimonious. The city was full of rumors as to

dissensions in the Secret Committee itself. The Russian

Ambassador had published a memorial wherein he stated that

the treaty was in conflict with the alliance - for which he

was rebuked by Horn speaking in the House. Moreover, various

stories were being spread through the country as to what the

treaty contained, and various fears and apprehensions were

being aroused. Toward the end, Swedenborg handed in his

written opinion which favored publicity.

(R. o. Ad. Prot. IV:449, 448)

Since the Secret Committee has notified the Diet, of

Sweden's accession to the Hanover Alliance, he said, and has

given the assurance that all required caution has been

observed in this matter, "it will not be taken unfavorably

that I, for my part, respectfully suggest - which yet is

submitted to the riper judgment of the House - whether the

treaty itself with all its points might not be read at the

next session, so that the prudence with which it has been

made, may the more clearly be apprehended. The Estates of

the realm are the more entitled to hear it read to them, as

it concerns the whole kingdom, both as regards the individual

and as regards the public; and, in any case, the treaty will

shortly be made public. (ACSD 466A; LM., p. 418)

The majority of the House was undoubtedly in favor of

supporting the Secret Committee without requiring the reading

of the treaty, and the matter was conclusively decided at the

next session of the House when the three other Estates

reported that they also were of this opinion.

We have already spoken of Swedenborg's appointment as a member of the Grievance Committee. This Committee consisted of over forty members, every two of whom were appointed to consider and present the Nobles' grievances in some particular province. Swedenborg, together with his Skinnskatteberg partner, Olaf Rudbeck (see above, p. 176), were the members representing Hlsingland and Gestrickland, in which latter province was Axmar and also a forge belonging to Rudbeck at Forsbacka. As such representatives, they addressed to the House of Nobles a Memorial setting forth the grievances of those nobles therein who were owners of ironworks. (Anrep. 3:536)

The most interesting feature of this Memorial is the light it throws on the checks to which manufactures were subjected by the privileges and monopolies which were so highly favored by the Swedish Diet. (ACSD 463)

The petitions prayed:

1. That they be relieved from the obligation of selling their tax-charcoal to other forges whose owners have bought the right by auction, resulting in coal being transported to forges whose owners might use their own woods; and that they be permitted to purchase this coal at the same price as other purchasers. This petition had no connection with the Amore precious metals provision.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 326

2. That instead of paying church dues, etc., in wood, they be allowed to pay in money. They themselves need the wood.

3. That they be not hindered in themselves shipping their iron, etc., to foreign markets, whether worked on taxed or tax free properties; that when dealing in their own products, they be relieve din such case, of paying a certain percentage to the crown; and that as to the percentage demanded for inward trade, they have an appeal against under charges to the commerce college.

4. That the export of boards, etc., be forbidden. A former Diet had permitted this export but this was because otherwise the timber would be wasted. But now, because of many saw-works, there is in some places great scarcity of wood for the repair of forges, and this will grow until at last wood will have to be imported. The woods should be preserved also for the future development of the metal industry. (Confer A. o. Ad. Prot. VI:280).

5. That measures be taken to inquire into the expense of freightage caused by the monopolies granted by the Borgar Estate at the last Diet. As a consequence, the freight for ore had risen 300 per cent, being almost as much as the freight to England and Holland, and double the price of the ore itself. Should the price of iron fall, the whole industry would therefore fail for this reason only.

6. That they be allowed to cart their iron to the staple cities without passing through Gefle or other places merely to pay the public weigher there. (LM., p. 1419)

The Memorial was referred by the Grievances Deputation to the College of Mines, for only those grievances came before the House which might be presented to the King. But nothing appears to have been done about the matter. (R. O. Ad. Prot. V:75)

Swedenborg, however, expressed himself orally in the House on a related subject. This was on July 29th when the Committee on Justice brought in a recommendation that the renters of a certain property in the Philipstad Mining District whose owner was a forger of iron, be not obliged to pay their rent in charcoal. They needed the coal for their own work, and if, in addition, they had to supply their landlord, the woods would not suffice. Swedenborg expressed his full approval of this recommendation; but he dissented for the further recommendation that the owners of the land could purchase their iron from the tenants only at current rates; his opinion being that, since these owners had purchased the right of renting the land to the smelters, they should have the privilege of purchasing the latter's iron at some special though reasonable rate to be determined by the Bergscollegium. In this he was supported by his brother-in-law Lars, and this part of the Committee's report was therefore referred to the College of Mines. (Ibid., pp. 436-37)

Before leaving Swedenborg's work in the Diet for 1726-27, it should be added that during this Diet the matter of Dippel's expulsion from Sweden was taken up on several occasions.

John Conrad Dippel, because of his attitude to Danish

authorities, had been imprisoned in Denmark for seven years.

In June 1726, when he was fifty-three years old, he was set

free, and was on his return to Germany when he was induced by

an admirer to visit Kristianstad. Here he received word from

the Court to prescribe for the King. The House of Clergy

soon took note of his presence in Sweden, and in September

they sent a delegation to the King Aconcerning an enthusiast

name Dippel who has come into the Kingdom." The House of

Nobles took umbrage at this, contending that no single Estate

should go to the King. But the damage had already been done,

and Dippel received

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 327

[1727
July

royal notification that he was to leave the Kingdom, and that

the local Governors had received orders to arrest him if he

came to Stockholm. These Governors, however, were members of

the House of Nobles, and when the protest against the action

of the priests came up, they reported that they had received

orders from the King to see that Dippel left the Kingdom, but

that these orders had not yet been sent off.

(Henning, p. 21; R. O. Ad. Prot. IV:27)

The Nobles were aroused, and the more so since some of

them were more or less interested in pietist, and some even

had sympathy with Dippel's writings. The Houses, therefore,

ordered the Governors to tell the King that the orders had

been given them too late for the post, and to "humbly" ask

him to do nothing until the Nobles had expressed themselves.

The King graciously consented to delay the matter so long as the Nobles desired. (R. O. Ad. Prot. IV:51)

Meanwhile, the House had sent an admonitory note to the

Clergy, and on September 24th, the latter answered by sending

in a short extract of the gross heresies of Dippel, Aor, as

he often calls himself, Christian Democritus," which showed

that it had good reasons for its action. On receiving this,

the Nobles, "although they detested Dippel's gross tenets,"

were not unanimous when Count Horn asked them if they

supported the Clergy's action. There was great resentment,

especially in the back benches, against the high handed

action of the clerical House. Nothing was done, however,

owing to the lack of unanimity, and no further steps were

taken in the matter until August 1727.

(Ibid., pp. 61, 63; Henning, pp. 26-27)

Meanwhile, early in January 1727, two of the nobles

persuaded Dippel to come to Stockholm where he was the guest

of von Valcker,* a pious member of the House of Nobles, who

was greatly distressed as to the abuses which were so rife

among the clergy; indeed, he moved in the House of Nobles to

have a general Consistory appointed over the church to

include both priests and laymen. (R. o. Ad. Prot. V:514)

*Probably a friend of Swedenborg's. See Doc. I:80.

In Stockholm, Dippel excited great interest, and he was

called on by hundreds of persons, including many of the

nobles. He was a learned man in many fields. As a

theologian he was altogether unreliable. Excelling in the

ability to criticize and refute, but without any real

convictions of his own, his writings abound in

contradictions. Yet, such was the force of his character

that he could easily destroy, though without building up.

This side of his character is spoken of in the Diary, no.

3486, where it is represented by his offering what purported

to be wine but which was poisonous. Swedenborg is not alone

in this judgment of Dippel. Dippel was thought to be able to

charm folks and lead them where he will; he "can draw

everything into dispute" is his own admission. As a learned

man, says a Swedish writer, "he wished to show that one can

draw everything into dispute" is his own admission. As a

learned man, says a Swedish writer, "he wished to show that

one can draw everything into dispute, and can dispute about

everything." In the beginning of his stay in Stockholm he

acted prudently, but toward the end of 1727, and especially

when, in July of that year, he

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[1727

published in German his book entitled The whole Brightness of

the Gospel of Jesus Chris cleared from the Clouds of

Confusion, it became clear that, not pietism was his object,

but mysticism, an inner light which was independent of the

Word of the Church. "Dippel's overbearing behavior toward

opponents," says a Swedish investigator, "depended on the

deep contempt which he cherished in general against all who

took their knowledge from books. He did not wish to be

considered as having got his knowledge in such a way but gave

himself out as getting it by the immediate enlightenment of

the spirit of truth. The many new views with which he came

forward had their origin in no small degree in his constant

desire to say something which had never been said before, to

be noted and recognized as the foremost in everything."

These qualities were clearly seen by Swedenborg when he met

Dippel in the spiritual world; and as they developed during

his stay in Stockholm, many of his pietistic friends,

including his host von Walcker, somewhat cooled.

(SD. 5962, 5995; Henning, pp. 30, 35, 47)

That Swedenborg was among those who met Dippel at this time seems beyond a doubt. In the Spiritual Diary (no. 3486) he writes in 1748:

"I had been with those who adhered to Dippel, and had

heard the Collections he had written, but could not hold the

least thing in my memory and so could not know what his

opinions were, I supposing they were absurd."

The "Collections" here spoken of were perhaps the extracts

from his writings which were translated into Latin and sent

to the Nobles by the House of the Clergy; and perhaps also

similar collections which the clergy sent to the peasants.

(Henning, p. 24)

Von Walcher with whom Dippel was staying was a wealthy man

and kept open house almost every day, and it is highly

probable that Swedenborg was among the visitors at this house

of his fellow member in the House of Nobles. (Ibid., p. 39)

What Swedenborg's attitude toward pietism was, we do not know, His father had always had a leaning in this direction as opposed to the utter worldliness so often shown by the established clergy. As late as 1723, when attending the Diet at Stockholm, he had attended one of their Sunday meetings held after the folk had come from church, and after the service he told his host:

"I had come because I had mostly bad reports of these

meetings. I would that every house-father would do as is

done here. (Tottie p. 254)

On the other hand, Eric Benzelius - now Bishop and a

prominent member in the House of the Clergy (and also his

brother Henry) - had constituted himself the leading spirit

in the endeavor to have Dippel expelled. But perhaps, in his

case, pietism may not have been the leading cause but that

tendency to the denial of the Word which later became plain

to many. (SBL 2:86-87)

But it was not only in pietistic and theological circles that

Dippel excited attention and interest. He was also a

physician and an alchemist. Many hundreds visited his rooms

at von Walcker's to consult him as a medical man. His

knowledge of chemistry even led to talk of his being given a

position in the College of Mines, and there can be no doubt

that his claim to be able to make gold was a point of

attraction to many of the nobles. (Henning, p. 30)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 329

[1727

Swedenborg's intercourse with Dippel was probably and perhaps exclusively on the scientific or rather the chemical side of his learning, and among other things, on his claim to make gold - not exactly, as it would seem, a claim totally to transmute metals, but to draw gold from them. Swedenborg briefly refers to this claim in his first work on Copper; but in the published work, he speaks fully and also gives one of Dippel's recipes, which he most probably received from Dippel himself. His words concerning the "Dippelian Experiment" are:

"When Dippel was staying in Sweden, he preached his process

as a sure argument for the transmutation or augmentation of

gold from metals; for he promised by this art and process to

extract more gold from copper than can be done by any common

way." Then follows the recipe itself, after which Swedenborg

adds: "But I fear I have been too prolix."

(Cod. 84, p. 295; De Cup. P. 339)

In August, when the fate of the Hanover Alliance was settled

and politics was no longer the ruling element in every

action, the Diet referred the matter of Dippel to the King

and Council, and by these he was ordered to leave Sweden. He

left Stockholm early in December, and Sweden in March 1728.

(Henning, pp. 43-44, 45)

Read: SD 3485-86 = AC 5567 SD 5962

" 3497

" 3890 = " 3748 LJ post. 40

That Swedenborg was alive to the Dippelian movement seems to be indicated by the fact that one of his fellow Assessors in the College of Mines, John Bergenstierna, the associate with whom more than once he had been associated during the summer as his fellow member on a mining commission, was a member of the Royal Commission appointed to inquire into the teachings of Tolstadius, the Pastor of the Skepsholm Church who was accused of Dippelianism. This Commission, consisting of five laymen and four priests, sat from March 1729 to May 1731, during which time they heard scores of witnesses for and against Tolstadius. (Henning, p. 78)

How much interest Swedenborg took in it we do not know. But it must be remembered that pietism with which Dippelianism was mixed, was active not only in Stockholm but in many of the provinces; and when we note Bishop Swedberg's great interest in a revival of true religion, and his belief that there was something of this in the pietists; that this trial of Tolstadius was exciting great interest; that the accused man had views which were precisely those so actively preached by Swedenborg's father; and that one of the judges was Swedenborg's close associate, we cannot avoid the conclusion not only that Swedenborg knew of the trial but also that he followed it with interest, and that his sympathies, like those of Swedish historians and, indeed, of the majority of the Commission, were with the accused pastor.

And this thought opens to us also thoughts of Swedenborg's preparation. Following his father, he never believed in faith alone; and in this trial he saw the attempt to sacrifice the preacher of charity on the altar of solafidianism. What the Commission brought to light was that Tolstadius saw the dreary stagnation into which the church had fallen, its many abuses, the worldliness of its priests, and the opposition to God's Word manifested in the doctrine of the atonement. "God is pure love," he taught, "and what is said of God in the Scriptures as though He were a devouring fire, is so said only because of our weak understanding." Again he urged his people to "read diligently the Holy Word, especially the 5th, 6th and 7th chapters of Matthew, for there is found the heavenly doctrine in a compendium." (Henning, pp. 86, 87)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 330

[1727

Christ did not suffer death for us, he declared before the Commissioners,

"that by His death he might leave men free to cover their

sins with a false confidence in Christ's service."

In the final decision, the majority of the Court entirely exonerated Tolstadius; though Bergenstierna and two others thought he ought expressly to reject Dippel. (SBL 18:260)

There is a singular likeness between this trial and that trial over Swedenborgianism which was to take place some forty years later. Moreover, it may not be amiss to note that more than once during this period it was proclaimed that by its pure externalism, the Christian Church had left the Lord and was now corrupt and dead; these statements could hardly have escaped the notice of Swedenborg seeing that they were made by intelligent men such as von Strohkirk, Sven and Gabriel Rosen, etc. (Henning, p. 149)

There is some evidence that Swedenborg was in receipt of a considerable income at this time. Thus, in November 1726, he makes a present of 700 dal. k. mt. (about ,20) to assist his half brother Anton Swab; besides his other property from the Behm inheritance, he is sole owner of the smaller forge at Axmar, which brings him in about ,900 gross every year. Then there is the forge at Starbo bringing in almost double that sum, besides the forges at Presterhyta and Skinnskatteberg, in which latter property he was a partner with his brother-in-law Lars. The value of this property at Skinnskatteberg which consisted of an upper and a lower forge, is indicated by a contract which Swedenborg made in February 1727 with a Madame Ahlgren. It seemed that Madame Ahlgren owed Swedenborg and Rudbeck some 3,000 dal. k. mt., and it was in connection with this debt that the contract was made. According to its terms, Madame Ahlgren was given the use of the upper forge for a term of three years by January 1728, but all the wrought iron she made was to be sold to Swedenborg and Rudbeck f. o. b. at Kping at 16 dal. a ton, she to supply coal, wages and taxes, and Swedenborg and Rudbeck the larger building and the pig iron; during the three years, Madam Ahlgren's original debt to be reduced by her. (Doc., I:345; ACSD 510A, 465A)

While speaking of Swedenborg's mining property, we might here mention a little lawsuit which he and his partner instituted in July 1728, when Swedenborg's nephew, Eric Benzelius - who was then a young man of twenty-three and was an Auscultant in the Bergscollegium - appeared in the proper mining court and entered a suit for damage against the Pastor of Grangrdes Parish, because some peasants had cut down "six large trees" from woods belonging to the Presterhythen ironworks, to be used in the church building. The Pastor stated he would come to some agreement with Swedenborg and Benzelstierna, but the Court would not permit this on the ground that the wood was for the use of the church - and apparently the ironworks were obliged to contribute. (ACSD 485C; Hlpers, p. 620, cf. p. 626)

During this period, July-September 1728, Swedenborg and Bergenstierna were spending their third summer as a Commission of Inquiry at Falun and Avesta. (ACSD 485C)

While on the subject of Swedenborg's mining property, it may here be added that the probability that he sold his interests in Axmar to Aunt Brita is strengthened by the fact that in March 1729 he sold to Count Fredrik Gyllenborg his half of the Skinnskatteberg property consisting of two forges with an annual capacity of 1,300 tons of iron, one farm, and fraction so other farms, a share in a smelting work, besides a saw mill, all debts, including Madam Ahlgren's, etc. for the sum of 45,000 dal. k. mt. (L1,250). The other half was sold at the same time by Swedenborg's partner Lars Benzelstierna. (ACSD 488a, 488A(1), 510A)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 331

[1729
March

Swedenborg appears to have lent Count Gyllenborg, either at this time or later, 20,000 at six per cent interest, for many years afterwards he is regularly receiving 1200 dal. k. mt. a year through his banker. Count Gyllenborg died in 1759, and though the payment of interest was kept up as late as 1766, the estate was in difficulties, and in 1769 Swedenborg had to be content with a payment of 10,000 in full for the principal. (Doc. I:388; Lindh MSS)

This sale to Count Gyllenborg seems to have had some connection with Aunt Brita, probably in relation to the Gesberg furnaces in which Swedenborg owned only one-seventh (see above, p. 255). At any rate, it led Aunt Brita to write a sharp letter to Swedenborg in December 1729, in which she demands Swedenborg's payment to her of certain notes with the sale to Count Gyllenborg.

Swedenborg answers her on December 23rd, and the tone of his letter, which is addressed, not "dear Aunt" as before, but simply "Madam," indicates that he is not quite so sure as formerly of the reasonableness and justice of his aunt. Swedenborg had transferred both cash and iron to Count Gyllenborg in connection with the settlement of the sale, and it was to this that Aunt Brita objected, claiming apparently that this was her property. (ACSD 489; Doc. I:351)

Swedenborg definitely refused to get the money and iron back.

"Should Madam have had such claims in her thought as her

letter speaks of," he continues, "... it is just as well that

in this transaction I used proper precautions. Therefore, as

soon as I am brought to court with respect to such matters,

answer will then be made, it being unnecessary to argue about

it meanwhile. I can say this much beforehand, that in a case

of this kind, Madam will lose more at court than she will

gain." He concludes his letter by disputing Madam's account

as between them - perhaps in settlement of the Axmar deal,

but more probably in connection with Swedenborg's sale of his

share in Gesberg. These accounts, he says, ought to be

settled, for he cannot agree with the figures presented by

his aunt, which indeed must be subject to legal examination

if they are to come to some harmonious agreement.

(LM., p. 438)

The letter constitutes, so far as is known, the last link between Swedenborg and his aunt.

Swedenborg's object in thus disposing of some of his property was doubtless not only to escape the care of attending to it, collecting rents, etc., but also to secure money to carry on his literary work, on which he was busily engaged at this time.

But before we turn to this, we shall note a further incident in Swedenborg's life, namely, his becoming a member of the Scientific Society established in November 1728. This Society was the lineal descendant of that meeting of a few professors in Upsala during the year of plague in 1710. This early Societas Curiosorum was occupied mainly in correspondence with Christopher Polhem and Emanuel Swedenborg who were virtually members, for there was no fixed membership. (Glas. P. 15)

The Daedalus Hyperboreus has not improperly been reckoned as the journal of this Societas Curiosorum, though it would seem that the Society itself had gone into more or less of desuetude during the years when this work was published (see above, p. 213). Not quite, however, for Eric Benzelius, who was its soul, still cultivated occasional meetings with the Professors, and a wide correspondence with the learned. (Bok. G. Prot. P. 3: Glas, p. 8)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 332

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In 1719, a newly threatened misfortune again revived the society. In November of that year, during the prevalent fear of a Russian occupation, Benzelius called a new society into being under the name Bokwetts Gille, of which Swedenborg became a member in December (see above, p. 214). (Bok. G. Prot., p. 4)

Living away from Upsala, he was naturally not an active member, though his books were frequently reviewed in the Acta Literaria Sueciae, the official organ of the Society. He attended but one of its meetings, namely, in August 1724, when he happened to be in Upsala (see above, p. 285).

And now, in November 1728, the Society received royal recognition under a new name; The Royal Literary Society and Society of Sciences; and Count Arvid Horn, the Chancellor of Upsala University, became its first president. (Ibid., + Glas, p. 15)

Polhem had been invited to become a member of the projected new society as early as April 1728, and in his letter of acceptance he recommended Wallerius and Swedenborg, saying of the latter:

"I have for a long time had experience of his capacity and

cleverness during the time I had the honor of being

acquainted with him in my modest home."

(OQ. 1:320 = LM., p. 435)

Benzelius was no longer living in Upsala, his place as the

soul of the new society being taken by Prof. Anders Celsius,

who some years later disputed the correctness of certain

calculations in Swedenborg's Principia. (Prosperin, p. 30)

None were to be received as members of the society "who had

not by some proofs made themselves known to the society and

were recommended in the same way as in the foreign

societies." However, the question of inviting members was not

taken up until October when it was proposed to invite various

members of the Privy Council as honorary members, and as

"members who could work": Swedenborg, Prof. Alstrin,

Swedenborg's old friend in London, Vallerius, and some

others.* (Bok. G. Prot., pp. 165, 169)

*A list of the members of the Society in 1733 is published in Commercium Litterarium ad rei medicae et scientiae for 1733, pp. 218-19.

Swedenborg's letter of acceptance is dated November 27, 1729. After expressing his thanks, he assures the Society that he will not neglect to serve it "in such way as can be afforded by my small experience, which can

then be submitted to the Society's ripe judgment as to how

far it merits appearing in the Acta or not. Otherwise I have

now for the past ten years been gathering everything which

serves for shedding light of metallurgy and the mineral

kingdom, and am now thinking of beginning in a few weeks to

bring this assemblage and excerpta into order and then having

them printed abroad. Yet, before I send them off, I shall

first have the honor of communicating the same, in order that

something may be gathered from them, which may serve for a

contribution to the Acta. This work will be quite extensive,

as can be seen from a specimen I shall have the honor of

sending over this winter, and which deals with iron and its

working, together with all other observations which have been

made on this metal by various authors. If life permits, I am

thinking of making use of such a collection, and on the basis

thereof, of showing ex priori et posteriori, the principles

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 333

[1729

nature; and in this connection, I expect to have hit upon one

or two things which concern the magnet and its operations,

etc.

As soon as I have some spare time, I will write up what

I have gathered on native copper and its precipitations

whereby copper is obtained from different Swedish mines, with

one or two things which the learned world has not yet known

concerning it, together with observations which have been

made with precipitant water in Falun, whereby the iron in

that mine is turned into copper." (OQ., 1:321 = LM., p. 436)

The fact that Swedenborg was still a bachelor, although thirty-nine years of age did not escape the attention of his friends, or, at any rate, of his brother-in-law Unge, whose letter to him on this subject clearly indicates the current thought which prevailed as to the reasons for marriage. He concludes a letter addressed to Swedenborg on March 18, 1728, with the following paragraph:

"Finally, I shall leave it to my Brother to think about,

why dear Brother lets all good opportunities for marriage go

by. Major Otter is engaged to Tham's* oldest [unmarried]

daughter. Now the younger daughter is left, who is better

and prettier. Will not Brother now take his measures

accordingly? I do not think other than that Tham would like

it well. The means coming to each of his children will, I

think, be considerable, so that there is no better parti for

Brother in the whole Kingdom. In God's name a good

resolution and trust in His gracious providence for the

result. Time does not admit of slow remedies and long

deliberations, and there is danger in delay."

(Doc. I:350) (LM., p. 433)

*Sebastian Vollrathsson Tham (1666-1729), a Counsellor in the Commerce Collegium. He died in June 1729. He had nine children, of whom Johanna Christina, to whom Unge refers, was now eighteen years old. In 1735 she married her brother-in-law Otter.

All this time, Swedenborg was in daily attendance at the College of Mines, considering the many cases which came before that body; and, during the summers of 1726-1729 was on the Commission to Falun to which we have already referred (see above, p. 310) and which, in the summer of 1730, involved a journey to Gestrikeland; and in the summer of 1731 to rebro - a commission which the bad weather prevented the fulfilment of in 1730 on the way home from Falun. It would not be profitable to review the many cases on which Swedenborg, as a member of the College of Mines, delivered his judgment. These cases mostly concerned disputes between partners in forges and smelting works, testamentary bequests, wood rights, and other matters of a like judicial character. They were unusually decided on in the College, but occasionally they were referred to the Court of Appeals. Often also, Swedenborg was appointed to test suspected iron. (ACSD 524G)

One case of a non-technical nature may be given, in which Swedenborg delivered an opinion in which all the Assessors concurred. This was in May 1730:

In a certain case, the College had inflicted fines on

three iron merchants for failing to make correct returns for

the years 1725-29 inclusive, of the iron of which one-tenth

was due to the crown; in addition to the fine, they had also

to pay the value of the one-tenth that had been withheld.

After the case had been thus settled, a workman of the name

of Swn Joenson claimed a share

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[1730

of the fines as having been the informer in the case; the

fiscal of the College also handed in a memorial asking for

his share as informer and prosecutor, and, in addition, he

asked for one-third of the value of the crown's one-tenth.

Swedenborg's judgment was that the Fiscal was the only

informer as to false returns of the smeltings of these men

for the years 1725-26 and is therefore entitled to one-third

both of the fines inflicted for the said years and of the

crown's one-tenth.

As regards the smeltings for 1727-28, the local crown

bailiff had brought action for the false returns for 1727

before the workman Joenson had given his information to the

College of Mines. But it appears that Joenson had first

apprized the bailiff of the fraud, and his information had

also led the bailiff to the discovery of the fraud in 1728;

therefore, one-third of the fines and of the Crown dues for

1727 should be divided between the bailiff and Joenson, and

one-third of the same for the year 1728 should be divided

between the Fiscal who investigated the case and the informer

Joenson.

As regards the fines for the year 1729, Joenson had no

part in the discovery of the fraud for this year, which had

been unearthed by the Fiscal alone; but since the latter had

stated that on account of Joenson's poverty, he would let him

have half the reward, the matter may be so decided.

(ACSD 5010)

Another case was of a criminal character and reveals Swedenborg as a mediator.

In the preceding October, a certain miner named Poik was

found guilty of appropriating to himself a heap of copper

ore, and was condemned by the mining court to run the

gauntlet twice and to work in the mines for one month in

irons. In addition, he was fined 20 dal. s. mt. for

unbecoming language against the court. The miner appealed to

Bergscollegium, and the latter body took up the case on

October 9, 1730. Assessor Vallerius, who had succeeded in

Swedenborg's place, on the basis of the evidence believed in

his mind that Poik was guilty beyond a doubt; still, in a

case involving such severe punishment, the accusation should

be proved beyond possible doubt; therefore he thought it

better to leave Poik to God's judgment save as regards the

obligation laid down by the College of Mines for those who

damage another's ore heap. For his expressions against the

court he should certainly be fined.

Swedenborg's judgment was as follows: "As concerns the

circumstances against Poik, they have already been brought

forward by the Advocate Fiscal [Porath] and also in the

judgment, and I think it unnecessary to repeat them. But, on

the other hand, by means of one witness there exists a

mitigating circumstance which was not known at the first

hearing, namely, that Poik had given to stberg the last bid

for the centonal* heap, and had lifted up his hat as a sign

that he had bought up the centonal heap. In addition comes

the fact that he does not seem to have had the intention of

seizing the ore heap in question since in open day he ordered

the laborers to add the old ore to it, had gone to the

Sexman's** office and inquired if

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 335

[1730

he were not put down for the centonal heap, and had not taken

more from it than he had added to it. In addition to this,

one frequently hears cases where mistakes happen, the wrong

mark is affixed, and that it is not customary to go to the

Sexman's office after the auction.

* This was a heap of ore consisting of the percentages drawn from the various lots of ores as a tax for the benefit of the mining district and the local overseers. It was sold by auction.

** An official at the mines probably chosen from the miners by rote or lot.

"Under these circumstances, I cannot say on my

conscience that Poik acted in this matter from purpose or

with the object of stealing. It would therefore be best, if

he were of such reputation, that he might absolve himself by

an oath.

"As regards the 20 dal. s. mt., the meaning of Poik's

utterance, as he afterwards explained it, need not be taken

into consideration, especially since it is not to be wondered

at that in a matter which concerned his honor he fell into

some hasty expressions by which, however, he declared that it

had not been his intention to be disrespectful to the court."

The report of this proceeding continues to the effect

that the other members of the Bergscollegium were in general

of the same opinion as Swedenborg as regards Poik's deed,

though half of them, three in number including President

Ribbing, thought the fine was justified. Finally, it was

resolved that though Poik had not been proved guilty of

complete theft, yet, in view of the many circumstances which

go against him, he ought to give solemn assurance by oath

that it had not been his intention to steal the ore heap in

question. Yet, in view of the fear of perjury and soul

destruction, etc., the Bergscollegium will not administer

such an oath to him; but, in accordance with law and despite

the many circumstances against him, it absolves Poik from

theft and from the punishment of running the gauntlet and

working in chains, laid on him by the mining court. The fine

for contempt was, however, confirmed. (ACSD 514B)

The trial of this case reveals Swedenborg in the light of a merciful judge, disposed to give careful consideration to the evidence, and to take into full consideration the question of intention. We shall later see the same characteristics in Swedenborg's conduct in other cases that came before the Bergscollegium.

Another case which also came up in October 1730 shows the paternalistic character of the control exercised by the Bergscollegium.

A smelter had applied for permission to move his

smelting house from Uddeholm to a more advantageous location,

and also, at the same time, to add some forges for the

smelting of his own iron. The members of the College,

including Swedenborg, granted permission to move the smelting

house but refused to allow the building of new forges. The

reason for this decision was that the removal added no

privileges to the smelter beyond those which he had been

granted at his old location; these privileges did not include

the right to build forges for the smelting of his own iron,

but it was stipulated that his iron should be sold to the

Uddeholm forges. And since in his new location he would not

smelt enough iron to supply the Uddeholm forges and also his

own contemplated forges, the erection of the latter would

necessarily injure the prosperity of the former.

There was but one dissentient to this opinion, namely,

Lars Benzelstierna; he held that the request to build new

forges was founded on reasonable grounds.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 336

[1730
June-July

In addition to these open hearings by the Bergscollegium, Swedenborg like the other Assessors was frequently appointed as referee in disputed cases, his duty being then to hear the case and to present his judgment to the Collegium for final action. These cases frequently concerned testamentary bequests, disputes between part owners in smelting houses, etc.

In June 1730, on the occurrence of a vacancy caused by the death of one of the College's Counsellors, there was a general promotion in the Bergscollegium, and Swedenborg became the next to the last instead of the last Assessor; and, what doubtless was more important, he now received the full salary of an Assessor (1200 dal. s. mt.), whereas previously he had received only the salary of a mining master, namely, 800 dal. s. mt. Soon after this, namely, in the middle of July, he and Bergenstierna left as a Commission to investigate the important question of coal supplies for the mineral industry. First they went to Gestrikeland to settle a dispute as to whether the use of the woods by a certain iron furnace was harmful to the Kopparberg district, this being the old question against which Swedenborg had written - the question of favoring the more precious metals. This work involved an extensive judicial inquiry with witnesses, etc. From Gestrikeland they went, in August, to Falun. Their work here was both extensive and important. The Fauln copper works had for some time been suffering from shortage of coal and also of timer, and the College of Mines had given them temporary permission to make use of the most distant woods in their district. It was the work of Begenstierna and Swedenborg to inspect these distant and extensive woods, and to make recommendations as to the best way to use them, which might be used for coal, which for time, etc. Their report, made in the middle of September, is a document of five hundred folio pages. From Fauln they were then to go to their old place of inquiry in rebro Province, to settle a dispute concerning woods that had arisen there. (ACSD 503, 511A, 504-6, 509, 512A)

The last part of this work was prevented by the bad weather, and it was performed by the same Commission in the summer of 1731 (ACSD 524EE, G, 523)

Swedenborg was now in a good financial position. He had sold his Skinnskatteberg property for 45,000 dal. k. mt., and of this sum he had invested 20,000 dal. k. mt., bringing him in an income of 1,200. Then he had probably sold his share of the Axmar works, worth about 30,000 dal. k. mt.; besides this, there was also the profits from the Starbo works and sundry farms, etc. Altogether his income at this time must have been over L200 a year, besides a large capital sum. And his expenses were those of a bachelor living a quiet life. (NKTid. 1927: 101)

We have evidence of Swedenborg's circumstances in the fact that, in the summer of 1731, he defrayed the entire expenses of a trip to the German mines which he counselled his nephew Eric, now a young man of twenty-six, and a mine Bailiff at Falun, to take. Another little indication is given by a letter written to Emanuel by his father who, after the recent burning down of Brunsbo, was feeling very poor. This letter, dated March 1, 1731, deserves to be quoted in full: (ACSD 524A, 519(1); LM., p. 443)

"I have written to their Majesties to get some of my

Psalm Books from Skepsholm. Look after this. If you get

leave for ten, then take fifty. Find out quietly whether

their Majesties lately got my newly printed Catechism which I

sent by Heinrich Kohlmter. Let me know what news is going

at the Riksdag. I am writing this day to the Herr

Landmarskall Count Arvid Horn on an important matter which

should

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 337

[1731
March

be discussed at the present Riksdag. [See Adels Riksdags

Prot. VI:324] Let me know how it is received and decided ....

Thy dear Father
Brunsbo, March 1, 1731 J. SWEDBERG"

"My Epistle Postilla is now ready and censured. If you will

pay the cost for it, you will have a fine profit therefrom -

or some other persons in Stockholm. Find out whether their

Majesties have not received my America. My copy was burned.

The Queen must certainly have got hers." (LM., p. 443)

During all the years since 1725, Swedenborg had not neglected to pay occasional visits to the machine room where the models of Polhem and other machines were kept. In February 1725, he had recommended an appropriation of 50 dal. s. mt. for repairs, and had actually be granted 150 dal. s. mt. (see above, p. 298). It was not until February 1732, however, that he gave an account of his expenditures. From this account it appears he had been looking after the repairs all these years, and had spent for repairs over 100 dal. s. mt. out of his own pocket besides the 150 dal. s. mt. which had been appropriated. When handing in this account, he asked not only for the balance due him but for an additional appropriation of 150 dal. s. mt., "so that if one thing or another should be needed in connection with the machine room, I may not so often make demands for every little expenditure." This was granted, and on March 3rd, Swedenborg was paid the sum of 252.27 dal. s. mt. (ACSD 527E, 529B(1))

Besides a general interest in mechanics, it is not improbable that at this time he had a more particular interest in the study of Polhem's machines. The idea of publishing his great work was now actively before him. This work, when published, included copper plates of a number of machines invented by Polhem. True, these machines were in use in Falun, but it may be that they were copied by Swedenborg from models in the model room at the Bergscollegium, over which he seems to have had charge. (De Cupro. pl. 7-10)

And now we turn back some years in order to learn concerning the literary work in which Swedenborg has been engaged.

During his visit in Germany and Belgium, he had made extensive notes of all things pertaining to mineralogy, notes which he intended to use in the preparation of his contemplated opus magnum on minerals. The notes themselves are lost, save perhaps for one page which seems to have been taken from them and inserted in a later work on Sulphur. This page consists of a drawing of the method of smelting copper in Gosslar, Germany, and is paged "535." (Codex 82:p. 22)

Also during his summer Commission, Swedenborg was continually making notes to be used in his mineralogical works. Thus, in the MS. on Sulphur are two drawings illustrating the Sulphur works at Dylta - which place he had been commissioned to inspect in the summer of 1724. These drawings, judging by the writing on their backs, are evidently cut out from a manuscript book where Swedenborg made his observations at the time; and another drawing in the same work, copied from the Acta Eruditorum, is written on a slip of paper cut from a manuscript which also seems to have been written at Dylta in 1724. (Ibid., pp. 46-47, 82)

At the end of 1723, Swedenborg had already commenced fulfilling the promise made in his prospectus for a large mineralogical work which he had

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 338

[1723-1726

published in 1722 (see above, pp. 279-80). This first writing comprised a volume of seventy-nine pages on copper, and a volume of one hundred and sixty-seven pages on sulphurs and salts. These volumes, which Swedenborg describes as parts of a series entitled "Collectanea," "Observata Metallici," and a "Mineralogical and Chemical work." The second volume was finished in the early part of 1724, and was to be returned to Swedenborg by Benzelius by July of that year with a view of continuing the series.

It was certainly Swedenborg's intention to continue his "Collectanea" with a view to publishing them as promised, but during the summer of 1724 and the year 1725, he must have had little time at his disposal. In the summer he was on the Commission to Dylta and, moreover, was obliged to see after the building of a new furnace at Axmar, to say nothing of the care of his other mining properties. Then there was the legal dispute with Aunt Brita over the smelting rights at Axmar, and the subsequent long drawn out dispute in the Fall of 1726 concerning the division of the Axmar property. There were also the duties at the College of Mines whose sessions Swedenborg attended every day.

In addition, until the Fall of 1726, Swedenborg does not seem to have had any quiet place of abode where he could settle down to serious work. After returning from an important Commission in the summer of 1726, however, he hired bachelor apartments, as already mentioned (see above, p. 311). He did this probably with a view of securing a quiet place for study. But there must have been many discouragements to study. Not only did Aunt Brita resume her legal action as to the division of Axmar, but what must have taken up more of Swedenborg's time was the Diet, which, instead of lasting from September to December 1726 as had been expected, continued until August 1727; and, during the whole of this time there was great excitement in Stockholm.

However, commencing in the Fall of 1726, Swedenborg did actually resume his interrupted mineralogical writings.

The first of these Collectanea was a work on gold, or perhaps more probably "on gold and silver"; see volume II of Opera Philosophica (published 1734), where reference is made to a work with this title. No copy of this MS. has ever been found. That the work was actually written, however, is shown by the fact that in the Collectanea on Copper - of which we shall speak presently - there is a note reading: "See Dippel's method in gold, p. 254." This shows that the work was a considerable one, and also that it was written in 1727 when Swedenborg first came in contact with Dippel. (Cod. 84; 295; see also pp. 302, 305)

After the work on gold, Swedenborg wrote a continuation of his earlier work on Copper, entitling it: "On the Secretion or Separation of Silver from Copper," an MS. of 364 pages. That this was written in 1727 is indicated by the fact that it contains quotations from a work by Krauterman which was published in 1726. Practically all the contents of this MS. were transferred by Swedenborg to his published work on Copper. (Ibid., pp. 248-69, 345-49)

The third of the Collectanea is on Vitriol, a manuscript of 446 pages. This is shown by the fact that it is referred to by page in the next following work on Sulphur, which was undoubtedly commenced at the end of 1727. Large parts of the contents of this work were transferred by Swedenborg to his published works on Iron and Copper. (Codex 85:p. 111)

The fourth work was entitled on Sulphur and Pyrites. It is a work of 446 pages. That it was written in 1727 is directly stated in the MS. itself,

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 339

[1729

where, in the very beginning of the work, there is a reference to an occurrence of "two years ago, namely, 1725." But in view of what Swedenborg had already written in 1727, the work on Sulphur must have extended into the year 1728. (Codex 83:87)

The fifth in the series is the work on common Salt; 343 MS. pages. This is the only one of the series which has been printed. That it was written in 1729 is indicated by a reference on page 41 of the printed work to a man who "died in 1728," that is to say, not "this year" but "1728." (Codex 83)

Swedenborg also wrote a work on Iron, for in his letter to the Upsala Royal Society, written on November 27, 1729, he says that he will send to the Society "a specimen" of his mineralogical works

"which deals with iron and its working, together with all

other observations which have been made on this metal by

various authors."

This MS., however, is lost; there can be little doubt, however, that the whole of its contents were incorporated in the printed work De Ferro. The passages which we have just quoted indicates that this work was the last of the series; it may be noted, however, that in the MS. on Sulphur, there is a general reference to a work "On Iron." (OQ. 1:321 = LM., p. 436)

Summing up, the works written between the Fall of 1726 and November 1729, given in chronological order, are:

1. On Gold and Silver - LOST

2. On the Secretion of Silver from Copper (Cod. 84:364)

3. On Vitriol (Cod. 85:446)

4. On Sulphur and Pyrites (Cod. 83:446)

5. On Common Salt (Cod. 83:343 - pub. pp. = 153)

6. On Iron and its working - LOST

All these works have several features in common:

1. They consist mostly of citations from leading mining authorities, beginning with Agricola and ending with the latest publications known to the author, together with Swedenborg's own descriptions of what he had learned or observed.

2. With the exception of De Vitriolo which contains some pages to be inserted in the body of the work, they are all furnished with a table of contents, are neatly written, and have the appearance of more or less being ready for the printer.

3. They contain illustrations, sometimes original sketches, sometimes copies, and sometimes cut out from the pages of the author who is quoted at the time.

But though these writings consisted very largely of citations, this statement does not truly express their value. It must be remembered that much of the information contained in these citations was but little known; moreover, Swedenborg adds also the observations made by himself during his travels, or learned from others. The value of these observations will be appreciated if we keep in mind the jealous care with which miners and metallurgists held close the secrets of their art (see above, pp. 279-80).

Original observations were notably to characterize the next volume with which Swedenborg proposed to continue his Collectanea.

"As soon as I have some spare time, I will write up what

I have gathered on native copper and its precipitations,

whereby the copper is obtained from different Swedish mines,

with one or two things

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 340

[1729
November

which the learned world has not yet known concerning it,

together with observations which have been made with

precipitated water in Falun, whereby iron in that mine is

turned into copper." (OQ. 1:321 = LM., p. 437)

As we shall see, Swedenborg did not carry out this intention at once,* for his mind turned to other studies.

* As to the latter part of his proposal, he never carried it out.

Swedenborg had moved his lodging when he wrote the last, or last two, of these works. In December 1728, his sister Hedwig died whose apartments were in the same building as his. It was this event, or perhaps also the desire to be nearer to his work or both, that led Swedenborg to move to new bachelor quarters. As moving day in Stockholm was on September 29th, he perhaps moved in September 1728. His new quarters were on Stora Nygatan at the corner of Gran Helsingengrand* in the old city or "city between the bridges." The house was owned by a master painter to whom Swedenborg paid 600 dal. k. mt. (=16 13s 4d) a year for his rooms. Swedenborg had also changed his manservant, the name of the servant who waited on him in Stora Nygatan being Jean Brandell. (NKTid. 1917:42; ACSD 518AA)

* In Svenska Dagblat Sund. April 5, 1908, the number is given as 143, but in Nya K. Tidning, as An. 7 dr firman Waleen o. Bloch har sina lokalet."

It was in this new abode that Swedenborg continued his mineralogical works. From the letter of November 1729 addressed to the Upsala Royal Society from which we have already quoted, one would gather that he had only recently commenced this work:

"I have now for the past ten years," he writes, "been

gathering everything which serves for shedding light on

metallurgy and the mineral kingdom, and am now thinking of

beginning in a few weeks to bring this assemblages and

excerpts into order, and then have them printed abroad ...

This work will be quite extensive."

(OQ. 1:321 = LM., p. 436)

But by "bringing them into order" was probably meant arranging their order, combining, preparing title-pages, and perhaps recopying parts.

Swedenborg was now in a financial position to publish some at least of this "extensive" work, even had he received no response in answer to his 1722 prospectus. But during the writing of these Collectanea, his mind had not ceased to dwell on those researches into the principles of natural things which were the ultimate object of his studies. He had already in 1721 published a Prodromus or Forerunner of these principles as then understood by him. And now that he had made some progress in his Collectanea, his thoughts turned on the setting forth of the principles themselves:

"If life permits," he writes in the letter just cited, "I am

thinking of making use of such a collection, and on the basis

thereof, of showing ex priori et posteriori the principles of

nature, and in this connection expect to have hit upon one or

two things which concern the magnet and its operations, etc."

(Ibid.)

From this passage, and also from some considerations to be adduced presently, it seems probably that by November 1729 Swedenborg had already finished or nearly finished that work on the Principles of natural Things of which he had published in 1721 a Prodromus or Forerunner. The title of the work is: "The Principles of Natural Things educed from experiments and Geometry or ex posteriori et priori." The Latin text was published in 1904, and an

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[1729
November

English translation appeared under the title The Lesser Principia. The work as written was evidently prepared for the press, as shown both by the inscription "Sit felix faustumque," which heads the title-page, and also by the neat state of the MSS.

This work differs in many important respects from the

later work which is commonly known as the Principia. In the

latter, the cosmological system is described as consisting of

six finites, - namely, from the first finite to the water

particle - and four elementary particles which are bullular

and compound and which constitute respectively the first or

universal aura, the magnetic aura, the other of sight, and

the air.

But in the first Principia, the division is into ten

orders of particles, from the first which is the first

natural point at rest to the tenth which is the water

particle. Of these ten particles, the third, the sixth, and

the ninth are compounds and constitute the universal aura,

the ether, and the air respectively.*

* An excellent and very complete analysis of the system laid down in the first Principia, and of the differences between this and the system of the published Principia, was made by Prof. R. W. Brown in 1913, and published in the New Philosophy for that year, page 136 seq.

The earlier work makes no mention of a magnetic aura, in

fact, it has not a single word to say about magnetism - a

fact which seems plainly to indicate that at the time when it

was written, Swedenborg had not yet commenced his study of

the magnet. In his preceding Collectanea, he had naturally

copied something on the magnet. It is possible that, without

giving much thought to the matter when he wrote his first

Principia, he had supposed that the phenomena of magnetism

were ascribable to what he calls the ether. However this may

be, by November 1729 his mind had turned to a particular

study of magnetism, and with this in view, he wrote his

Collectanea de Magnete, a MS. of 266 pages.

The scheme for Swedenborg's proposed work on Metals was growing in comprehension. It was now to include a "Theory of the Earth," that is, a philosophy of creation, and also a theory of Magnetism, in addition to the treatises on metals and their working promised in the Prospectus of 1722.

This involved far more than metallurigcal collections. Many experimental data as to magnetic observations must be obtained, and in the working out of a theory, many calculations must be made involving the higher mathematics.

It is in connection with his studies on Cosmology, and perhaps before the Lesser Principia, that Swedenborg seems to have written that work on Algebra and geometry which occupies some 170 pages in Codex 86. This work - a few pages of which are missing - has never been published and can be consulted only in the original manuscript or a photostat copy. (Codex 86)

It commences in the simplest way with the elements of

Algebra, as though intended as a textbook for students, and

passes on from addition and subtraction, etc., to fractions,

square roots, equations. In this beginning and also in other

places, the work follows in general the order of Swedenborg's

earlier work which was published in Swedish in 1717, thirteen

years earlier. It may be remembered,

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[1729

however, that this earlier work contained only seven of the

ten books which it was to have included. The present work

supplies the omission in part by treating of the differential

and integral calculus. The work is advanced, but the large

number of examples that are given, suggest a textbook for

students. This part of the work fills 51 pages. The second

section, which fills 104 pages, deals with geometry. It

opens with a chapter on analogies or proportions in numbers,

including Harmonic Proportion. Then comes a corresponding

chapter on Analogies or proportions in lines, including

geometric proportion. After this follow chapters on the

Circle, the Ellipse, the Parabola, the Hyperbola, the

Cycloid, Spiral Lines, Logarithmic Curves, the Rules of

Mechanics, Geometric and Algebraic Rules in Physics; all

abundantly illustrated by figures. The chapters on the

Ellipse and the Parabola (some 28 pages) are crossed off,

paragraph by paragraph; but for what purpose is not apparent.

That these works on Algebra and Geometry were written in conjunction with Swedenborg's study of Cosmology is indicated, not only by the remaining contents of the volume - of which we shall speak presently - but also by the last three pages of the Geometry which consist largely of quotations of mathematical calculations from David Gregory's Astronomia. (Codex 86:162-64)

But even granting that this mathematical treatise were written in connection with Swedenborg's Cosmological studies, one yet must feel some wonder at the complete character of the treatise, as though it were designed for a textbook. Perhaps Swedenborg did design to publish it as a Latin companion to his Regel Konst; perhaps he designed it to help one or more of his youthful nephews; perhaps it was intended not only to refresh himself in mathematics but as a recreation from his more tedious labors. That he was fond of mathematics is indicated by the readiness and speed with which he wrote Regel Konst. A later instance of this inclination to mathematics, and also of Swedenborg's tendency to freshen up his mathematics when occasion demanded, is afforded us many years later when, in 1744, on the eve of his writing on the Senses, he made a comprehensive abstract of Benjamin Martin's Elements of Geometry - extracts which fill over twenty printed pages. (A. Phil. N. B., xiii)

The works on Algebra and Geometry of which we are now speaking are contained in a manuscript volume which seems to have first been intended as a general notebook, designed to contain notes on primitive Swedish history. At any rate, on over twenty widely separated pages - p. 163 to p. 355 - are entered sundry headings, some of which are followed by shorter or longer quotations from a work by the early Swedish historian Joh. Loccenius on Swea-Gothic Antiquities. Among these headings we may mention the following:

"Fables" followed by notes on the deification of Odin and Freja.

"Studies of the Ancient Times," with notes on Eric the First, the origin of the Swedish kings in Asia; then

"Magic," which, Swedenborg himself adds, "perhaps was nothing else than science when in astronomy or geometry or mechanics - which science came over from Asia together with Odin and his companions."

"The State of Government."

"The Kings," "Popular Habits," "Wars," etc.

Many of these entries are mere headings without any notes, but which Swedenborg intended to fill in during his reading. Under "Religion," on the other hand, are a number of extracts from Loccenius, and the same applies to several other headings. Among these extracts, we note the statements that Odin was elected king of the Swedes because of his science and culture; that Eric I was the first historical King of Sweden, etc. (Codex 86 = 163, 183, 209, 239)

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[1730

These notes may have had some connection with Swedenborg's Cosmological studies;* but it is equally probable that they are simply a testimony to Swedenborg's habit to make notes of whatever he is reading. Certainly the manuscript volume is arranged to receive a large assortment of notes on ancient Swedish history and mythology. The writing, however, did not get very far before the manuscript volume was used for the treatise of mathematics to which I have already referred.

* Note the many references to mythology at the end of vol. I of the Opera Mineralogica.

As already stated, the end of Swedenborg's Geometry contains a note referring to Gregory's Astronomia; this, perhaps, as we have already suggested, supplies the reason for the writing of the mathematical work; but, in any case, it clearly shows that Swedenborg is now engaged in a special study of astronomy with a view to his proposed theory of the earth.

It is not surprising, therefore, that in Codex 86, immediately after the work on Algebra and Geometry come several pages of extracts from Burnet's Sacred Theory of the Earth, and this is followed by nine pages from Gregory on the Planets and their Satellites, their distance from the earth, their inclination, etc. And then, after twenty-seven pages of extracts from Musschenbroek twenty-two more pages from Gregory on the Sun and Planets in particular, and on Comets, followed by various astronomical theories which he quotes from other authors. (Codex 86:165-71, 176-86, 232-60)

The quotations from Musschenbroek show us that Swedenborg had now the opportunity of getting a rich supply of magnetical observations, gathered from many published sources and carefully tabulated. Without these, it would not be possible for him to test and perfect his theory of the magnet. But now, in the summer or fall of 1730, he was fortunate enough to obtain a copy of the latest and most authoritative work on the subject of the magnet that had thus far been published. This was the Physicae Experimentales et Geometricae de Magnete by the learned Dutch Physicist Pierre van Musschenbroek, and published in Leiden in the autumn of 1729. (See Neue Zeit., Sept. 15, 1729)

On securing this work, probably in the summer of 1730, Swedenborg eagerly entered into a study of it and, following his usual practice, he copied many extracts from its pages. Those relating to the magnet he entered in the volume which he had already partly filled with extracts on that subject; other passages from Musschenbroek, particularly on the subject of adhesion and capillary attraction, he entered in his other notebook where they fill twenty-seven pages (as already noted), not including two pages of tables which Swedenborg took out of his precious new book and inserted in his notebook. (Codex 81; Codex 86:205-31)

In the MS. on the Magnet, he copied out page after page the observations found in Musschenbroek on the declination of the needle, and to these he adds some rough notes of his own calculations made with a view to forming a theory of magnetism. (Codex 81:268-93, 267-68, 294-95)

After this, and probably in the beginning of 1731, Swedenborg sketches out in the latter pages of his Collectanea on the Magnet, a work on the Declination of the Magnetic Needle. This sketch reads as follows: (Ibid., p. 297)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 344

[1730-31

"1. Introduction (inventio) to a preface and the beginning of the treatise.

"2. Reasons why the needle may err and render the observation uncertain up to one degree.

"3. How a trigonometric calculation is to be instituted.

"4. How the conception is to be aided by means of two eccentric circles."

Here he ends his sketch and commences again on a new page as follows:

"Preface. That this is the golden apple which goes to the victor. That he who carries this off, wins the race. That, nevertheless, the discovery is difficulty, and why. [Confer Principia II:xiv:p. 273) (Codex 81:299)

"Error is easy. Various reasons why an observer may err. [This is followed by a description of ten such reasons.] (Ibid., p. 299)

"The Trigonometric Calculation: [Here Swedenborg gives what are the necessary data for this calculation. After this come eleven paragraphs sketching a proposed treatment of the subject as follows:] (Ibid., p. 300)

"1. There is a magnetic element coherent in perpetual nexus from pole to pole, whereby the earth turns round. (Ibid., p. 302) This element flow sin by the one pole and out by the other, and so gradually renews itself from the solar vortex, but slowly (lente), and is more truly a pressure than a continual efflux and influx. How this is effected, and how it flows in spirally through cones, as it were, and likewise flows out, will be told in the following theories when the elements surrounding the earth come to be treated of, and also the state of the earth in relation to the elements which surround it.

"2. The north and south poles are not poles of the earth proper but are the poles of the universe and, indeed, of the great solar vortex.... Thus, if the earth be divided along the axis of the poles, the one part or the one half globe will not equilibrate the other. But there must be other poles in the earth or in the tellurian vortex which will pass through its center, and which perhaps will present an equilibration. Such are the magnetic poles which are not the same as the poles of the earth but are in other places somewhat distant from the poles of the earth.... It is to be shown that this distance comes from the figure of the vortex surrounding the earth.

"3. How far ... magnetic poles are from the poles of the earth is a matter of length investigation. I ought first to give the theory of the tellurian vortex, and to show its figure, and to treat of the influx of the magnetic element through cones formed in the vortex; and this cannot be done unless I have first given the theory of the earth and its vortex floating and turning in the great solar vortex.

"4. [In this paragraph, Swedenborg goes on to show that the magnetic pole, especially the northern, passes round the poles of the earth in an eccentric path]; respecting which," he concludes, "we shall speak in the theory of the tellurian vortex."

"5. According to the situation of the particles of the magnetic element, such also is the declination of the magnet or needle. This element does not operate immediately upon the needle by transflux, but it operates upon its sphere, finally reducing the latter to its own situation.

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[1730-31

"6. The question therefore arises, What is the situation of the particles of the magnetic element in any given place on the earth? First it tends in a circle or are between these two poles, directly toward the poles; but since this arc is not any meridian of the earth, therefore, in respect to the pole and its meridian, it is in a situation other than rectilinear. [Swedenborg then speaks of the angles between the meridians and the path of the magnetic flow; and this is followed by directions as to calculations.]

Here we have Swedenborg's first formulation of his theory of the magnetic vortex - a formulation which he elaborates, still observing the same order of sequence, in the fifth chapter of his published Principia on the "Causes of the Declination of the magnetic Needle." Indeed, the likeness between the sketch and the elaboration is so striking as even to suggest that the former was written somewhat later than we have supposed, and, at any rate, served as a guide in the writing of Part II, chapter V of the Principia.

It will be observed:

1. That in this sketch, Swedenborg, for the first time, declares that the magnetic vortex exercises a pressure on the earth, thus suggesting the cause for the phenomena of gravity.

2. That he uses the word "element" to describe the magnetic aura. This term he had used in his Miscellaneous Observations, published in 1721, but in a loose way, to describe air, ether, light, etc. In the first Principia the term is not used anywhere. (Miss. Obs. Pp. 84-85)

3. That now, for the first time in all his writings he recognizes the existence of a magnetic element or aura. This is unknown to the first Principia.

4. That he here proposes to follow the treatise on the Magnet by a Theory of the Earth or of the Tellurian Vortex.

While Swedenborg was engrossed in this literary work, the new Diet assembled in Stockholm in January 1731. Swedenborg, of course, attended, but he does not seem to have taken any active part in the meetings. Indeed, a great calm had come over Sweden since the 1726-27 stormy Diet, and the meetings of 1731 were the calmest ever experienced by any Diet during the whole of the frihetstid. There was in general harmony between all the Estates. (ACSD 518; Hildebr. 5:66)

Yet it was just before and during this Diet that we must date

the beginning of the Hat Party. It arose from the disharmony

between Arvid Horn and the King which became especially acute

on account of the King's disgraceful love affair with the

sixteen-year old daughter of Count Taube.

In opposition to the conservative and popular Horn, many

prominent men gathered themselves around the King, and by

forwarding his amour were received with ever growing favor.

The leaders among these were Counts Karl Gyllenborg, his

brother Frederick, Daniel v. Hopken (the father of Anders),

Count Fersen, etc. - the future leaders of the Hat Party and

formerly the adherents of the Holstein Party.

(Hildebr. 5:68; Fryx. 34:9)

As already observed, Swedenborg took no active part in this Diet, though he seems to have attended most of the sessions. But he was not appointed on any committee, and he did not take part in any of the discussions, though he

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[1731

continued as before to be the Bergscollegium's representative on the Statskommission.* Yet it may be well to consider one or two of the matters which must have come before his notice.

* A body which prepared the annual budget for the Secret Committee (Nord. Familjebok, s. v., Statskommission).

One of the notable things done by this Diet was the revision

of the national laws. These revised laws were reported to a

meeting of the House of Nobles on several days in March and

April, when the laws respecting marriage, inheritance, landed

property, buildings, breach of the peace were revised. In

general, the revisions looked to greater equality and

liberality. On one occasion this led to violent opposition

from the Nobles. The priests and burghers favored the

proposal that every one should have the right to shoot hares

and birds on his own land. This the nobles, without

exception, opposed as a diminishing of their privileges. The

discussion waxed so violent that the meeting broke up, and

the Minutes taken at the time were subsequently omitted.

(Sv. R. o. Ad. Prot. 6:199s; see also p. 205s.;

Malmstrm 2:139-40)

Another matter that came up was the question of religious

freedom. As a result of the Pietist and Dippelian movements,

the Council had appointed a Commission to hear the case of

Tolstadius; it had also made regulations for the strict

examination "in the Packhouses" of all books entering into

any Swedish city. These actions were favorably reported to

the House of Nobles on March 13th, together with regulations

whereby those who spread heretical writings, etc., shall be

called before a local judge for examination, who shall then

refer the matter to the higher court who may refer it to the

King. All this was approved, but the discussion developed

that some of the nobles were anxious that there should be no

compulsion of conscience, and especially that such matters

shall not depend on "the caprices of priests."

(R. o. Ad. Prot. 6:592, 597)

The matter of freedom of religion came up again in June in

the closing days of the Diet, where it was favored by some as

a necessary means to induce foreign workmen to come to

Sweden. The majority, however, were opposed. Thus, one

nobleman said: "I shall never consent to free religion,

especially during these times when one sees so many new sects

insinuating themselves, and our Lutheran religion stands in

danger; moreover, it behooves us to teach manufacturing to

our own youth." These sentiments were agreed to by

Swedenborg's brother-in-law Benzelstierna, his cousin

Schönström, and his close associate Bergenstierna.

Eventually it was decided to allow freedom to workmen of the

Reformed Church and of the Church of England, but only in one

city - namely, lings where were Almstrm's great

industries. Even this was not carried without strong

opposition. And the resolution was explained as applying

only to foreign workmen but not to their children who must be

brought up as Lutherans. (Ibid., p. 530)

Another matter that came up when Swedenborg was at the House of Nobles as a series of propositions brought up by Swedenborg's cousin Peter Schönström, one whereof was in the direction so earnestly but unsuccessfully urged by Swedenborg in the Diet of 1723 (see above, p. 273), namely, the giving of preferential rights to metals, not according to their nobility, but according to their value to the kingdom. Among Schönström's proposals was that preference

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[1731-32

given in 1723 to the noble metals be extended to iron, which would thus have the same preferential right in the purchase of forests and the employment of labor. Differently from Swedenborg in 1723, Schönström was supported both by the representatives of the College of Mines and by the House of Nobles. (R. o. Ad. Prot. 6:483)

During the summers of 1731 and 1732, Swedenborg and Bergenstierna were again sent on a Commission. Earlier in the year 1732, there had been the disastrous cave-in of one of the larger mines at Falun, called Carl den XII's pit, and it was the inspection of the results, and the advising as to what could be done that was the work of the Commission. Evidently nothing could be done, for the pit was still out of use thirty years later. (ACSD 534A; Hlphers, p. 395)

Meanwhile, Swedenborg, during 1731-32, had been busily gathering together his Collectanea and putting them together with a view to their publication.* At this time also, he wrote his Principia and the accompanying work on the Magnet. In the genesis of this literary work we see the reason for the seeming lack of continuity between the Principia and the works on Iron and Copper which constituted volumes 2 and 3 of the Opera Mineralogica. This work was originally intended to be purely mineralogical in fulfilment of the prospectus printed in 1722. As the preliminary studies proceeded, however, Swedenborg dwelt more and more on those theories of which he had given a specimen in his Prodromus or Chemistry. Then he wrote his first Principia, and afterwards was led to the study of the Magnet, and so to a complete revision and rewriting of his Principia.

* That the Principia proper was written in 1731 is indicated by the closing words of the published work; "In my Principles, formed and written two years before seeing his [Wolff's] works," namely, Ontology and Cosmology. That Swedenborg first saw these works (or, at any rate, the Cosmology) in Dresden on July 10, 1733, see p. 370 below.

The volumes of the Opera Mineralogica were to cover far more than Iron and Copper; but since the latter works were completed, or nearly so, Swedenborg determined to publish what was ready, and for this purpose once more to visit the German mines with a view to making any necessary additions and of gathering further material for the future volumes.* Indeed, in the summer of 1732, Swedenborg seems already to have sent at least some part of his MS. to Henkel, a printer in Dresden and Leipzig; for he had no intention of employing the publisher who, in 1722, had printed the Miscellaneous Observations with its numerous and glaring typographical errors (see above, p. 246). But some delay or other difficulty had evidently arisen, and this caused Swedenborg to make some inquiry through Joh. Fre. Henkel of whom he had probably heard during his visit to Leipzig in 1721.

* Was Iron completed on January 20, 1733? See Codex 86:231.

Doctor Henkel had made a great name for himself as a chemist

and mineralogist, though his gifts were more of a practical

than of a literary kind. He had specially distinguished

himself by discoveries in the manufacture of porcelain at

Meissen, and in recognition of his services, he was appointed

by King Augustus of Saxony to be Counsellor of Mines at

Frieberg. Here, in 1725, he published his Pyritologia, the

most complete work on practical metallurgy of its day - a

work of which Swedenborg made frequent use in his

Collectanea. His fame as a practical and advanced authority

on metallurgy and mining was widespread, and in Freiburg he

was visited by many young Swedes who wished thereby to

advance themselves and their fatherland in the practical

sciences. (Alg. Deu. Biog., 11:760)

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[1732-33

Swedenborg had probably heard much praise of Henkel through Swedish friends who had studied with him; probably also he had not failed to notice the reference to his own Prodromus (Chemistry) which Henkel had inserted in the last chapter of his Pyritologia. In the summer of 1732, as already stated, he wrote to this distinguished metallurgist, presumably in Latin, concerning the Dresden-Leipzig printer, and at the same time offered to be of service to him in the field of Swedish mining and metallurgy; perhaps also he included some comments on Henkel's reference to his Prodromus.*

* The reference in question is on pp. 1006-7. Here Henkel notes that "in a notable investigation," Swedenborg, in a Prodromus, teaches that the nature of natural bodies is geometrical. But he adds that in his opinion, in the absence of further experiments, it is too early to hold or prove this theory.

In writing to Henkel, Swedenborg's object was probably not merely to inquire about the printer but also to come in contact with the wider sphere of European learning. One is reminded of his letter to Melle, in 1721, just prior to his journey to Amsterdam to publish the Prodromus or Forerunner of the Principia.

Henkel answers him in French from Freiburg on October 21, 1732:

"I am happy at having the honor of making your acquaintance,"

he writes, "and the more so since I have long desired it

because of your great merit, as your fellow countrymen who

have honored my abode with their presence could testify. And

you would infinitely oblige me if you would have the kindness

to assist me with some observations and notes in the

mineralogy of your country, according to the offer which you

were so good as to make me; for I shall have much need of it,

in connection with a practical mineralogical dictionary which

I am planning....

"Monsieur Henkel, an honest man, understands his

business, and therefore, Monsieur, you will have patience

with him in case he does not fulfill what he undertakes in

the time desired. I can assure you that one will hardly meet

booksellers in our neighborhood who, in these times, will

risk a contract en question." (OQ. 1:322 = LM., p. 450)

By 1733, Swedenborg had determined himself to visit Leipzig and Dresden, there to superintend the printing of his work, and in the Spring of that year he seriously set about making arrangements for this, his third foreign journey, undertaken not only to superintend the printing of his work but also to enlarge his knowledge of mining and metallurgy by visits to new fields.

On April 13th, he applied to the King for permission to "make a journey to Dresden, to be present at the printing of a work I have written, and which

I now have under press there.* This I find to be the more

necessary as otherwise it will come out with errors,

incomplete, and little to my honor; and I have used time and

money on it. And as this work treats of how ores are broken

and smelted in all places in Europe, with more concerning the

working of each of the different kinds of ores and metals;

besides other matters which I think will prove to be of

general use; and as about nine months will likely be required

for the completion of this work since it will be a somewhat

extensive work and will consist of several volumes in folio,

I am in the humble hope," etc. (NCL 1896:167; LM., p. 451)

* Swedenborg's Opera Cosmologia et Mineralia was printed not at Dresden but at Leipzig. See De Cupro ad fin. But perhaps Swedenborg did not know at this time that Henkel had an establishment in both cities - Dresden apparently for engraving, and Leipzig for printing.

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[1733
April-May

Swedenborg's request was referred to the College of Mines, which, on April 14th, favored it in a letter to the King, wherein it stated that the College had no comment to make on Swedenborg's request.

"except that it is well known to the College that with

commendable diligence, tirelessness and care, he has written

many useful things on mining matters, and one would willingly

see them in print." They added that arrangements could

easily be made to have his duties performed during his "short

absence." (Doc. I:p. 442)

It is illustrative of the jealousy with which the government regarded the granting of every favor, that this matter was formally considered in the Royal Council on April 17th, when the desired leave was duly granted. (ACSD 544)

Before he left Stockholm, however, Swedenborg made some notes which give us a plain intimation that in his cosmological studies his ultimate aim was the search for the soul. In writing the Principia, he had been dwelling on the activities of his four elements or atmospheres in the universe and the world, and in this connection his mind reverted to his earlier studies on Tremulation, when he had advanced the thought that all life consists in motion, and that, like the external sensory organs, so all parts of the body receive motions, being empowered to do this by the soul.

And now he turns his thought to the applying to this doctrine the theory of the elements set forth in the Principia; and he jots down some notes.

These notes are contained in the opening pages of a volume in which Swedenborg designed to enter his Diary and sundry observations made during his forthcoming foreign journey. It would seem that they must have been written in Stockholm during April, for they are immediately following by his Diary entry for May 10th. (Codex 88)

The notes are entitled: "Generally concerning the Motion of the Elements." The Latin text has never been published, but an English translation by Mr. Alfred H. Stroh is printed in Scientific and Philosophical Treatises, Part I, Fascicle 2, pp. 99-105. Here Swedenborg advances the theory that the animal kingdom - his first use of this term, so far as I know - displays the same motions as the elements, and this by means of

"membranes prepared and adapted to the motion of the enclosed

elements." These elements, he adds, not only impart a

tremulatory motion to the membrane, but "they can also be

transferred locally from one place to another, either to a

fixed boundary or in a circle, like the blood, and perhaps

various other liquors" (chap. 3).

Consequently that there is a harmony between the

elements and the membranes; and that in the latter, motions

are transmitted from a membrane to a gross, and vice versa,

the character of the motions being changed accordingly (chap.

4); and since the membranous system in continuous, therefore

there is a constant nexus throughout the body (chap. 5).

Here he enumerates six membranes in the body, being Aas many

in order as are the atmospheres," namely, the bony membrane,

the blood vessel, the dura mater, the pia mater, a still

subtler mater proceeding from the pia, and a still subtler

proceeding again from this (chap. 6).

He maintains also that "one and the same membrane

consists of ... grosser and subtler membranes which enclose

in order grosser and subtler elements." Thus the tunics of

blood vessels include nervous tissue;

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[1733
April-May

this consists of a thinner membrane "enclosing a juice still

more subtle than the blood; and also of a still finer

membrane which encloses a more subtle element, perhaps ether"

(chap. 7).

Therefore, a membrane can become more subtle as it

passes over subtler bodies, and vice versa; as, for instance,

the pia mater as it passes into the cortex (chap. 8).

It is then stated that the tension of membranes is

maintained by the contiguity of the enclosed elements; thus,

by the blood, by a subtler fluid, and by "an element like the

ether" (chap. 9).

In the motion of membranes and its transmission to more

subtle membranes consists all sensation, the subtler

sensations being in subtler membranes, and so on (chap. 11).

The membranes are always put in motion whenever there is an

impelling force, such as saline particles, air, ether, etc.,

and the motion so induced continues in every direction

(chap. 12).

Finally, Swedenborg says that the most subtle parts are

configured variously, sometimes by cultivation and use as in

the cerebrum; whence arise varieties in their motions.

In this work we have the doctrine which Swedenborg first laid down in his Tremulation - written in 1719, see above, p. 215. The doctrine itself is by no means treated so fully in 1733, but, on the other hand, Swedenborg then speaks more particularly concerning the differences in the membranes, and above all, he connects the tremulations in the body with the motions of the auras of the world. This could not have been done until the doctrine in the Principia had been formulated.

Yet the work is but a sketch; a jotting down of ideas which needed further development; and we shall show presently that their immediate fruit was an explanation of the mechanism between the soul and the body. One point which is made in these notes, Swedenborg did not subsequently adhere to, namely, his statement that the elements are enclosed in the membranes. His subsequent and consistent position is that the elements or atmospheres act upon the membranes - gross or subtle; while what are contained within the membranes are not elements but finites. Even in the present work, Swedenborg on one occasion seems to be referring to finites rather than to elements or atmospheres - namely, in chapter 6, where he speaks of six degrees of membranes corresponding to the six elements. The Principia gives only four elements, but it gives six finites.

And now Swedenborg began to make that foreign journey, the object of which was to publish the philosophical work, the Prodromus or outline of which had been published in 1721 when he was last in Germany; and also to publish the first of those mineralogical works which he had publicly promised in 1722.

Of this journey, Swedenborg kept a very full Diary, which he maintained until the day when he put his Principia into the hands of the Leipzig printer, and it is to this Diary that we must turn for almost all the information which we have concerning him at this time.

He left Stockholm on Thursday, May 10th, in company with Count Frederick Gyllenborg and a number of other gentlemen. On the way, he was joined by Lars Benzelstierna and his second wife, and the three went together to Linköping, about 125 miles from Stockholm. Here they made a visit to their brother Eric

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[1733
May

Benzelius who was then the Bishop in that city. They arrived on Sunday in time for the four days' festivities of Whitsuntide, during which they visited the Stngebro, the scene of the battle in 1598 between Duke Karl (subsequently Karl IX) and his nephew Sigismund King of Sweden and Poland. Sigismund, who was under the influence of the Jesuits, was beaten and, in consequence, Karl, an ardent Protestant, came to the throne.

"This battle," writes Swedenborg, "should be celebrated

by posterity, in which the contest seems to have been

concerning the fate of religion, as to which should rule in

Sweden. Had victory gone to the side of Sigismund, perhaps

the inhabitants of this northern land would now be living

devoted to the Papist religion. But God decreed it

otherwise." Posterity did celebrate the event - but many

years later; for in 1898 a monument was dedicated in

Linköping to the memory of the battle. (Resebeskrifn., p. 5)

They also took a pleasure trip to the Castle of Sturefors, beautifully situated at the junction of two rivers, about six miles south of Lipkping. Swedenborg greatly admired a painting by Ehrenstrahl which he saw there; but, as so often in his travels, it is the scenery that principally attracts him.

"What most commends this palace," he says, "it its

situation which is most delightful, being able powerfully to

exhilarate and expand the mind; for the eye has a widely

extended view over lakes, rivers, meadows and fields to the

distant woods."

There must have been some drawback to this, Swedenborg's last visit to the home of his brother-in-law Eric and his sister Anna; for the latter was in poor health, and the former was quite ill from the effects of a fever. (OQ. 1:323)

Added to this was the frightful ending to the unhappy marriage of their daughter Greta (Margaretha).

A little over five and half years previously, when she

was eighteen years old, she had married a learned pedant at

Upsala, twenty-nine years her senior; a careless and

pleasure-loving girl with a heavy-minded man old enough to be

her father. The marriage was marked by constant quarrels and

repeated separations; and, finally, this daughter of a bishop

gave birth to an illegitimate son, and in March 1733, less

than five weeks before Swedenborg's visit, she was brought

before the Civil Court. On May 9th she was condemned to pay

a fine and to do public penance for three Sundays running;

and on June 13th was divorced by the Upsala Consistory. She

steadily refused to do the penance, and the Consistory did

not insist. It would have been altogether too great a

scandal to have the granddaughter, daughter and niece of

three living bishops do public penance - and this in the town

where all three had earned high reputations.

(Frn det forna Ups., pp. 114, 165, 166)

Swedenborg left Lipkping on Thursday, May 17th, journeying to Grnna and then along the beautiful eastern shore of Lake Vetter to Jnkping, and so due south to Ystad. Writing in his Diary on Sunday, he says: (Resebeskrifn., p. 6)

"Having passed through Smland, I have arrived at Skna.

Here, owing to some difference in the climate and in the

polar altitude, not only is the air changed but there is a

variety in the soil; for the country was observed to be

flatter ... and to have a more sandy soil. The forest land

is not fertile and usable except in those parts which produce

and nourish beeches and hazel trees. The

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[1733
May

pine, the fir, and the birch gradually disappear, and in

their place come trees suitable to the land and the soil. The

only thing occurring to me that is worthy of note is, that

necessity and the lack of forests have compelled this people

to mark and preserve their boundaries with hedges different

from those used in Sweden. I observed that their boundaries

are made sometimes of stone, sometimes of the branches and

twigs of trees woven together, sometimes of roots, and

sometimes of both together. These hedges furnish a very good

protection and make a better distinguishing mark between

their domains than in Sweden. Those made of stone are

constructed in the ordinary way. In the case of those made

of ranches, stakes and sticks are set in the ground, two feet

apart, and the branches are then woven and bent between them

in a serpentine manner, and thus firmly bind and connect

together the stakes fastened in the ground. At every space

of from four to six ells are wooden supports which are

fastened in the ground in a position oblique to the hedge to

prevent the latter from being thrown down by the wind. Those

hedges which are made of roots are mostly made of the dug up

roots of the hazel tree; sometimes there are set between

stakes and sticks as described above, for they are put

between them and roughly woven in; sometimes they are without

order, being merely thrown one on the other; sometimes they

are set on the top of a stone wall. They are a good

protection against all transit." (Ibid.)

As Ystad, Swedenborg found a ship ready to sail, but he had to wait three days for a favorable wind. Finally he crossed the water and arrived at Stralsund in the early morning of May 25th. Probably stayed at Altmarkt. This city still belonged to Sweden though the latter had been compelled by the Stockholm treaty of January 1720 to give up to Germany the greater part of the old Swedish Pomerania, for which, however, she was paid two million riksdalers. (Hildebrand 5:28; ANC illustn. 2a)

This was Swedenborg's first visit to Stralsund, the scene of Charles XII's last and fateful struggle on the Continent, and naturally Swedenborg viewed the city with interest. On the day after his arrival, he

"walked around the city for the sake of viewing the walls and

ramparts, and likewise the remains of the siege.... I went

to the gate called Knipendohr, in the assaulting of which,

hostile crews and the armies of three kings [Prussia,

Denmark, and Hanover] long wasted all their toil and labor.

It is very strongly fortified by numerous earthworks,

ramparts and ditches. I then went to the Trippteerdohr where

there is now being built a new fortification. Then to the

gate called Frankendohr. Here, near the bank of the flowing

waters, in the night time, the enemy, after passing the

fortifications extended to some distance beyond the city,

entered the fortified and protected positions ... and came

between the Swedish army and the fortification nearer to the

city, and cut the Swedes off from the entrance to the city.

(Illustn. 2D)

"I also happened to see the place where the King's house

had been. (Ibid. 2E)

"Moreover, I examined three larger churches of the city.

The most distinguished is St. Nicolas near the market place;

then comes the church of St. Mary, in no way yielding to the

former in size; and then the church of St. Jacob.... The

place for baptisms in St. Nicolai is celebrated and very

conspicuous. (Ibid. 2F-G, H, I, J) (Resebeskrifn., p. 7)

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[1733
May

Swedenborg left Stralsund on Sunday, May 27th, for Anklam via Greifswalde where he had spent several months in 1715 (see above, p. 71) when he had published Camena Borea, Ludus Heliconius, and Festivus Applausus in Carolum XII. At the time of his former visit, Greifswalde was in the temporary possession of Saxony, but by the Stockholm treaty of 1720 it had again been restored to Sweden. It was, however, the last Swedish town through which Swedenborg passed on this journey, for the next town Anklam, where he arrived in the evening, had been ceded to Brandenburg, and here, for the first time, Swedenborg came into contact with the Prussian Government. (ANC illustn. 3A-D)

"The way from Greifswalde to Anklam," he writes in his

Diary, "is very flat and is all country. The banks and the

flowing streams are everywhere covered and beautified with

the most beautiful oaks.... From here, and also from the

region approaching Stettin, a large number of oak trees are

sent off to foreign ports for use in ship-building. At

Anklam I had the first opportunity of seeing the Brandenburg

soldiery, being those who are called grenadiers. They all

march holding their tall and slender bodies erect, wearing on

their heads hats ending in a cone and conspicuously marked by

an abundance of brass in the shape of names and figures.

They were clothed in a military coat, shortened, reaching to

the middle of the thigh. Their breeches so tightly fitted

the lower extremities of their body that no wrinkle arising

from looseness could hide any blemish, and one could see the

harmony of the parts at first sight. The legs were enclosed

in buttoned leggings reaching from the thighs to the shoes.

They execute their military exercises or drill with the

utmost promptitude and uniformity, if also perhaps a little

theatrically. The soldiers in line are exactly the same in

body and age, and with their faces turned in one direction.

The head is most finely adorned; the feet, arms, and other

members are the least burdened and bound, being so accoutered

that they can attack the enemy with promptitude, and in the

same way can betake themselves to flight. Thus, they are

ready for either of the fortunes of war. The King* seems

greatly desirous of splendor and magnificence in his

soldiery, yet he so restrains and curtails luxury that the

signs of toughness are apparent.

(Reseb., p. 7; ANC illustn.4; Abbott, pp. 43, 246)

* Frederick William I of Prussia, father of Frederick the Great and Louisa Ulrica of Sweden.

On May 28th he went to Friedland in Mecklenburg, "passing the

most beautiful oak forests on the way" which lay through a

region "most fertile in grain and geese." Passing through

Friedland, he continued to Neu Brandenburg where he stopped

over night. He describes these two cities, both of which

were (and still are) walled, as "not distinguished for size,

ramparts or houses"; but he "had the opportunity of enjoying

their delicious fruits." Of the country between them, he

says it bears "an abundance of the best hops, equal to the

Brunswick hops. The best of the crop was exported into

Sweden, but now that this is prohibited, it has little

value." (Resebeskrifn., p. 8)

In Neu Brandenburg, he was fortunate enough to see the Schtzen Festival, which is celebrated annually at Pentecost* or Whitsuntide. The winner of this shooting

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contest, which is still common in the cities of North Germany, for the following year was called Schtzen Knig and was free from taxes. The annual festival is still kept up at the same time of the year, and the winner is still the Schtzen Knig, but for more than a hundred years past he has not been freed from taxes. Swedenborg writes of this festival as follows:

"I happened to see their annual sport, namely, the way in

which they exercise with shooting once every year for the

honor of being king. He who, aiming and shooting, hits the

target and the mark, is made Schutz Knig, and for a year is

freed from all taxes; and the next year, adorned with certain

silver insignia, he marches in front of the company of

shooters to a new contest and a new scene." (Reseb. P. 8)

(ANC illustn. 5, 9-,6A)

* Although Swedenborg, at this time, still dates his Diary by the Swedish or Old Style, yet when he left Greifswalde he came into the New Style. Thus he arrived at Neu Bradenburg on Whitmonday June 8th N. S.

On May 30th he arrived at Old Strelitz, first passing through Neu Strelitz three or four miles distant. Swedenborg notes in his Diary that the Duke [of Strelitz] has made the new city his capital, and "has now built a new palace there" - a building with a most charming outlook and backed by beautiful woods. (Ibid.)

Traveling through Mecklenburg, Swedenborg had undoubtedly heard much of the strife of the nobles with the Duke of Mecklenburg, and of the latter's insane obstinacy. Writing in his Diary at New Strelitz, he notes that

"Mechlenburg was formerly divided into three Duchies, which

afterwards came to one heir who is now living at Schwerin.

His second wife," Swedenborg continues, "with her daughter,

is now living at St. Petersburg with her sister the Empress

of the Russians*.... Both mother and daughter refuse to

return to their husband or father. He now lives at Schwerin,

a Duke almost without an empire,** and a husband without a

wife.... The nobles, because he did not wish to preserve

entire their rights and privileges, decreed his fate, and

with the consent of the Emperor he was removed from his

throne.... By so many reverses and misfortunes, by so many

admonitions and exhortations of two Emperors,*** by the most

diverse and unhappy fates which seem to have removed from him

all hope of further fortune, it has yet for these thirteen

years even to the present not been possible to reduce him to

a better mind and better counsels; he prefers to live an

exile and deprived of rule rather than give way an inch in

his opinions. Habits arising from one's nature cannot be

expelled even when crossed by misfortunes, and by a long

series of sinister events; and if they should be expelled,

they would yet come back. For the rest, Mecklenburg is a

very noble country, for it abounds in nobles who long to

abound in wealth."

(Resebeskrifn., pp. 8-9) (ANC illustn. 7A)

* Empress Anne, niece of Peter the Great.

** He was deposed in 1708, being succeeded by his brother Christian Louis.

*** Namely, his uncle-in-law, Peter the Great, and his suzerain, the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire.

Swedenborg stopped at old Strelitz for two nights - probably for necessary rest - and left on the morning of June 1st for Frstenberg and then Zehdennick, the first town in Brandenburg, of which he observes that "it is a finer town" than either of the others. Here also he stayed over night. June 2nd was the last stage of the journey to the capital of Brandenburg, now some fifty miles

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distant. The first stop for change of horses was Oranienburg, where Swedenborg was charmed with the beautiful castle, and especially the beautiful vista presented by its park, "extending through a meadow widely opening into beautiful woods of firs and oaks planted around and round at an equal distance, as though into the form of a crown." The palace was deserted, so Swedenborg had a free opportunity of viewing its courts. He particularly admires the court at the back of the castle where are two great doors, one admitting to the court, and the other opening on to the country; between these gates was an atrium where one could walk to and fro and could alternately view the spacious country or the beautiful palace court. (ANC illustn. 8A-F; Resbeskrifn., p. 9)

Finally, in the afternoon of Saturday, June 2nd, Swedenborg arrived at Berlin.

Berlin was then being developed into a great city by Frederick William I, the terrible father of Frederick the Great. Many years before, Frederick William's

grandfather, the great Elector of Brandenburg, had admitted

five thousand French Huguenots, Waldenses and other refugees,

and had built the city of Frederickstadt just west of the old

town, and also Dorotheenstadt. Some twenty years before

Swedenborg's visit, the four adjacent towns - the two already

mentioned and Berlin and Kln - had been amalgamated into one

municipality under the name Berlin. The population was not

seventy-five thousand, of whom one-fifth were soldiers.

As soon as he arrived, Swedenborg "wandered alone through the

city, that I might take in with the eye all that is wont to

present itself to the first gaze of a stranger. First coming

to my notice on the bridge leads to the Castle* or Royal

Palace was a metal statue of pure bronze erected in 1703 by

King William,** which is very remarkable because of its

weight, size, and art. It is well worth seeing. The first

King of Prussia,*** in large size, sitting on a great horse.

At each corner are sitting four men, or rather giants two or

three times larger than men, sad mournful, and with joyless

countenances, fettered with chains of bronze (but they are

rendered very grave and motionless because of the metal and

its weight). The work is surely worthy of the bronze.

(ANC illustn. 10A)

* This indicates that Swedenborg was lodging in the old town northwest of and not far from the Royal Palace. All vestiges of this town are now entirely gone.

** This is an error. The Elector, Frederick William, died in 1688. The statue was erected by his son Frederick, the first King of Prussia (died 1713) and the grandfather of Frederick the Great.

*** No the first king of Prussia but the Great Elector of Brandenburg, Frederick William.

"The Royal house is most magnificent, a work of great

cost exceeding in size and height the palaces of many kings.

On its one side is a meadow or military camp, a place capable

of holding from twenty to thirty thousand soldiers, horses

and foot, and their exercises and maneuvers can be seen from

the royal house. I omit a description of the palace itself

for it would fill many pages, whereas a painter could

represent it more to the life on a single page. (Ibid. 10B)

"Not yielding to this is the armory [Zenghaus], which

lies near by.... Also the poorhouse or Weisenhaus. The

Church of St. Peter is likewise sublime and extremely

beautiful.... As regards the houses

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of the citizens or subjects, they are numerous and well worth

seeing; all of them, even to the roof, clearly imitate the

houses of Italy and Paris.

(ANC illustn. 10C; ill. In Brokchuas, 2:768)

"It must also be mentioned that outside the city proper,

or that which is surrounded by walls, is founded a new and

not smaller city called Frederickstadt.* The present King has

made it larger and more populous. In the Frederick Street,

nearly three and a half miles long, toward the middle, a row

of new houses commences, all so exactly alike both in height

and as to their whole facade, from ground to roof, that you

would think them to be a single house; and yet they are from

four to five hundred contiguous houses; at the Market Place,

however, the row is broken. The work is still going on, and

by the King's order they are keeping to the work with energy.

The street ends in a forum which is elegantly round, and the

forum in a gate which closes the city. The largest part of

it has been built by those who carry on manual trades and

arts, and likewise by the nobles. One would think that there

were here a hundred ducal homes, when yet they are the houses

of workmen and artificers who, in other places, are wont to

dwell in little settlements, cottages and huts. What most

pleases the eye and exhilarates the mind is the wonderful

evenness and contiguity, so that it might be said that many

thousands of men have their comment seat and their associated

roofs in a single house, as it were.

* This is now among the busiest parts in the center of Berlin.

"The city is very populous, for trades are vigorous and

flourishing, since a great many exiles and fugitive workmen

from France have fixed their abode here. A vast stream of

people march through the streets and lanes [this was on

Saturday] and is mingled in crowds about the public offices,

but the greater part of it is in military service. Moreover,

posts of soldiers are seen at every corner. It may,

therefore, be concluded that both trade and manufactures can

makes cities opulent, for no merchandise is brought here by

sea; but it is the manufactures that attract the wealth and

hold it from going abroad and being scattered."

(Resebeskrifn., pp. 10-11)

Such were Swedenborg's observations made on the day of his arrival in Berlin. They indicate a busy day and some reading or conversation - perhaps with his landlord.

He pursued his sightseeing on the following Sunday and Monday, seeing among other things a drill of cavalry and infantry which took place outside the city. This he much admired, especially the great uniformity "in motion, turning and step."

"The whole mass" he writes, "as though made by hand and art

and gathered together in that place, was ruled in a moment at

the will of the maker. There is nothing uneven that comes

before the eye. If they should be as unanimous in battle as

they are in their exercises, they would conquer the army of

Alexander, and would subject the great part of Prussian

Europe, but --" (Ibid., p. 11)

and here he breaks off, but one can readily imagine the continuation. Swedenborg naturally had no great love for the Prussians, who had taken most of Pomeranis out of Swedish hands.

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On Sunday he went to the church of St. Peter, which was then being rebuilt after a destructive fire three years earlier. He notes that it is devoid of interior columns for the support of the roof, and also that "around the building, under the roof, are set round windows directed toward the center of the building, which give considerable light," and also that "there are two rows of seats around the walls, so that there is room for a large number of auditors."* (Resebeskrifn., p. 11)

* This church was again burned down in 1809.

Of course he visited the library, where he found

"an abundance of books, but old. Not many are added at the

present time, money being lacking for this use. Many MSS.

are exhibited such as the Bible of Charlemagne which was

brought here from Aix-la-Chapelle and written eight hundred

years ago."* (ANC illustn. 10D)

* Swedenborg is here repeating what was then believed; subsequent investigation has shown, however, that this Bible was written in the eleventh century, and that the four ivory plates on the front cover date from 962-63. The Bible was brought to Berlin from Magdeburg.

He was shown some historical books in Italian which had belonged to Queen Christiana, a number of ancient MSS., a Chinese Bible, a Koran of exquisite workmanship,* and "a Koran, almost round, enclosed in a case of the most exquisite form."** He also saw the famous large atlas, an immense book, four feet by six, bound in thick wooden boards covered with leather and ornamented with heavy brass fittings and three clasps. It was presented in 1665 by the Prince of Nassau to Frederick William, the last great Elector of Brandenburg. (Ibid. P. 11)

* MS. 336. It is written on parchment with gold and blue borders.

** MSS. 80, 81.

Swedenborg also visited the Museum, called the Kunst-Cammer from the fact that it was a room in the royal Castle. Here he notes seeing

various objects of amber, elaborately wrought, such as

"caskets, statues, crosses on which was the Messiah," etc.,

which were represented from "large pieces of amber put

together and fused."

He speaks also of having seen

"different kinds of corals, especially the red; likewise

flower of iron, white and very beautiful and large. Also

gold ore, a large piece of native gold embedded in quartz;

likewise silica polished on the outside and variegated and

interspersed with thick rich veins of gold, so that within it

there was more gold than silica; also pieces of native

silver, and choice ores of other metals."

All this would naturally be of special interest to Swedenborg. He also notes

having seen objects wrought of silver, "Chinese vases and

other work, besides animals of different kinds, such as

crocodiles, sea horses, boars of great size, unicorns,

various kinds of elephants' teeth. There was shown also a

knife which had been swallowed by a man, and half eaten away,

and then cut out, the man living afterwards for twenty

years," also many wax figures of the royal family.*

* Many of the articles in this Museum were removed to Paris by Napoleon and never returned (Harnack, Gesch. Der K. Preuss Akad., 1:558).

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Swedenborg also visited Doctor Kaspar Neumann (F. R. S., 1683-1737), the Professor of Chemistry in the Medico-Chirurgical College, and who was also chief apothecary to the King. Doctor Neumann was an active chemical

experimenter, who formerly had had a chemical laboratory in

the Royal Castle; for some reason this could not be

continued, and since mars could spare no money for chemical

experiments, the Doctor had established his laboratory in his

own house, and it was presumably here that Swedenborg visited

him. Here he found "many small hearths and furnaces

constructed for the purpose of chemical experiments,

especially for distillation in a hot water bath and in sand

... the water runs down from above, and the superfluous

portion flows off and this turns a little wheel by whose

names at tiny millstone is turned which pulverizes whatever

is desired." (Alg. Deu. Biog. 23:535; Resebeskrifn., p. 12)

Swedenborg left Berlin on Tuesday, June 5th, going due south to Dresden in Saxony. On the way, he notices the

"beautiful clay chimneys, stamped with the figures of men,

dukes, and trumpets, which were prominently conspicuous; the

corners are set with clay columns. Everything was covered

with an iron color." (Ibid.)

During this journey, Swedenborg's many-sided interests led him to read a little work on the Friesian Seaworm which had just been published in Leipzig;* and so interested is he in the subject that he fills three pages of his Diary with a digest of the book, giving the story of injury to ships by worms, a minute description of the newly discovered Friesian work, and the various remedies proposed to resist it. At the Inn, Swedenborg talks to a Jew about the matter, who informs him that a sure remedy had now been found in the application of an ointment made from powdered sulphur, pitch, white lead and mercury. Swedenborg does not seem to be taken with this; at any rate, he proceeds to give his own remedy.

* By Christoph Gottl. Meinigen (Putoneus). It had been published in March 1733. See Neue Zeitungen, 1733, pp. 174-75.

This is essentially the Portugese method spoken of by

Putoneus, namely, by charring. But Swedenborg goes into

details which show his familiarity with the work of the

charcoal burner. He recommends that the wood used for piles

or ships, that is, exposed to water, be charred to such a

depth, no greater than a quarter of an inch, that no sap or

oil remains within reach of worms; hence they cannot get to

the interior parts. For added safety, the charred wood may

then be covered with pitch. He then gives directions as to

how the charring can best be done, namely, by a strong swift

flame, which can be best secured by smearing the wood with

pitch before exposing to fire. The flame must be swift in

order to leave the inner wood untouched. Finally, turning to

methods, he adds that Ars mechanica will supply a thousand

ways whereby the wood can be exposed to the flames, and the

latter extinguished at the proper time, "provided only the

method of having the beams charred before being put into the

water be approved and accepted." (Resebeskrifn., pp. 12-15)

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All this is noted in his Diary. Did Swedenborg intend to publish it? or was it merely an intellectual exercise? The latter is not probably; Swedenborg's mind was too keenly practical, too concerned in securing technical progress for the arts. Rather is it probable that in making his notes, he had in mind the possibility of adding a few more chapters to his Miscellaneous Observations - perhaps when redeeming his promise to reprint the faultily executed first edition.

Swedenborg arrived in Dresden on June 7th, having taken only sixteen days' actual traveling from Stockholm, as he notes in his Diary. This was good traveling, averaging over fifty miles a day.

In Dresden he was in territory of the Duke of Saxony, and if he had anything like the experience of John Wesley, he was made to realize the fact. Wesley, writing on July 28, 1738, says:

"In Dresden we were carried for about two hours from one

magistrate or officer to another with the utmost impertinent

solemnity before we were suffered to go to our inn."

Dresden was then a walled city.

In Dresden, Swedenborg was at the end of his journey proper, for here his works on Iron and Copper were already being printed, and the purpose of his journey was to see after these works as well as to give his Principia to the press. But before taking up serious work, he spent a few days sightseeing.

Dresden is described by a Swedish traveler in 1759 as one of

the finest capitals in Europe, with fine houses on the Neu

Markt, all of stone. It is neat and clean, the streets

having troughs where the rain water carries off the dirt into

the stream or into pits.

(Appleblad, J., Resebok fwer Sachsen, r 1759, p. 18)

Swedenborg's lodging was probably on the Neu Mrkt, abutting on which is the Frauen Kirche. At any rate, this church was the first point of interest that he visited when he started out to view the town on Saturday, June 9th. The Frauen Church was then in the course of erection, having been commenced seven years earlier (1726); but it must have been fairly well on the way to completion as it was wholly finished in 1738. Swedenborg descries it as "most elegant."

It is "circular within," he notes, "and around the walls,

under the roof, is adorned with a triple row of seats....

Under the ground are ample vaults and cells or places of

burial occupying considerable space."

(ANC illustn. 11, 11A, B; Resebeskrifn., p. 15)

Swedenborg makes no entry for Sunday, but on Monday he viewed the outside of the Royal Castle and the adjoining Princes' Palace which he describes as

"highly ornamented with images and statues of clay and

plaster." He also visited "the adjacent rural or mountain

cave, called the grotto, where there is contrived a descent

of water over some steps and out of the rock. Going into one

of the entrance halls, one could see the most elegant

paintings under the roof. The floor was paved with marble,

and in the center I was shown a marble slab of great size

and, consequently, of great value."

(Ibid., 11C; Ibid., p. 15)

The next day he went with a companion to the royal garden situated just west of the present opera house.

"It consists entirely of Indian and foreign trees," he

writes. "The garden to the left is conspicuous by its

cypresses and laurels, while at the right are citron and

orange trees. Within the walls, it consists

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of trees of various kinds, Indian fabas (coffee), a fig tree

with an enormous trunk. Here one can admire the great number

of laurels and orange trees gathered into one place; for one

can count over five hundred laurels trimmed in the most

elegant way, and five hundred orange trees - almost exactly

alike in height, in thickness, and in growth, the trunk of

each tree equaling at least eight thumbs in diameter [about

one foot], but the diameter of the fig tree was twenty-four

thumbs. This garden certainly seems to take the palm over

all other European gardens which are furnished with gardens

of this kind." (Resebeskrifn., pp. 15-16)

Swedenborg paid another visit to this garden three weeks later, namely, on Sunday, July 1/12. On his return, he notes in his Diary the various trees he has seen, probably all of them for the first time. Among them were a

palm tree in fruit, "a tree on which grow coffee berries; the

outer part is edible; the beans are within. An orange tree, 2

ells in circumference, 10 centennials in weight, and 2 ells

in length. The trunks are transported from Italy without

roots and leaves, both being cut off. It is then put in a

pot of earth and tied around with moss. In a year the trunk

gives off a root and produces branches and leaves."

(Ibid., pp. 23-24)

The next day, [June 13] Swedenborg went outside the city walls to the Grossen Garten (now the beautiful public gardens northwest of the city) (ANC illustn. 11D)

"for the sake of walking and of seeing the wood which is so

remarkable for its marble statues and images. The long road

or street* which leads to it is lined on both sides with

trimmed trees, and adorned likewise with clay statutes. And

then comes the area itself, the great theater distinguished

and exceedingly beautiful with its marble statues and images,

all worked in white and dazzling marble; and all the figures

are sculptured to the life, as it were. There are large

statutes and small, and they are so many that they can hardly

be numbered. They do not yield much to Versailles save in

size. It is a place where one can expand his mind to the

delights of the country." (Ibid., p. 16)

* Swedenborg seems to have walked on Landhaus, Pinnaischer and Grunner Streets.

On this same day, he describes the bridge which leads from the old city to the new - Swedenborg was lodging in the old city: (ANC illustn. 11E)

"It is a most magnificent structure," he writes, "standing

high above the river and supported by seventeen arches. On

both sides are seventeen places provided for sitting down and

resting. At one side is a brass cross with the hanging

Christ, built up over a rock made of stone; and facing it on

the other side are two images or statutes."*

(Resebeskrifn., p. 16)

* This bridge was torn down in 1908.

After these preliminary sightseeings, Swedenborg devoted a week to "running through and correcting" his Principia, a work which - arguing from a note on page 231 of Codex 86 - he finished on the morning of June 20th.* On this same day, June 20th (July 1st - Swedenborg now changes to the New Style), he again resumes his sightseeing by a visit to the New City (Neustadt)

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"for the sake of seeing the house** which the Duke of Saxony

built,*** where also I saw a most delightful and well-

furnished garden in which, at one time, when King August was

still living,*** porcelain vessels were displayed." (ANC

illustn. 11F; Resebeskrifn., p. 16)

* The note in question reads: "finis 1733 d. 20 Junii." This may possibly refer to the fact that in his Diary, Swedenborg changed from Old Style to New Style on June 20th.

** The Japanese Palace, now the Royal Library.

*** It was built for Count Fleming, but August the Strong bought it about 1725, and enlarged it in 1730.

**** August the Strong died on February 1, 1733. He was succeeded by his son, August III.

The next morning, Thursday, he visited the Sophia Kirche

"for the sake of seeing services celebrated in the Catholic

manner," and on this occasion he was fortunate enough to see

the Royal family. "Nothing in the service could be wanting,"

he says, "that all the senses might enjoy their pleasure

there: the hearing from the drums, flutes and trumpets, which

grow in volume from the very bottom; from the singing of the

castrates or eunuchs imitating the virgin voice; and from the

full harmony of all the instruments. The smell from the

fumes and perfume of the incense, the odor and smoke whereof

are scattered far and wide by boys. The sight from pictures

of every kind which are displayed around the church; from the

magnificent vestments with which the monks walk in

procession, clothed and masked; from the multitude of

ministering monks who make turnings and steps in this

direction and that, after the manner of actors, and from

their various gesticulations; and especially so for me who

was able for the first time to see the Duke and Duchess with

their sons and daughters, all with the utmost devoutness, and

showing the greatest attachment to that religion. The

internal senses had their pleasure, in that everything

breathed of the sublime and the holy; at the least tinkling

of the bell, the people fell on their knees; and all was

carried on in the foreign Latin tongue which is wont greatly

to impress the minds of the people. In a word, the sacred

rites of the Roman Catholic Church seem to be especially for

our external senses, to the end that they may allure all the

organs of the body, and so soothe the senses."

(Resebeskrifn., p. 17)

In the afternoon he joined five others in a little excursion on the Elb or, as he quaintly puts it,

"by the Elbian waters" to some vineyards on a neighboring

mountain. The view there obtained is truly magnificent, and

Swedenborg duly notes the fact, noting in addition that "the

mountain was covered with elms and vines, and likewise with

peasants' cottages scattered and located over the whole

mountain." (Ibid.)

Swedenborg was probably tired with this excursion and the stiff climbing, for on the next day, Friday (June 22/July 3), he stayed in his rooms and read two books, making notes of their contents in his Diary. Of these books, one was in French and consisted of over 140 pages plus 60 pages of letters - which Swedenborg probably did not read, though he makes a note of their presence; and the other, a German work of over 470 pages. The reading of these books surely indicates that Swedenborg read French and German with ease. As for German, he must have been using it ever since he left Sweden. It is also clear that he

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was a very rapid reader, and understood the art of judicious skipping; for he says that he "read through" these books, a total of 600 pages, in a single day.

The French book was an Essay on the Movements of Ships (Basle 1714) by the famous Swiss Mathematician Johann Bernouilli who treats the subject mathematically. In his Diary, Swedenborg copies out the table of contents of this work, though with some summarization.

The work treated of 1) The action of fluids on the surface of

a resisting body. (2-3, 6, 8) The course and speed of a

vessel according to its shape. 4) the best position for the

sails and the best figure for the keel. 5) The best position

for the helm in order to effect a speedy turning of the ship.

(9-10) the movements of curved bodies in fluids. 11) A

method of constructing tables of a vessel's course. 12) The

best position for the mast. 13) The axis and center of the

resistance of the water. (14-15) The curve of the sails, and

the axis and resistance of the winds striking them.

(Resebeskrifn., pp. 17-8)

The work must have had a special interest for Swedenborg, in view of the suggestions made by himself in his essay on AA mode of discovering the powers and qualities of ships" which he had published in 1721 and which had been favorably reviewed in the Acta Eruditorum (see above, pp. 237-38).

The second or German work was also of a very practical nature. It is by Julius Bernard von Rohr, and is entitled Compendieuse Haushaltungs Bibliotheke (The Householder's Library), wherein not only the newest and best authors are reviewed, who have written of householding as well as farming, beekeeping, hunting, gardening, cooking, brewing, vineyards, woods, mines, etc.,... but in addition the author's own meditations together with other curious observations from antiquity wherein physics and mathematics are intermingled. Swedenborg read the second edition, published in Leipzig 1726, and which is somewhat larger than the first of 1716, and he still had this book in his library at the time of his death (Catalogus Bibliothecae E. S., n. 103, p. 15)

As is the case of Bernouilli, Swedenborg notes down in his Diary the chapter headings, but when it comes to the chapter on mining, he enters also some details. His entry is:

"[1] Generally concerning the study of economy. 2)

financing. 3) The art of domestic housekeeping, especially

land and field management. 4) Farming. 5) Wine making. 6)

Beer brewing. 7) The art of coking and confectionary. 8)

Gardening. 9) The woods and hunting. 10) Pools and

fisheries. 11) Beekeeping. 12) Mining matters and the mineral

kingdom." Here, Swedenborg adds, the author "treats of the

mines and metal works in Germany, which he enumerates and

reviews. He treats also of peat, charcoal and coal; of

dangers and of the reasons why these works are not developed.

He does not give many authors [on the working of ores],

merely Kircher's Mundum Subterraneum, of which, however, the

Englishman Webster and also Morhoff judge that it contains

mere figments. Another author is Ulyssis Aldrovandi Musaeum

Metallicum, which tells of many different metals but makes no

judgment concerning them. Also Beccher Physicam suberrraneam

with Stahl's observations, 1703. For the rest, a certain

author published in French a Treatise on Metals and Minerals,

and the Remedies which can be used

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July

by Mons: Chaubon, Paris 1713, 12mo. There are also other

authors, such as Joh. Matthesii Berpostille oder Sarepta.,

fol. 1587. Meizers Gangraena Metallica, oder bericht von

berkwerken. Abrah. Schnbergs ausfhrliche Berginformation,

Leipzig 1693. Sebastian Spahns Bergrechts Spiegel, Dresden

1698 fol: Georg Caspar Kirchmeyers instructiones metallicae,

with copperplates, 1687, 4to; also his Opera, Wittenberg,

1698, 4to. He also mentions Lhneis; and a certain

Councillor of Mines, published in 1717 in 12mo a book with

the title kurzter Unterricht von bergwercken."

(Resebeskrifn., p. 18)

After this entry, Swedenborg notes that von Rohr had also published a compendieuse physikalische Bibliothek, Leipzig 1724, 8vo. This work, moreover, he took the opportunity of purchasing, for it was of particular interest to Swedenborg to know what had been written on any given subject (Cat. Bib. E. S. 8vol, n. 58, p. 6).

In his Diary, he merely notes that chapter I of this physikalische Bibliotek is a general view of natural philosophy, and the authors pertaining thereto; and then the book treats of

"the elements [Swedenborg here refers to the chapters on

Fire, Air and Water]. The vegetable kingdom. The mineral

kingdom. The animal kingdom. Meteors.* Warm springs."

(Resebeskrifn., p. 18)

* This is probably a slip on Swedenborg's part; for the chapter in question is headed "Menschen."

Probably Swedenborg continued his reading of the Bernouilli and von Rohr works over Saturday and Sunday, for the next entry in his Diary is on Sunday, June 24/July 5, when he writes:

"I wandered outside the city for the sake of seeing the

Turkish house, as it is called; there is also a charming

garden there.* In the house itself are seen many women,

Turkish, Chinese, Persian, Greek, depicted with their

customary vestments; likewise famous and exalted men such as

sultans, viziers, mufti, etc., also Turkish and Persian

carpets both on the floor and set on the walls, which were of

the utmost value. Also their silver work which, for the most

part, is of the kind called filigree, distinguished here and

there with crystals of glass; also silver inserted in the

crystal itself; silver of white and black color, varied into

the forms of roses. Also leather interwoven with good

threads - a work utterly unknown as yet to Europeans. There

was also a representation of some parts of Constantinople,

with the Peloponnesus and the sea. It is a city with

buildings exactly alike, fully built up, on the mountains and

hills, with the water flowing between. It shows also the

Sultan's palace, with the abodes of his wives; also their

mosques or sepulchres and temples. One can here see

Constantinople in idea, and even can all but see the Ottoman

Court." (Ibid., p. 19)

* Neither house nor garden is now preserved. They are shown on old maps as being just southwest of the southwest corner of the city wall. The site is now occupied by the Vitzthumschez Gymnasium. (See Gurlitt. Bau u. Kunstdenkmler, St. Dresden.)

In our day, we can hardly realize how fortunate Swedenborg must have felt himself to be in a city, one of the foremost in Europe and within easy approach of another city, Leipzig, one of the leading publishing centers of Europe. Here, every week, came out the Neue Zeitungen von Gelehrten Sachen, giving literary news from all over Europe; and every month was

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published the Acta Eruditorum, with its reviews of the more important European publications in all fields of science and art. Contrast this with Sweden, where one had to wait some time before hearing of new publications, and a still longer time before getting the opportunity of reading them.

There can be little doubt but that while he was in Saxony, Swedenborg bought the current copies of the Neue Zeitung (and perhaps also of the Acta Eruditorum) as they came out. At any rate, this Sunday, July 5th (June 24th*), he has seen an issue of the Neue Zeitungen for the week of July 2nd, for he writes in his Diary:

"In the news, the following books are annotated:

Histoire metallique des pays bas by Dni von Loon, in French

and Dutch, and Discours sur les differentes figures des

astres, with an exposition of the Cartesian and Newtonian

systems, by Maupertuis" - both of which entries are copied

from the Neue Zeitungen of July 2nd. (Resebeskrifn., p. 19)

(NZ., 1733: 466, 470)

* Swedenborg has "A25," but this is an error.

He again walked out of the city the following day, and this time to that part of the city where were manufactures; probably to the suburb Friederickstadt just west of the Altstadt. Here he happened upon

"a manufactory where paper is made in the Dutch way, as I

think, with a cylinder furnished with brass cutters.... But

around the one rotator was merely a simple grinder or

cylinder and not four as in Holland." (Resebeskrifn., p. 19)

He then inspected a works where copper was stretched into thin plates by means of three hammers. A pound of copper thus hammered, he found, was sold for 9 groschen or 27 Swedish re (about 14 cents). From here he turned to a place where mirrors were made even in sizes as large as 4 ells high. The work was probably new to Swedenborg, and he describes it in detail on more than three pages of his Diary:

"The glasses brought here from the furnace and still rough,

are more than half a thumb thick, but by polishing are made

quite thin; so that they retain hardly half of their former

thickness." In the polishing, "the glass is [not] inserted

in a frame but is laid on a polished stone, being well fitted

thereto, and fastened by plaster or clay of a yellowish red

color." Sometimes as many as ten are placed on the one

stone. The stone is then laid on a table, and on it is set

another stone but with the glass facing downward; upon this

stone is placed "a wooden frame divided into six or seven

compartments into which are put sand and similar weights that

it may lie the better and serve for polishing the glass

beneath. It should be observed that the polishing is always

done by two glasses, the one above the other.... The machine

is run by water and a wheel." (Ibid., pp. 19-20)

Swedenborg then describes the mechanism of the turning,

whereby the upper glass is moved in every direction by a

circular motion to preserve evenness in the polishing, and to

avoid grooves being made by the polishing sand.

"At first the coarsest sand is used, and this for nearly

eight days; then a rough sand, but somewhat smaller grained -

and this for six or seven days; then a still finer sand, and

lastly the finest white sand, from five to six days being

given to each grinding.... This is to be called not

polishing but grinding. After this, the glasses are polished

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by emery of a red color and of a somewhat coarse substance.

After the glasses have been reset, the emery is mixed with

water and is inserted between them by a sponge or by hand,

and the polishing goes on for three days. After being thus

worked on, being thus made thinner, and having received their

first polishing, the glasses are turned over to women. These

take two glasses, place them one above the other, and with

hands and arms move them to and fro for a whole day,

interjecting a yellower and firmer emery which is compacted

into the form of cones." The sixth polishing is done by the

machine as before, save that instead of emery, an English

earth is used which is very red and oily and very fine and

smooth. This is applied by water, and the polishing goes on

for twelve hours, a smaller table being used on which the

glasses move only up and down, and the upper or polishing

glass being smaller.

For attaching the foil, they use highly polished tables

of stone, marble or glass, furnished with a rim. Tin foil of

such fineness is used that 100 sheets put together would

scarcely make half a thumb. "This tin foil is laid over the

table, and quicksilver is poured over it, with which it

amalgamates. The glass is then laid on top, and over it are

set weights, of brick in the middle and of lead at the edges,

with which it is fully loaded. It is left in this condition

for a whole night. The mercury amalgamates with the tin and

disperses it, and the two are thus united to the glass, being

firmly adherent and turning the glass into a mirror....

Lately," he adds, "there has been discovered a way of cutting

figures on the opposite side of the glass, which presents the

appearance as though the cutting were only done on the

reverse side. That the foil may enter into these grooves and

folds, it is placed on a cloth made of Indian wool and

several times folded; several weights are placed on top, and

so the foil can be insinuated into the folds and hollow

grooves of the glass." (Resebeskrifn., pp. 20-21)

As a metallurgist, Swedenborg is naturally much interested in the preparation of the tin foil. He notes that only East Indian tin is used for this purpose, since the Saxony tin goes into pieces under the hammer and wrinkles.

"When the tin is continuously until he is able to put 100

sheets under his hammer. He strikes the sheets with the

hammer only lightly. At last, a sheet of half a foot square

is pressed and attenuated until it is from 1-2 to 2 ells

square. When 100 such sheets are made, the work is said to

last from five to six weeks." (Ibid., pp. 21-22)

The next few days, Swedenborg devoted to reading, and as usual made abundant notes. On July 8th, for the first time he came across the Bibliotheque Italique, or the Literary History of Italy, a French literary journal published in Geneva every four months. Being a literary review which included all scientific works in its scope, the work naturally was of interest to Swedenborg, and the more so since, not only were there scholarly reviews of various Italian publications, but the journal included literary news from every learned center in Italy - a country whose scholarship was comparatively little known outside her own borders.

Swedenborg's notes state that the first article in the Bibliotheque is a review of Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, edited by Ludov. Ant. Muratorius, Tom. I, pars 2, Milan 1725. The work was the product of the sixteen members of the Palatine Society of Milan. Swedenborg continues:

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The author of this work treats first of the laws of the

Lombards in Italy. He thinks that from their laws can be

learned the manners and customs of peoples. The laws of the

Lombards," Swedenborg continues, "Awere written down in 638,

and were maintained in Italy for a long time, continuing till

the year 1137 under the Emperor Lothaire II in 1137. During

this period, there were three simultaneous laws, the Roman,

the Salic, and the Lombardian. It is uncertain, however,

whether they were then so abolished that judgments could not

be made in accord with them. They are of the same tenor as

the laws of northern nations; they permit duels with staves

or clubs, etc.; if a wife is killed [by her husband] without

just cause, a fine is imposed; a natural son must be given

his share of the inheritance," etc. (Resebeskrifn. p. 22)

And then Swedenborg, perhaps mindful of his own unfinished study of Loccenius on Swedish law, adds the following note:

"It is worthwhile examining whether or not the ancient

Swedish laws coincide with these laws of the Lombards, or

what is the difference. From this it can perhaps be

concluded whether the Goths subjugated Italy together with

the Germans." (Ibid.)

One is reminded of Swedenborg's Festivus Applausus in Carl XII, where he dwells so much on the Goths going to southern Europe.

The second article in the Bibliotheoque Italique also interested Swedenborg. It was a review of Michael Mercati's Metallotheca [Rome, 1717, 1719]. In his diary he copies out the names of the early writers on metallurgy, from Albertus Magnus to Agricola, "but the latter with greater success." And then he notes that Mercati was a pupil of Caesalpinus; that he died in 1593; and that his posthumous work was given to the public by the liberality of Pope Clement XI, twenty years after the death of the author, with notes added by Lancisi. Then follow the contents of this work.

Swedenborg did not neglect the literary news of the Bibliotheque Italique, and it is significant of his reflections as to the application of the doctrine of the Principia to the human body, that he should make the following extract from the News from Turin:

"Mons. Bianchi, the anatomist, has put out a number of

anatomical disputations, and shown the mechanism of the parts

of the human body. He wishes to publish two volumes in

folio, on all the parts of the human body and their

mechanism, all applied to their diseases and their cures."

(Ibid., p. 23)

Swedenborg's tastes can also be discerned in the extract which he made from the Venetian news, noting that Jean Jerome Zannichelli has put forth a Natural History of an island belonging to Venice.

"Last year he published a fine dissertation on Iron and [the

preparation of] a certain tasteless crystalline salt which is

extracted [from it]." (Ibid.)

On July 11th, he read a work by the Danish Astronomer Peter Horrebow, Clavis Astronomise, published in Copenhagen, 1730. Evidently he did not think much of it, for he writes in his Diary:

"I observed there nothing of moment except some hypotheses.

In addition, some experiments made by others are adduced,

which are worth nothing." (Ibid.)

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Of these experiments, Swedenborg quotes one, the principle involved in which, he has already made use of on the basis of Experiments made by Boyle, and which he is frequently to appeal to in his anatomical works. It was made by the Professor of Medicine at Jena, the celebrated physicist Teichmery:

"In the hottest weather, when the sky was perfectly serene,

he exposed to the air a glass cylinder filled with ice and

common salt, but the outside of which was thoroughly dry, and

he noted that in the space of an hour, an icy encrustation

resembling a kind of hoar frost had grown on the sides of the

vessel, almost to the thickness of the little finger."

Another of Teichmayer's experiments which Swedenborg notes is

one in which he partly filled a phial with refined oil of

vitriol, and observed that though this was during the driest

and warmest days, the quantity of liquor was increased.

(Resebeskrifn., p. 23)

Swedenborg further notes Horrebow's collections regarding the swinging of a pendulum, showing that to secure exactly the same time of oscillation, a pendulum at the Equator must be two lines shorter than one at Paris; and he copies a table compiled by Horrebow, showing the lengths required at the different degrees of latitude to secure the same times of oscillation. (Ibid.)

From no. 2 of the Bibliotheca Metallica, he judged "worthy of copying" in his Diary Dr. Woodward's Classification of Fossils, using the French names.* Dr. Woodward, it will be remembered, had shown considerable kindness to Swedenborg when he was in London in 1712. (Ibid., pp. 24-25)

* This classification is translated from Woodward's Natural Hist. Terrae, London, 1714. Appendix, where the names are given in Latin and English.

Swedenborg also notes the description of a fiery meteor seen in Venice in 1791, when were seen

"various colors in the sky, a certain flamy appearance, a

globe from which proceeds smoke." "From all the

circumstances," he notes, "some think that it was some sort

of sulphur. The author says that chemists can produce the

same phenomena, such as fiery dragons and balls, by means of

a mixture of sulphur, nitre, camphor, and petroleum

penetrated y the spirit of wine and then well evaporated."

(Ibid. P. 25)

It will be remember that in 1724, Swedenborg also had favored the sulphur theory as the cause of meteors (see above, p. 281)

Swedenborg's interest in anatomy is shown by the note he made when reading the third volume of the Bibliotheque Italique, the last issue of 1728. Here, in an account of the opening of an anatomical theater in Turin, the writer speaks of the wonderful art of injection invented by Mr. Ruysch, as removing the horrors of anatomical specimens. This was perhaps Swedenborg's first acquaintance with the name Ruysch, and his first knowledge o that new art from which he himself would later derive so much benefit in his anatomical studies. He notes also the mention of "Mons. De Nou who has constructed the bodily organs of wax"; and from the Bibliotheque Italique we learn that this was done with such skill that "the most experienced anatomists were deceived by their great conformity with natural dissections." But what must most greatly have aroused Swedenborg's admiration was the account of a remarkable anatomical demonstration made by the Professor of Anatomy, Mons. Bianchi, at the opening of the anatomical theater, and made possible by the wonderful use of different

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colored wax injections, so that - to quote Swedenborg's Diary extracts:

"all the parts were opened up and laid to view without any

study; and this so naturally that the entire body of a woman

- which, however, had previously been dissected - was laid

open in a moment; the skin is drawn off; all the arteries and

veins are exposed to view; the internal organs are examined

in their natural position, including the womb containing a

fetus; and many other parts - all of which were again put

together in a moment." Swedenborg then speaks of the

wonderful delineations shown by Bianchi, "showing the ear and

eye with the greatest accuracy," with other delineations

showing "the mechanism of sight and the influx of the ether"

- "ether" being the word which Swedenborg uses in place of

the author's Alight rays." "Other delineations shown the

veins, the brain, nerves, etc., all drawn with the utmost

nicety." (Resebeskrifn., p. 26) (Bib. Ital., 3:63-64)

Interesting in connection with his theory of Cosmogony was a review of some observations made by a Venetian chemist, Franciscus Travagini, on the daily movements of the earth. Travagini's Observations were based mainly on the tremblings of the earth observed in Ragusa in 1667. Of these Observations from the third number of the Bibliotheque Italique, Swedenborg notes the following conclusions made by Mr. Travagini:

"That the times when these motions of the earth take place

are those which precede and follow the equinoctial. That the

vibration runs from east to west and vice versa, as can be

observed by one in a standing position, and likewise can be

seen by the waves, the canals, the houses and buildings and

their lamps and bells. It was observed that the reciprocal

motion [up and down] is always joined with a lateral

vibration; but this is not so strong near the locality of the

earth's movement. This vibration diminished according to the

distance, but it remains sensible in places far distant from

its source." (Resebeskrifn., p. 26)

From the news pages of this number of the Bibliotheque Italique, Swedenborg notes that

"Mons: Rizzetti has published in Traviso a System of Colors,

and his objections to the Newtonian System." (Ibid.)

Swedenborg was specially interested in the theory of light and colors, and eventually took a position opposed to Newton's.

Swedenborg makes note of a French book published early in 1728, and of which he sees a notice in the first issue of the Bibliotheque Italique for that year, namely,

"Mons: Bourguet, Letters on the Formation of Salts and

Crystals, and on the generation and mechanism of plants and

animals suggested by the stones belemnite and the lenticular;

together with a memoir on the theory of the earth. The

Author is a Genevan; the book is printed in Amsterdam by

L'Honore in 1729." (Ibid.)

In the fifth number of the Bibliotheque Italique, Swedenborg appears to have read the life of the celebrated anatomist Antonio Vallisnieri. At any rate, in his Diary he makes a note of the only works not in Italian which are included in a list of Vallisnieri's writings, namely, Journal latin de l'Academie des cruieux de la nature. Also Journal des savans de Venise." Swedenborg precedes this entry with "N B" which would seem to indicate that he intended to look out for the work, or purchase it; and the same applies perhaps to the notices of the other books. (Ibid.)

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In the seventh number of the Bibliotheque Italique, Swedenborg read the review of a small Latin work by Francisco Bianchini, on the Planet Venus, published in Rome. From this review, he notes in his Diary:

"There are spots there as in the moon, which perhaps are

seas. The planet was seen through the telescope magnified

112 times. The spots succeed in regular order and then

vanish because of the planet's diurnal motion. The equator,

being differently situated [than in the case of Mars or

Jupiter] makes the observation of the spots to be varied.

There was one spot which was permanent, while the others

revolved - that spot being in the center.... Because of the

great obliquity of its equator with its orbit or globe arise

great differences for the different seasons ... while Mars is

in a perpetual equinox. According to the general opinion,

the daily revolution of Venus is only 23 hours ... but

according to this author's observation, it [the revolution of

the spots] is 24 days 8 hours ... Jupiter, however, revolves

still more rapidly than the earth. Venus is distant from the

earth 8,000 semidiameters of the earth."

(Resebeskrifn., pp. 26-27)

Swedenborg's interest in scientific progress led him in the course of reading the Bibliotheque Italique for 1730 (published in 1731) to enter into his Diary long extracts giving the leading men in the scientific field in Italy. Thus he notes that Cavalieri was the first man to invent the

"Calculus of Infinites, in a book published in 1653, entitled

Geometris indivisibilibus continuorum."

We may add that in this work, Cavalieri brought out the thought that points in rapid motion make a line, and this in rapid motion a plane, etc. - a thought which Swedenborg had already developed in his first Principia. (NP 1929:105)

Swedenborg lists other Italian writers on mathematics; also writers on hydrostatics, optics, astronomy and navigation, physics and anatomy. On the last named subject, he lists many authors with whose works he himself is soon to become very familiar. Thus: Vallisnieri, Leeuwenhoek, Malphigi, Bellini, Morgani and Lancisi - this being probably his first knowledge of many of these men. He particularly notes Valsalva on the Human Ear - a work with which he was to become thoroughly acquainted - and he notes the date of its publication as 1704. He notes also, with the emphasis of an underscore, a work by Riccato on "the proportion of objects," in which "he presents the sensations in a manner almost mechanical" - a subject which would have special interest for Swedenborg, to whom all nature was mechanical, and who himself, in his last little sketch on the Motion of the Elements had endeavored to demonstrate the actual mechanism of sensation. (Resebeskrifn., pp. 27-28)

From science he turns to the arts, and extracting from a continuation of the same article which appeared in the first number of the Bibliotheque Italique for 1731, he lists the names of Italians famous in painting, sculpture and architecture, for - as shown several times in his journals - he was an appreciative viewer of works of art.

"The first who gave vivacity to paintings," he quotes, "was

Giotto; after him came Raphael who died at the age of 37;

also Correggio and Titian." He then gives the names of the

best contemporary painters, and some of whom he notes "have

not their equal in perspective painting"; also the different

schools of painting to which they belong. He gives a similar

list of sculptors and architects, particularly noting Michael

Angelo Buonarroti who practiced all these arts and who "had a

wonderful skill." (Ibid., p. 28)

He notes also in his Diary for July 15th, from the news notes of this

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number of the Bibliotheque Italique, the publication of the Memoirs of the newly established Society of Arts and Sciences of Bologna, published in 1731 by Lelio de Vulpi of Bologna, in quarto, containing classified articles on nine different branches of the sciences. (Resebeskrifn., pp. 28-29)

In the last number of the Bibliotheque Italique for 1731, which he reads on the same day (July 15th), his attention is attracted to a review of the Mathematical Letters of the Astronomer and Mathematician Poleni, published in Padua in 1729. From this review, he extracts in his Diary:

"It must be observed: 1) That he frequently saw Mercury in

the solar disc, and that when it entered, it was of an oval

figure and was afterwards round, a sign that the planets have

an atmosphere around them. At Paris, however, they say that

Mercury was round when it entered the disc. In the sun,

Mercy appeared like a minute black spot and equaled ten

degrees." (Ibid., p. 29)

From the review of another of Poleni's letters, Swedenborg quotes some experiments made to determine the speed of falling water - a subject in which he is enough interested to make note of a work by Buteoni on the measuring of flowing waters, which was published "in 1554 with notes." (Ibid.)

He also notes that Borelli, in his work on the motion of animals,

"has opened a spacious field for mathematicians and

physiologists," and that Bernouelli "has written much

concerning the motion of animals." (Ibid.)

Evidently, he is interested in the mechanical side of the study of anatomy, for the only entry he makes from the next number of the Bibliotheque Italique - the first number for 1732 which, however, appeared about July 1733 - is a note that

"Vercelloni has published at D'Asti a work called Psychologia

or a medical theory of animals' motions, and of the

reciprocal motions of the animal machine, explaining all

human actions before the sight, and by a method which though

easy has hitherto been unheard of."

(Ibid.) (NZ. 1733: [Aug.] 592)

When Swedenborg left Sweden, it appears that he had already sent to Dresden his MS. on Iron or on Copper or perhaps both. What he was now engaged on was superintending the printing of these works, and the making of the plates - the work on Iron was now probably well on its way to completion.

He had not, however, sent the first volume of his mineralogical series - the one entitled the Principia and the Magnet - but took this volume with him; and, as we have already seen, early in June he ran through this MS. and gave it final corrections (see above, p. 359). The MS. as brought from Sweden did not include the chapter on "The means which lead to true philosophy, and on the man who is truly a philosopher," which, in the printed work, is called chapter or "Paragraph" 1. This is not essentially the first chapter of the work but is rather a general introduction, wherein the author dwells on the spirit in which the matters considered in his Principia must be thought out and weighed. Perhaps in Sweden, Swedenborg had not thought of writing this chapter at all; but be that as it may, the chapter was not written until he came to Dresden.

It was after the week of reading which we have just described that Swedenborg wrote out the first sketch of matter to be included in this introductory chapter which has been so highly praised for its simple but profound

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philosophy, like an artist sketching down some details to be included in a contemplated picture.*

* This sketch is translated by the Rev. Reginald W. Brown and printed in Scientific and Philosophical Treatises, Part I. fascicle 2, pp. 109-13.

This sketch he entitled "On my Preface to the Principia" - showing that chapter 1 of the printed work was really intended as a preface. See Scientific and Philosophical Treatises, part I, fas. 2, pp. 109-10.

We note here the continuation of the thoughts respecting the mechanism of sensation which had first been put forward in an article printed fifteen years earlier in the little known and less read Daedalus Hyperboreus.

He continues his sketch with the thought that the necessity under which man is, that education shall form the "organs and motions in the most subtle pores of the membranes" - this necessity gives the reason why man matures more slowly than animals.

"Meanwhile our organs are yielding and soft like wax, and are

able to receive and gradually adapt this very simple motion

to themselves; so that, so long as they are in the process of

becoming hardened, the traces and the elements or figures of

the motions are able to be fashioned therein."

(Sc. and Phil. Tr., I:2:110-11)

It may indeed be objected, he continues, that at this day many things are discovered merely by the medium of thought, and so are derived into the organs of the body immediately from this source. But, he asks, what is it that is thus derived?

"Do you think that much is produced analogically which gives

the reasons for effects? Pray, what knowledge of analogy

would exist with a man uninstructed by any master? Would

there be more than with a bird? Whence comes the ratio that

one thing is to another as this is to a third, if it be not

that masters have taught it to us? If they had not been

taught by others, and these by experience? Afterwards, the

rule can be made use of at pleasure for the forming of

conclusions, but the rule itself is the offspring of

experience; and its application is solely in things to which

experience consents." (Ibid., pp. 112-13)

Therefore, he concludes, man can become wise only in the degree that he has an abundant store of experience properly "distributed throughout the organs"; and in the degree that these organs have "a more exact harmony and a more suitable figure, and that through their series and continuity, a deep pathway opens to the most subtle organs. But alas! What is our wisdom? Compared with the wisdom of the Infinite, it is nothing. (Ibid., p. 113)

Such are the sentiments sketched out by Swedenborg, to be laid before the learned world as an introduction to his great cosmological work - the necessity of education, of truth, of revelation! humility! The adoration of the Deity!

On July 10th, in the commencement of this week of reading, Swedenborg had paid a visit to "Secretary Rger," a man with whom he had evidently formed very friendly relations. Here, for the first time, he came across the Cosmologia Generalis of Christian Wolff, who, as he noted in his Diary, "has endeavored to establish elementary nature from merely metaphysical principles, which surely

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rests on true foundations." Dealing philosophically and metaphysically with the subject of cosmology, one can imagine how greatly interested Swedenborg was in the work which now, for the first time, came to his attention. The Cosmologia Generalis had been published in 1731, and the fame of its author has assured its widespread acceptance. Had Wolff anticipated Swedenborg? Had he lessened the attention which the latter hoped his Principia would be given, by presenting something of the same nature but under the banner of a man whose learning was widely proclaimed. Eagerly Swedenborg glanced through the pages of this newly found work to see what it said of the origin of things, of the mode of their development from first principles. But he found nothing at all like the principles which he had so luminously set forth in his as yet unprinted work.

Wolff certainly uttered and demonstrated many philosophical

truths which Swedenborg also had dwelt on, but as to the

actual mode of creation by the Infinite, he is silent. He

denies that extension can arise from the points of Zeno. The

"irresolvable internal beginning of bodies," he calls

elements, and also "simple substances"; they are without

figure, extension and magnitude, occupy no space, are devoid

of motion, and are indivisible. They are the non-material

atoms of nature, and contain the reason of all the things

that follow. No one element is the same as another, and each

contains a different series of mutations; they exist outside

each other, and their aggregates are things extended. What

they first produce is a "primitive corpuscle" which is a

simple and not a compound; and that philosophy which derives

its reasons from such corpuscles is called Corpuscular

Philosophy. AS to how the elements arose, Wolff is silent,

maintaining indeed, that this question is beyond the filed of

corpuscular philosophy. In regard to motion, he holds that

all motion naturally progresses in a straight line.

(Cos. Gen. pp. 218, 181, 182, 184, 185, 187, 191, 195, 198,

219, 221, 244, 229, 236, 243, 310).

To one who had read the criticisms which Swedenborg made on Wolff's philosophy some nine or ten months later, it requires no stretch of the imagination to include that as Swedenborg turned the leaves of this book with its promising title, his reflections were that, while metaphysically satisfactory, it yet led the mind to no definite conclusion as to the origin of the world.

At any rate, he determined to study the book. Probably he bought a copy for one was contained in his library. He writes in his Diary:

"I desire to make a comparison of our principles with

metaphysical rules; whence it will be possible to judge, to

some extent, upon what foundations our philosophy and theory

rest, whether upon those which are geometrically and

metaphysically true or not; this cannot be deduced from any

better sources than the rules and axioms in the Cosmology of

a man so learned as Christian Wolff, of whom it may be said

that he is truly a philosopher, and that he has exhausted the

principles of true philosophy by constant examination,

scrutiny and cultivation; also, that he has taught them

metaphysically and according to the most exact rules, and

scientifically as well as experimentally." He then quotes

from Wolff himself, as follows: "Complete freedom of

philosophizing must be granted to those who philosophize in a

philosophical manner, and no danger is to be feared from

this, either to religion, to virtue, or to the state."

Without this freedom, says Wolff, "there is no progress in

science."

Again: "In philosophy, a place is to be granted to

philosophical hypotheses, so far as they prepare the way

leading to evident truth. (See Resebeskrifn., p. 65)

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And further: "If any one philosophizes in a philosophical

manner, he has no need to refute opposite opinions"; a

sentiment which Swedenborg many times expressed in his later

works, and which completely dominated those works.

The citations which Swedenborg here makes are taken from Wolff's Logical Philosophy (published in 1728), and show that Swedenborg had already entered upon a study of that work.

Swedenborg appears also, at this time (or probably a little later), to have seen for the first time Wolff's Ontology, for we find an entry in Codex 86 - that MS. where, in Stockholm, he had entered so many notes pertaining to his studies, particularly of mathematics and astronomy, and which he took with him on his travels (see above, p. 359) - headed "Ex Memoires de l'Academie de Sciences pro anno 1733." Under this heading, at two short paragraphs from the work in question, he enters a long quotation from the Ontology on the subject of lines and curves - thus, in accordance with the general character of the citations in Codex 86. Moreover, as we shall see later, Swedenborg's Diary MS. affords conclusive evidence that while in Germany, Swedenborg painstakingly studied, not only the Cosmology and Ontology, but also the Empirical Psychology which Wolff had published in 1732 as a continuation of the series of works commenced with the Ontology.

It was a result of these studies that Swedenborg added to the Principia the paragraph which closes the brief Appendix to that volume. His words are:

"By means of a connected use and cultivation of the trained

reason, Christian Wolff, the philosopher of our age, has made

many signal contributions, both scientifically and

experimentally* to the growth of true philosophy"; especially

in his Ontology and Cosmology, "where he has formulated rules

and axioms leading to further progress in principles. By

these, I see that I am greatly confirmed in my own principles

which were formulated and written down two years before I saw

his works; and I confess that afterwards, in reviewing my

work, I was instructed in many points; so that, if my reader

wishes to compare the works, he will see that our principles

which are special and applied to the world and its series are

almost exactly coincident with the metaphysical and general

axioms of this most eminent author. And so, in agreement

with this learned man, it must be acknowledged that in

philosophy a place is to be granted to philosophical

hypotheses so far as they prepare the way leading to evident

truth" - this is followed by quotations from Wolff's Logical

Philosophy as quoted above.

* This refers to Wolff's earlier works on physical experiments which Swedenborg had studied in writing his Collectanea, particularly the Collection on the Magnet.

Another book which came to Swedenborg's attention at this time was an imperial folio volume on the minerals in the Hungarian region near the Danube, by Count Marsigli,* published in Holland. From this work, Swedenborg enters into his Diary five pages of excerpts on copper and iron. The excerpts on copper he subsequently included in his work De Cupro, but those on iron, which might have found an appropriate place in his De Ferro, are not included there; from which it would appear that this latter work was either already in print or well on to completion.

* Danubius Pannonico-Mysicus by Aloysius Ferd. Count Marsili, 6 vols., Hague and Amsterdam 1726.

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From Count Marsigli's work, Swedenborg also caused a plate to be engraved, which he included in his work De Cupro, but inasmuch as the plates for that work had already been engraved and numbered, this additional plate is inserted as an extra and is unnumbered. (De Cupro, pp. 58-59)

It might be well at this point to say something of the great number of copper engravings included in the three folio volumes of the Opera Philosophica et Mineralia.

The three volumes of this work contain a total of 137 copper

plates in folio size. Most of the plates in the Principia

were naturally Swedenborg's own designs, but the greater

number of all the others were taken either from published

works or from copies made by Swedenborg from MS. reports made

to the Bergscollegium. If Swedenborg wished to reproduce a

published picture, he simply tore the picture out of the book

and handed it over to the engraver to copy.

The evidence of the plates themselves shows that they were

made in Dresden - those for the Principia and copper plates

1-23 of the work on Iron in 1733, and the remaining plates

for Iron together with an extra plate for Copper in 1734.

The finest plate of all - plate 29 in De Ferro - was made

from a sketch which Swedenborg obtained, or himself drew,

during his visit to the ironworks in Liege in 1721 (see

above, p. 277).

It was probably the superintending of the drawing of these illustrations which mainly occupied Swedenborg's time while in Dresden.

However, it was in this mind not only to see to the printing of his great work but also to pursue his studies in mineralogy; and, situated where he now was, he was too near the Bohemian mines to omit the opportunity of visiting them.

Before leaving Dresden, he took another day of relaxation with two friends - one of them being the Secretary Rger who had introduced him to Wolff's works. On Monday, July 20th, these three gentlemen visited the

"Chamber of natural history" - a part of the Zwinger, a

building left unfinished in 1722, and not finished until the

next century. Of the mineral kingdom collections, Swedenborg

was interested in a collection of petrifactions. He notes

seeing native gold in great lumps and in foils. Also lumps

of silver, specimens of copper, iron, etc. - all of which he

was so well acquainted with. In the vegetable kingdom, he

notes that over 400 kinds of wood were on exhibition. There

were also "sweet-smelling statues of cyprus, and corals of

different kinds of colors." In the animal kingdom, he is

interested in the many kinds of animals and skeletons shown.

He saw also a "stag made merely of burned horns; a horse with

an extraordinary long tail." In the anatomical section he

saw an extremely thick human cranium, a beared woman, and

infant with an immense head, and - what must have interested

him more than all - a living mechanism of the interior

organs, nerves and muscles. In the astronomical collection,

he mentions great burning glasses, large watches, etc.

(Resebeskrifn., pp. 29-30)

The next day, July 21st, he left Dresden via Budin for Prague, about 102 miles southeast. It was a two day's journey, but one that gives the traveler the greatest delight with its enchanting scenery. The road runs for miles along

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the beautiful banks of the Elbe with its passage through the mountains which separate Saxony from Bohemia, and at every turn the eye is charmed at the new revelation of nature's beauty.

Swedenborg had provided himself with a Guidebook to Prague (Das Sehenswrdige Prag. Nurnberg und Prag. [1729]; see p. 296). Signs of his use of this book are plainly apparent in his Diary. (Ill. Familjebok 22:114)

He arrived in Prague on July 23rd, entering the Alstadt through the Neu Thor, now called the Pulver Thor, and took lodging in "a house or inn near the Custom House called Tein." The Pulver Gate was the usual gate for all wares and market goods to enter the Alstadt, and near by was situated the market, called the Tein from the former royal residence which was close by. The inn to which Swedenborg refers is probably an old inn situated near the Tein Church. (ANC illustn. 1A-c; Fam. Bok., 22:14; Sehens. Prag., p. 433)

After viewing the near by market place with its wonderful Radhaus and clock, Swedenborg probably occupied himself with looking through his guidebook and in making a long entry in his Diary on the subject of the first natural point. Not only was the subject an active one in his mind, owing to his Principia, but it had been made more active by his reading of Wolff's metaphysical works. And so, on his first day at Prague he wrote in his Diary some reflections on the first natural point,* which he entitled "Definition of the natural Point." Since it furnishes the origin to natural entities, he compares this point to the point of Zeno, which by motion gives rise to lines, areas, etc. he defines it as "purely motion" or as an entity existing from the infinite by motion, "and thus mediate between the infinite and the finite." It is the "simple," the "mere," the "pure," being the first offspring of the infinite. "We seem to play with words," he adds, "but this is unavoidable."

* A translation of these "reflections," by Reginald W. Brown, is published in Scientific and Philosophical Treatises, part I, fascicle 2, p. 114.

This note is but a short one, filling less than a page of his Diary. There are many erasions as though the author were feeling his way to a satisfactory definition, and finally the whole passage is crossed off, though probably at a later time.

The next day, July 24th, after sightseeing, he returns to the subject, and now he fills six pages with his notes. First he writes on the attributes of the point - raising the question as to whether philosophical reasoning

can show that the point is a medium between the infinite and

the finite. He answers that all the attributes of the point

can be understood only by analogy. Its motion is not finite

or geometrical such as exists in compounds, but is

"imaginary" and "hypothetical"; it is a "pure motion, and

thus also a figure of motion which geometrically is nothing,"

and this for the simple reason that finite motion must come

from infinite - a reason which also justifies us in

establishing this point as the origin of creation.

Then comes a paragraph on the motion of the point, and the figure of that motion. Here again he appeals to analogy; but he adds an illustration,

showing that a thing can exist from motion which would not

otherwise

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exist, such as a line or area from rapidly moving corpuscles.

By analogy, the case is the same with the point; it also, by

motion, produces something which is not itself. But what, he

asks, is that motion itself? and he answers that, being

produced from the infinite, it also must be infinite - a

motion devoid of center or periphery, geometrically

considered, but with infinite centers and peripheries, every

point in the motion being both center and periphery. But

this is paradoxical, he adds, and "I seem to make sport with

our senses." Yet the matter can be seen if we remove the

finite from our predicates.

Following this come two paragraphs headed respectively "Geometrically on the Point" and "Metaphysically on the Point." The point is above geometry

since it is its beginning; therefore, geometry cannot

commence its predications until after it is hatched out from

this its egg. And here a comparison is drawn between the

finite entity and the natural point, on the one hand, and

geometry and the mathematical point on the other. Swedenborg

therefore concludes that we can reason concerning the point

only metaphysically.

This finishes the discussion of the point. In the next note, Swedenborg sketches out the manner of taking up what follows after the point, namely, that which is actually geometrical. Here he lays down the rule that each chapter on the separate particles - he does not use the word finites in these notes - should be divided into four divisions or parts. The first division must

1. definite that particle;

2. perfect the definite by describing its motion, attributes, etc.;

3. give the origin of those attributes.

In the second division, the subject must be presented

geometrically, and it must be shown that the geometrical

arguments agree with the metaphysical.

In the third part, the various positions must be shown

experimentally and physically.

The fourth division is to show the connection between

the first origin and the attributes, etc., of the particle

being treated of - that perpetual thread and connection, the

result of which is that, "What is touched in one extreme is

touched, as it were, at the other."

So much for the plan of his chapters. He then gives a

"definition of the first particle" (finite). It is the least

entity, geometrical and limited, and occupies the least

possible space. Its motion is of the utmost swiftness, and

the figure of that motion is the least possible figure. In a

word, it is the first substantial; the medium between the

simple and the compound. It itself is produced "from points,

or rather from their fluxion into a most perfect figure."

Finally comes a paragraph on the "active of the point." Of this, we shall say more presently.

This finishes the notes made on July 24th, but three days later Swedenborg returns to the subject, and enters into his Diary a short paragraph on "the Order of the Particles." This also we shall pass by for the present.

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The general thought that is suggested by these Prague notes, or rather the suggestion that they bring up, is that at this time the Principia was not as yet finished; that at best it was only in sketch form. The suggestion is especially strong in the entry describing how that the chapters on the separate particles are each to be divided into four parts, or at any rate are to deal with the subject in four set aspects.

Yet we have Swedenborg's own word that the Principia was already finished at this time. For on June 20th he wrote in his journal, "Went through my Principia and corrected it." Moreover, in the Principia as published, not only is it the fact that some of the points made in the Prague notes are not included, but those notes seem in part to be alien in the Principia, and certainly they use a nomenclature which does not seem at first sight to fit in with the published work. Moreover, the chapters do not discuss their subject matter in the order of our divisions ad recommended in the Prague notes. Nor does the published work follow the suggestion made in the note on the Active of the Point. We have deferred the description of this note until now, because we wished to show its contrast with the printed Principia.

This note is headed: "Concerning the Active of indefinite

Celerity arising from the Point; to be inserted at the end of

the treatment of the fourth particle" (that is, at the end of

the chapter on the Active of the second finite; see below).

Under this heading, Swedenborg states that he has omitted a

description of the first active ens arising from the point

"in the same manner as the third particle active [the active

of the first finite] arose from the first passive [first

finite], or the fourth [the active of the second] from the

second. After explaining that the purpose of the omission

was to avoid dwelling on purely metaphysical axioms, he

continues: "Still, I dare not deny that an ens in the highest

degree active could have existed from the point."

In the printed Principia, at the end of the chapter on the active of the first finite, there is indeed what appears to be an addition to the chapter headed "Whether there can be an active of the point, and if so, what is its nature." But excepting in the most general way, there is nothing here to suggest the Prague note.

We note here Swedenborg's use in the Prague note of the word

"particles" instead of the word "finites." This would seem

to indicate that in these notes he has reverted to the

language of the earlier Principia. As a fact, however, he

has reverted to the earlier Principia only in the use of the

word "particle," and he seems to have done this with no other

object than concise writing. He has taken the finites of the

Principia, the actives of the finites, and the elementaries,

putting them in their proper order, and called them all

"particles" in order to avoid the long terms. The following

list shows what he meant by the particles of the Prague notes:

Prague Notes Principia
1 Particle 1 Finite
2 " 2 "
3 " Active of the first
4 " " " " second
5 " 1 Elementary
6 " 3 Finite
7 " 2 Elementary

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This interpretation of the "particles" of the Prague notes is confirmed by the note written just before Swedenborg left Prague. It is headed "The order of the Particles." This order is given as follows:

"The first from the spiral motion of the entities [i.

e., of the points]. The second from the spiral motion of the

first particles. The third from the second motion of the

first particle. The fourth from the second motion of the

second particle. The fifth, the first elementary particle,

the smallest and magnetic; also the manner of its

compression. Sixth, its globe by means of compression [of

the fifth or first elementary particle]. The seventh, the

second elementary particle or the truly magnetic."

It will be noted that here Swedenborg identifies with

magnetism both the fifth elementary particle and the seventh.

At the end of the note last adduced, Swedenborg, giving the order of the particles, adds the words:

"From the fourth tome of the Principia may be adduced what is

said concerning vortical motion and the first obscuration of

the sun and the breaking up of its crust" - subjects deal

with in the third "tome" or part of the Principia. There is

no fourth part.

Perhaps Swedenborg here made a slip, or it was a lapsus memoriae. What he seems to have had in mind in the note was the preparation of an appendix giving a brief outline of his system, such as is found in the printed work.

With the exception of the two notes last discussed, all the Prague notes are crossed off by the author; but what this signifies is not apparent. The notes in regard to the natural point are in substance included in the printed work, but only in substance; there is no suggestion of any copying from the Prague notes. The same is true of the note on the definition of the first particle, and here the order of treatment is pretty much the same. But as to all the other notes, their influence cannot be seen in the printed work.

Yet, the fact that these notes are crossed off would seem to indicate either that Swedenborg rewrote his chapter on the Point and the First Finite, or that on his return to Dresden, he looked them over to see whether any of the points noted in Prague had been omitted.

And now we turn to Swedenborg's sightseeing in the ancient city of Prague. On July 24th, Swedenborg set out to view the city. Prague consisted of three cities:

The Kleine Seite on the west bank of the Moldau, guarded by a

wall extending from bank to bank. Here were the richest

churches and monasteries, the royal castle, and the palaces

of the wealthy nobles - all situated on a hill overlooking

the surrounding country. The Kleine Seite was connected with

the Altstadt by the Karlsbridge. The Altstadt was also

walled from bank to bank. Here was carried on the principal

trade; here was the Radhaus, the University, the Jews'

quarters.

Lastly, on the outskirts of the Altstadt was the Neu Stadt

which also was called from bank to bank. These divisions of

the old Prague are still plainly discernible.

(Ill. In Sehens-wrd. Prag.)

Swedenborg first crossed the famous Karlsbridge.

"It is furnished with 18 arches," he writes, "and contains

the utmost diversity of statues. There are towers at both

ends, where are still to be seen the bullets shot by the

Swedes in 1648." (Resebeskrifn., p. 30)

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The reference is to the invasion of the Swedes under

Konigsmark as a part of the thirty years' war. Konigsmark

had seized and pillaged the wealthy Kleine Seite, but when

later he crossed the bridge to seize the Altstadt, he was

bravely repelled, first by three men and afterwards by the

citizens and students. The fight was at the tower on the

Altstadt side, and it is here where the bullets are still to

be seen. There is also an inscription reading: "The Swedes

came thus far but no farther." This bridge was reckoned the

longest and finest in Europe.

(Illustn. ANC 2A-C; Sehens-wrd. Prag. P. 343)

From the Bridge, Swedenborg toiled up the steep streets to the Cathedral of St. Vitus. Here, as he notes, he saw

"the tomb of Martyn Sobieslav. Here, on either side, are two

silver altars. Above are silver lamps and a heart made of

pure gold. Likewise altars of pure gold at the side. Around

the altar are sacrificial gifts of great number and immense

value consisting of hearts, feet, urns, and a thousand other

things.*

* Much of this treasure became the prey of war.

"Outside the temple I saw a tower of considerable size, and a

picture which occupied almost the whole wall, which is now

for ten years still uninjured by the weather."

(Resebeskrifn., p. 30)

He did not see the Chapel of St. Wenceslaus at this time as it was closed, but he was more successful a few days later when (July 28th) he describes it as

"very beautiful, its walls consisting of precious stones,

such as Jasper or pellucid stones, but set in a rough form.

They are colored blue, violet, red and yellow."

(Ibid., p. 33)

From the Cathedral, Swedenborg visited the Archbishop's Palace, besides other palaces, a large number of which are to be seen west of the Cathedral. Thence he went to the Capuchin Church of Loretto, and was shown the famous treasures.

"The church itself," he writes, "is small and is surrounded

with cloisters full of pictures, shrines, and altars." Here

also he obtained admission to the treasure room where he saw

"monstrances, urns, crosses, vessels, hearts, altar

ornaments, etc., of pure silver, and many of chains of gold.

In one monstrance was so large a mass of pearls that I could

not admire it sufficiently; one pearl was so large that its

value could not be estimated. There were many other such

pearls, but they were irregular. From it hung a large pearl

exactly round, besides many others. The finest monstrance,

given by a Countess, consists of 6666 diamonds, many of them

large sized so that they must be worth two to three thousand

imperial dalers. The whole work must have cost from ... 75

to 100,000 imperial dalers. The entire treasure would cost

form 6 to 850,000." (Ibid., pp. 30-31) ANC illustn. 3 A-J)

Swedenborg does not express what his thoughts were at the sight of this heaped up treasure, and carefully guarded without any use except to excite the awe and admiration of the pious and the travelers. But many years later, when writing the Apocalypse Revealed, the memory of it perhaps came back to him.

He was talking in the spiritual world with the good Pope

Sixtus V. concerning the great wealth of treasure kept in the

Castello del Angelo in Rome. "While speaking with him,"

Swedenborg writes, "I told him that the treasure in Loretto

had been immensely increased and enriched since his time ...

and I added that they guard them without any end

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which is of use, other than to delight themselves in their

possession ... like those infernal deities whom the ancients

called Plutos." (AR n. 752)

From Loretto, Swedenborg proceeded to the Burg or Castle, where he saw the great Council room where the Royal Court of Appeals meets quarterly for from two to three weeks. (Sebens-wrd. Prag., p. 148)

He notes also that he saw "the place where three men were thrown out of a window and fell unhurt." This was from a window in this same Council Room. Swedenborg's words, however, somewhat exaggerate. His guidebook says of this event:

"But the greatest wonder, the grace of God is that, though

they were thrown neck and crop from the Hof Chancery, a

height of 28 Prague ells [about 50 feet], yet they escaped

with their lives." The event occurred during the Thirty

Years' War, and was owing to religion. (Ibid., p. 100)

When Swedenborg was in Prague, there were three statues and three columns erected to commemorate the place of the fall, but they have since been destroyed.

In the castle court, he saw the great copper statute of St. George on horseback which he admired as being skillfully executed and lifelike; it dates from the fourteenth century and is truly a marvelous piece of work.

Swedenborg does not fail to note the wonderful view which was open to him from the castle grounds.

"From there, he writes, 'I could see the whole city, which is

quite large. I could likewise see the place where the women

fought against their husbands.'"

This last place is the ruined castle Diewin up the river,

somewhat south of Prague and on the same side of the river as

the Kleine Seite. Swedenborg had read the story in his

guidebook and apparently had been interested in its

quaintness, quite apart from its horror.

(Resebeskrifn., p. 31)

In the ninth century, Queen Libussa was the head of a

Priory or Nunnery, and she had much more to say about the

government of Bohemia than had her husband King Przemislaus.

When she died, however, "the leaf was turned" - to use the

language of the guidebook. The sisters resented this, and

they appointed Libussa's most trusted confidante, Wlastra, to

protect them. The latter then sent an embassy to the King,

proposing that she marry him, and the government be continued

as before. But the answer she received was so insulting that

she gave the women a magic potion whereby they were aroused

to hatred against all men. They at once took up arms against

the Kings' forces, and in this they were exercised merciless

sway over the surrounding land. They even carried on a

propaganda among the married women, that the latter should

stab their husbands in bed and then escape and join forces

with them. Eventually they were defeated by the King, and

Wlastra was put to death. (Sehens-wrd. Prag., p. 329 seq.)

Swedenborg read also in his guidebook another story of ancient Bohemia, for he notes:

"I saw also the palace and citadel where Drahomera* the

mother of

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Wenceslasu [the first Christian King of Bohemia] sank in the

earth and was swallowed up together with her carriage and

horses, and many other persons." This was on the Hradshin

Platz, south of the Archbishop's palace.

(Resebeskrifn., p. 31)

* Swedenborg has Lobomisia, but this is a slip.

The story is that Drahomera, in 989, procured the murder

of her son St. Wenceslaus by the brother Boheslaus, in the

hopes of thus destroying Christianity. She then proposed to

offer sacrifices to her gods to further her in this end.

Driving past the St. Mathias Chapel (destroyed during the

Hussite troubles, but replaced by a beautiful chapel), she

heard the sound of the bells indicating the elevation of the

mass. At once her coachman who was a Christian jumped off

his horse and knelt down in front of the church. This so

enraged Drahomera that she fell to reviling the name of God,

and cursing both her coachman and the Christians generally,

when suddenly the earth opened beneath her and swallowed up

both her and the carriage and horses. The place was

commemorated by a stone column which was still standing when

Swedenborg was in Prague. (Sehens-wrd. Prag., pp. 288, 290)

On his way from the heights down to the bridge, Swedenborg again notes the scenery, and he connects it with a legend culled from his guidebook.

"On the hill which rises up toward the Cathedral," he writes,

"I could see the whole city and also the church where is

preserved the wood carried thither by the devil."

(Resebeskrifn., p. 31)

The church referred to is the church of St. Peter and St.

Paul, situated in the Wysellrad at the extreme south of

Prague on the Altstadt side of the Moldau. Here, in

Swedenborg's day at any rate, was preserved a column (of

stone, not wood) which, tradition says, was brought from Rome

by the devil. The story is that a priest of the church

offered to bind himself to the devil if the latter would

bring to the church a column from the St. Maria Church in

Rome, doing this in the time of the reading of a mass. The

devil rushed to Rome, broke off one of the columns, but

arrived in the Prague church too late, as the mass was

already over. The column, however, remained, though it broke

into three pieces. The author of the guidebook evidently

placed implicit faith in this story, for he quotes a man in

the Altstadt who had been to Rome and found a column missing

from the St. Maria's Church, and who testified that the

Prague column was very like those that remained!

(Sehens-wrd. Prag., p. 401)

On his way back to the Altstadt, Swedenborg visited the Jesuit Church of St. Nicholas. The Jesuits were by far the most powerful of the Catholics in Prague, and - besides "many churches and beautiful buildings" - they also owned the University with its great library. The great number of churches in Prague is noted by Swedenborg, who copies from his guidebook: (ANC illustn. 3 K)

"In Prague there are over a hundred churches and fifty

monasteries," while the population is 80,000 (Ibid., p. 13)

On his way he passed through "the Jewish market and the Jewish quarter," where he found "everything unclean and filthy."

Finally, from the Jewish Quarter, Swedenborg wended his way to the Rathhaus near his hotel, and there saw "the wonderful clock which shows hours of every kind; also the lunar periods." His guidebook has much to say about this remarkable clock which was built in 1490 by a mathematical professor in

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the University.

It formerly showed the time of sunrise and sunset, the

eclipses of the sun and moon, the positions of the planets,

the time of Easter, etc., etc. Neither the guidebook nor

Swedenborg say anything of the procession of the twelve

apostles who appear when the hour strikes, and which always

excites admiring interest.

(ANC illustn. 3LM; Sehens-wrd. Prag., p. 445s)

On the next day, Saturday, Swedenborg again went sightseeing. Most of his time he spent in the Jesuit College - now the University Library - in the Altstadt near the Bridge. (ANC illustn. 3 N.O-P)

"First I admired the magnificence of the building, very

spacious, equaling if not excelling the palaces of kings.

There are spacious passages both round about in the lower

story and also in the upper. There is no palace in Prague

that excels it in magnificence and size." He particularly

admires the church which, though small, is extremely elegant

with its columns of marble around the altar and at the sides.

"There is no marble that is more precious; its figures sport

by the variations of the colors, as though they were Italian

dendrites. I have never seen more beautiful marble, which is

said to have been quarried in Bohemia."

(Resebeskrifn., pp. 31-32)

Swedenborg was interested in the 'Mathematical Room, where he saw the utmost diversity of mathematical instruments." But what especially attracted his attention were

"their mechanical and optical contrivances, of which they

possess a store, that by their means they may delude the

simple." Thus he saw "a machine by means of which drums are

beaten by a young man, and at the same time, his lips, eyes,

and head are set in motion. Also cunningly contrived globes

which, by their interior mechanism, showed the steps of the

sun in the ecliptic; a clock which not only struck the hours

and played tunes, but also showed on a globe the motion of

the sun, and what countries had the sun in the meridian, that

is, what countries it was passing over, and what was the time

in each country. There were also pictures which assumed a

change in their appearance - this being effected by machines;

thus, through holes, one could see a man rising up and

blinking, when a house was opened where was no one." He saw

also "Camerae Obscurae of different kinds - glasses showing

figures in perspective as to the life, and on the inside

barking dogs and the utmost variety of painted glasses

representing something in front of the glasses; also some

burning glasses ... Chinese letters and books ... letters

written by their Emperor; besides many other things which

tend solely to delude the simple." (Ibid., p. 32)

He notes also their astronomical tower, which though not high yet affords a fine view. (Sehens-wrd. Prag., p. 467)

Swedenborg also visited the great and beautifully ornamented library, but found it consisted only of old books and ancient MSS. Here he saw a German Bible printed in 1483, 34 years prior to Luther's version. Later he saw

"their pictures with the emblems which they set forth to be

publicly defended in place of disputations."

(Resebeskrifn., p. 32)

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August

He notes also the activity of the inhabitants of this great

building. "In this one building there are 200 men, not

counting servants'* and there are 200 more in another

building. None but the rich and talented are received."

* According to Swedenborg's guidebook, p. 467, there were in 1729 two hundred and fifty fathers and brethren.

From the College he went to "that hill or fiery heap where fire is said to have issued forth for some months." This was probably on the Moldau in the Jewish quarter. He found the "hill" to be a mass of all kinds of rubbish

"gathered there for almost a thousand years and grown to an

immense heap. This heap" he writes, "abounds in nitre and

sulphur, and with the approach of water, it takes fire. This

can be seen from the fact that near this hill or heap is

built a house where nitre is boiled from this soil which is

mots highly suitable for this purpose. The house was built

many years ago, and much of the soil has been taken from here

alone. Thus it abounds in nitre and sulphur."

(Resebeskrifn., p. 32)

After writing this account of his sightseeing for the day, Swedenborg adds:

"I also made inquiries as to the orders of monks. There are

four main orders: The Capuchins clothed with a grey robe of

the coarsest kind, girded with a cord. The Benedictines, in

white. The Jesuits in black. The Dominicans in white and

black. (Ibid., p. 33)

The inquiries here referred to were caused probably by the immense number of monks which Swedenborg must have met everywhere during his promenades.

For Sunday and Monday, July 26th and 27th, the Diary has no entry. On Tuesday he went again to the Kleine Stadt where he succeeded in securing admission to the tomb of St. Wenceslaus in the Cathedral. (Ibid.)

On July 29th he left Prague for an extended tour o the Bohemian mines, his first stop being the famous watering place of Carlsbad, about a hundred miles northwest of Prague by stage. Swedenborg must have traveled all night for he arrived at Carlsbad the next day, Thursday, and stayed there until the following Thursday, August 6th. It was during this week that Swedenborg made in his Diary another entry which was to form a part of his Preface to the Principia - an entry which was to be inserted in the middle of that contribution to the Preface which he had written in Dresden. When it came to the actual writing of the Preface, however, the "addition" made in Carlsbad, instead of being inserted into the Dresden note, was substituted for the later half of that note.

The Dresden note dealt with the effect of education and use in adapting the membranes to more subtle motions. Of this subject, we shall have more to say when we speak of the Preface to the printed Principia. But here we would speak of a passage in the first Dresden note which is not included in that Preface - a passage which indicates Swedenborg's first philosophical thoughts as to the human form of the soul. The passage reads:

"If we take the beginning to be fine things most utterly

subtle and simple, it is well known that these grow in

circumference and little by little adapt parts round about

them such as fibres, membranes, nerves, etc., and little by

little take on hardness, and enclosed everywhere is that

which is most utterly subtle. Thus, little by little they

put on the human form.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 384

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August

This passage, as we have said, is omitted in the Preface to the Principia; possibly because Swedenborg was not yet prepared or did not consider this the place to bring in the nature of the human soul. The passage itself, however, foreshadows the doctrine set forth in his later physiological and psychological works, and also in the Writings, namely, that while the soul is truly human, that human is not seen and can never be comprehended as to figure save in the human form.

The town of Carlsbad is but a long narrow valley shaped like

a sickle. On both sides rise the mountains, and the only

exits from the town are the places where the river Tepl, on

either side of whose banks it is built, enters and leaves the

valley. This is duly noted by Swedenborg in his journal.

(Resebeskrifn., p. 33)

There also he speaks of

"the very hot spring in the center of the town which gushes

up with force and is boiling hot. From this spring, the

water is carried by pipes to all the houses situated on the

bank of the river where the waters and baths are provided."

The spring here referred to is called the Sprudel, situated opposite

the market place but on the other side of the river.

Swedenborg also notes - apparently quoting from some work -

that the Sprudel water originates "in a source whose course

is under the river; its murmur can be heard. Once it broke

out, and then the flow cased until, by much labor, the

opening was again closed" (confer Berger, De Thermis

Carolinis, pp. 5, 10, 12, 15). He gives other particulars

about these waters, evidently quoted from some guidebook,

including the remark that "they rarely baths in this water

because, by reason of its abounding in lime, it obstructs the

pores, and does not open them like other waters."

(Ibid., pp. 33-4)

He notes also that outside the city are iron works and a paper mill, both of which doubtless he visited. (Ibid., p. 34)

From Carlsbad, Swedenborg made a tour of the various "mineral towns," as he calls them, scattered here and there in the Erz Gebirge Mountains, nearly all of which are now abandoned. At that time, however, they each had something distinctive, and it was this which Swedenborg sought to know, especially with a view to his future volumes on mineralogy.

First he visited the various tin mines and smelting works southwest of Carlsbad in Slackenwald, Schnfeld and Lauterbach, where the ground is rich in tin. Swedenborg devotes seven pages of his journal to a description of these tin mines and the method of smelting the ore. Traces of these mines and smelteries are, for the most part, completely gone. Between Schnfeld still remain, belonging to the Elizabeth Tin and Wolfram Mine; but the place is no longer worked, and only a watchman is to be found there. The mountain scenery, however, is as beautiful as ever and must greatly have charmed Swedenborg. Even now there are no railway lines here, and one must still go to Schnfeld, Lauterbach and Falkenau by bus. From Lauterback, which is now but a wayside village, Swedenborg drove through magnificent mountain scenery to Altsattel, now also little more than a small village. On the way, he passed a small iron smelting works. This he noted in his journal, and from the latter he copied the entry to his De Ferro, which apparently was not yet all printed (De Ferro, p. 173). In Altsattel, Swedenborg visited the

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 385

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vitriol and sulphur works situated at the foot of the hill, some half a mile from the village, and he gives a page of his journal to a description of the process used. This vitriol work is now entirely gone, and in its place is a colorfabrik situated in a deep hollow by the river Eger. It was established in 1893.

From Altsattel he passed through the Avery elegant" town of Falkenau, some three miles to the west. Here, as he notes, dwelt Count von Nostitz, the owner of the works at Altsattel. Swedenborg continued on his way to Bleistadt where he stopped over night. He does not fail to note the magnificent scenery at this small town:

"Toward evening," he writes, "I came to Bleistadt, a

town situated on a high mountain and likewise engirded by

other high mountains, while deep below flows the brook [the

Zwodan which runs into the Eger]. The situation of the city

is most delightful." He notes the presence of lead ore,

which "is sold to Joachimsthal and there smelted."

(Resebeskrifn., pp. 38-39)

This lead mine is on the lower road far below the city and

about half a mile from the railway stations. It was used

during the war in 1915-17 by the Austrian Government which

employed about a hundred workmen there. It is now closed up,

and one sees only the closed stoll or horizontal entrance

from which comes a little stream of pure water which is used

by the women for washing and drinking. (Very fine water.)

At Bleistadt, Swedenborg stayed over night, enjoying the pure mountain air. The next day, he departed fro Graslitz, a considerable town belonging to Count Nostitz - situated a few miles north of Bleistadt. Here he spent the day and stayed over night. (Ibid., p. 39)

He gives three pages of his journal to a description of the copper smelting at Graslitz, which subsequently he copies with some changes into his De Cupro, pp. 184-85:

"In Graslitz," he writes, "the mines are about 1000 places

from the city, and are many and various, but there is the

same kind of ore in all of them. The vein was opened 100

years ago, and the work is still being continued, but the

veins are now very poor." (Ibid.)

Yet the mines continued to be worked until 1900, but the

number of workmen dwindled from 1800 to 100. They are

completely closed now, though still guarded by a watchman.

The oldest mine in Graslitz (Grnberg, established 1500) is

now blocked up and its surface used as a playground.

The next day, Sunday, August 9th, Swedenborg drove to Platten, some 10 or 15 miles east of Graslitz, and here "the last town of Bohemia" - he stayed over night. His object was to visit the tin mines, of which there were three in Platten, though not one of them is worked at the present day. He gives two pages of his journal to a description of this tin ore and its working. He was also greatly interested in color manufactory, and he gives three pages of his journal to a description of how cerulean blue is prepared in the neighborhood of Platten, a work which is carried on in the valley between Platten and the neighboring Saxon border. (Ibid., p. 41seq.)

It was probably on Monday that Swedenborg examined the color-works around Platten, and on the same day he went to Hansjrgenstadt, the first town in Saxony, about 4 miles from Platten.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 386

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August

Here he enters two pages of notes on an ironworks which was then situated just on the Bohemian side of the border, but which has long since disappeared. Some of these notes were copied into the work Der Ferro (p. 274).

In the Saxon town itself, there was a fine collection of noble and rare minerals made by an Herr Derfler who had been in foreign parts for fifteen years for the purpose of buying specimens of minerals for King Augustus. Swedenborg notes the fact in his journal, but whether he saw the collection does not appear. (Resebeskrifn., p. 46)

He seems, however, to have visited the silver mines which extend under the town, of which Derfler was probably the inspector. The mine was entered by about twenty horizontal entrances, called stoll, but this is not the case today. He gives two pages of his journal to describing the mode of crushing the silver ore, which is then exported to another town for smelting.

After passing the night in this town, Swedenborg, the next day, returned to Platten where he visits the tin smelteries whose processes he describes in his journal. He did not stay here, however, but went on to Joachimsthal, some ten miles to the west, where he stayed Saturday and Sunday. On the evening of his arrival, he writes in his journal:

"There are many things which I learned at Hans

Jrgenstadt and Platten, namely: 1) That at Hans Jrgenstadt

and likewise at Joachimsdahl they have water wheels and

machines in the mines at the depth of 100 ells, by which to

pump out the water; likewise a wheel which can be turned by

the wind.

2) At Platten I saw how that from one stockwork* went out

many strata, arteries or ramifications. This was seen in a

mine that has collapsed and was defective.

* At mass wherein tin is mingled with other layers.

3) That air can be pumped into the deepest places by bellows,

the latter being worked by the same machine whereby the ore

is hoisted. The air is led to these places by wooden pipes

which have no outlet save in the place where there is no

ventilation, or where it is continually stagnant and warm."

(Ibid., p. 48)

There were two other observations of a technical nature connected with the crushing hammer and the bellows The entry indicates that improved methods were in use in Saxony which were wholly unknown in Sweden, and possibly in other parts of Germany. It was the discovery of just such improvements that was one of the objects of Swedenborg's travels as an Assessor of the College of Mines.

It was on the way from Platten to Joachimsthal that he saw those curious Seifenwercks which he describes in his journal and many of which are to be seen in the neighborhood of Seifen halfway to Joachimsthal, all containing, or formerly containing, tin, with which the whole district abounds.

The town of Joachimsthal is practically one single street,

one and a half miles long, lying in a deep valley between the

opposing mountains. The oldest of the mines is on a height

facing what was the center of the old town where was

Swedenborg's inn. It is the Einigkeit discovered in 1516

where silver was formerly mined. It had given very rich

yield for about two centuries, though at the time of

Swedenborg's visit, the amount of silver obtained annually

had shrunk very considerably.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 387

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August

The mine is now used only for uranium but is still in active

operation with a large body of workmen. (ANC illustn. 4G-H)

In 1518, the Joachimsthal silver was used to make a new

coin which was therefore called the Joachimsthaler; hence the

word thaler and dollar.

Swedenborg notes the number of underground passages in these mines, from four to fourteen thousand yards long. In the IEinigkeit at a depth of seventy fathoms, there is a machine worked by the water found in the mine. (Resebeskrifn., p. 51)

Swedenborg was evidently greatly interested in the work at Joachimsthal, and he gives three and a half pages of his journal to describing the mode whereby the ore is crushed, and the silver smelting done.

Swedenborg also visited some arsenic works about four miles outside Joachimsthal, and he gives two and a half pages of his Diary to describing the work here. The cobalt is burned in an ordinary oven, but the smoke, instead of being allowed to escape, is conducted along twisted paved channels with an opening which can be opened or shut at pleasure. The arsenic settles on the paved way and amounts to about 230 cwts every twelve days. The silver is then extracted and the arsenic flour refined. (Ibid., pp. 50-51)

On Monday, August 13th, he returned to Carlsbad, riding down hill in the beautiful valley, and so to the comparatively flat country. Settled at Carlsbad, even on the day of his arrival, he wrote in his journal another of the sketches which were to be included in his preface to the Principia; and this time it was to note the quaint yet suggestive idea that "Nature is like a spider's web," while

"natural philosophy is like the spider. She builds her web

in places where it is possible to fasten her threads on all

sides, and to draw them together into a center; the radii

which she then forms she makes to meet in a center, and she

ties and binds them together at various distances by circles

or polygons, so that she may have contiguous connection, by

means of intermediate threads, throughout the whole sphere

which she occupies; she, however, betakes herself back to the

middle or to the center, and so applies her feet to the

threads or radii as to be able to perceive if the least

particle touches any radius at any distance. In this way,

therefore, she prepares herself to entrap flies and other

insects; if anything falls upon the threads or snare, she,

lying in ambush, as it were, in the middle, knows immediately

where and in what part of her web it fell, for she rushes out

instantly by that very radius and no other, and seizes upon

her entangled victim. Nature herself, therefore, closely

resembles this spider's web, for she consists, as it were, of

infinite radii proceeding from a certain center, and infinite

circles or polygons, so that nothing can happen in one of

them which does not immediately refer itself to the center,

and which is not dispersed thence through a great part of the

web. By means of such a contiguity and connection, nature is

able to sport in her operations, and in this consists her

very essence; for where her contiguity ceases, or her

connection with the center and with the rest of the

peripheries, there nature herself altogether ceases. Natural

philosophy is capable of taking its station with nature, near

to the center, to which all natural things refer themselves,

or in which all the motions of the peripheries are

concentrated; it is able to perceive and to know immediately

everything

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 388

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August

which occurs in the peripheries - that it is and whence it

comes; and is able to render back to nature the reason why

the phenomena must needs occur successively, and from a

certain physical necessity, at such a distance, in such a

manner, and in no other; in a word, from the center, natural

philosophy is able to view simultaneously those infinite

peripheries, or to measure her whole world at a single

glance; she does not, as has been supposed, stick to the

outmost peripheries, and like the fly, by means of much labor

and effort entangle herself more and more in the web and

become the prey and sport of her own wisdom and philosophy."

Swedenborg was evidently pleased with the conceit, for he rewrote the passage, making some changes, and when he cam to write the Preface (or chapter 1) of the Principia, he incorporated in his Carlsbad draft practically word for word.

Swedenborg stayed in Carlsbad for five days, from August 13th to 18th, and apparently took full advantage of his stay in this brilliant watering place, fitting for health or recreation or both. At any rate, the Diary has no entries for those days except a note of Swedenborg's attendance at the Roman Catholic church on Sunday, August 16th.

There, writes Swedenborg, "I saw their second rites, that is,

the celebration of the mass, and I observed that all was most

full of delight and suited to all the senses. The ear had

the finest harmony of instruments, for there was no singing

by the people but in its place the most complete music by

instruments. The eye saw the most diverse shows and

gesticulations made both by boys and by others; it saw the

burning lamps, the wax candles, the magnificent clothing of

the priest, the boys likewise so clothed; before these lamps,

all things gleamed from gold and silver. The smell had the

choicest incense with which the altar and the holy place were

performed. The touch had the water which the priest, on

entering, sprinkled on the people round about. The interior

sense had the great veneration of the Deity seen in the

priest, his numberless gestures, and likewise those of the

boys. The taste had nothing except that the priest could

have it, partaking of all such pleasures from the wine which

the alone drank. The sacred rites are made for the pleasure

of the external senses, but yet they are pleasing to the

people because all recollection of the Deity ought first to

enter in with them through the external senses."

(Resebeskrifn., p. 52)

On August 18th, Swedenborg left Carlsbad for Prague where he arrived on the following day. Here he again visited the Cathedral, examining the many golden and silver offerings around the tombs, and again visiting the tomb of Rudislai "radian with silver." He also visited other churches, including one in which he saw "an altar picture with lamps burning within and representing a transparent sky." (Ibid.)

On the 21st, he left Prague for a trip to Eule (or Jilovy), some fifteen miles south of Prague, in order to inspect the gold mine there. This gold mine is near the village proper, some three or four miles from the railway

station. It had not been worked for some years on account of

the poor yield. But there is some talk of resuming

operations if due arrangements can be made with the French

owner of the mine. At present it consists of not more than

one or two sheds, in one of which is the boarded up entrance

to the pit.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 389

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August

Swedenborg was evidently deeply interested in this mine and its working, for not only did he stay in the village overnight - and even now the accommodations at the inn are but meagre - but he fills over fifteen pages of his journal with notes on the copper mines at Cuttenberg (presumably near Eule) and the gold mine at Eule. The notes on Cuttenberg were subsequently incorporated into a special chapter in his De Cupro. The notes on Eule were reserved for a future volume on gold. (De Cupro. pp. 268-71)

He notes that the Eule gold mine is said to have been

commenced in 300 A.D., but there were frequent interruptions

in the working. The yield was formerly very rich. The mine

has been thoroughly explored, and there are many miles of

underground passages. Formerly the gold was found near the

surface, but now the mine is 1200 feet deep. The yield in

Swedenborg's day was from 10 to 12 lbs. A year of twenty-

three carat gold.

"There is nothing else than native gold in grains,

sheets, lumps, etc. There are layers of quartz wherein gold

is to be found mingled with red and also yellow scissile,

where the gold clings so that it is for the most part

invisible. There is no gold ore, nor is there any silver or

copper or any other noble metal attached to the gold, except

for a little iron and pyrite, but the gold is not contained

in the pyrite save in grains as native gold. It has also

been notice in lead, but the lead contained much gold and not

silver." (Resebeskrifn., pp. 52-3)

Swedenborg then describes the three crushing mills used in Eule, according at the gold is abundant or not; he also describes the washing processes. (Ibid., p. 53)

After spending one night at Eule, Swedenborg returned to Prague on August 22nd, on which day he went to the Barnabite Monastery or cloister in the Kleine Seite in order to view a collection of minerals. (Redeln, p. 305)

"It was a collection of artificial minerals neatly arranged,

but more for show than for me." (Resebeskrifn., p. 55)

The next day, Sunday, August 23rd, he left Prague for Dresden where he arrived on the 25th, having been absent a few days more than a month. On the journey, he notes seeing at the border

"a garden filled with Indian trees, oranges and citrons ...

and so great an abundance of oranges hanging from the tree as

can be seen nowhere else. It belongs to Count Nostitz" - a

high Boehemian overlord. (Ibid., pp. 55-56)

A day or two after his arrival, he meets a Mr. Leisner, a man who was endeavoring to introduce the use of peat into Saxony. The subject is of great interest to Swedenborg, and he fills one and a half pages of his journal with an account of his conversation and of his own reflections and conclusions with charcoal. However, he gives certain directions as to how it may be used. This note, like some preceding notes, perhaps has in contemplation a continuation of the Miscellaneous Observations. (Ibid., p. 56)

On Sunday, August 30th, in company with the mineralogist Henckel and Councillor Christian Heinrich Dreyer - both members of the Saxon College of Mines - he made a special call on Councillor of Mines Trier, in order, presumably, to inspect his remarkable collection of fossils. It was on this occasion that he saw "a skeleton of a marine cat with its joints and legs impressed on a scissile stone," besides many mineralogical curiosities. (Ibid., p. 57)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 390

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August

The fossil of the "marine cat" was of the greatest interest to Swedenborg, not only because it had been found only recently, but also because it was the finest animal fossil that Swedenborg had ever seen, and it is indeed "an unusually well preserved specimen." (Nathorst, p. 45)

It had been discovered a short time before Swedenborg saw it,

at Glucksborn (or Glucksbrun), south of Eisenach in Sachsen-

Meiningen, on some property on a large strata found in a vein

of copper lying between scissile stone.

In his work De Cupro, in the chapter on Copper Smelting at Eisleben and Mansfeld, Swedenborg inserts a paragraph on fossils "which represent fishes of various kinds, of which an immense number can be collected." These, he adds, have been delineated by authors, and it is presumably from some published work that he publishes three plates showing fossil remains of sheels, ferns, fish, a spider, etc. But beyond what has been mentioned, nothing further is said of them. The plates are referred to in the text as "38 and 39" but actually they are marked "38.1, 38.2 and 38" (a misprint for 39). These plates were already engraved when Swedenborg saw the Trier specimen, but the latter was so perfect a specimen that at Swedenborg's request, Trier sent him a drawing of it. This was received by Swedenborg when he was in Leipsig, and on January 5, 1734, he writes to Trier thanking him for the "fine drawing" of the marine cat. With Trier's permission, he desired to insert it in his work "as the finest and most complete" specimen it has ever been his lot to see. But before having the drawing engraved, he would "greatly like to know in what place and at what time this figure stone was dug up," and this that he might insert these particulars, "together with thy illustrious name," in his copperplate. The particulars were evidently given by Trier, and Swedenborg had the plate engraved probably at Leipzig. It is marked "Table 2," but according to the directions to the binder, was to be inserted after Tab 38 no. 2. It was evidently intended as Tab. 39 no. 2 to follow Tab. 39 (marked by error 38) of which no mention is made in the directions to the binder.

Of this specimen, Swedenborg writes in the text of De Cupro. He added, to what we have already cited, some particulars respecting this Trier fossil, stating that he had seen it at Dresden, "and because it is the

finest and most perfect of all the forms of fishes and

animals impressed on stones which I have even seen, I desire,

with permission, to show a picture of it. Moreover," he

adds, "in the same stratum were dug up many other specimens

of fishes, plants, etc." (De Cupro, p. 169)

As to the animal represented on this specimen, Swedenborg speaks of it in very vague terms as "a marine, an amphibian or other animal; from the tail, one might suppose it to be a species of marine cat."

Though the finest of its kind and the first to be portrayed,

Swedenborg's specimen was not the first to be described, a

description of the same animal fossil having been published

in 1706, and by another author in 1718, and all three

descriptions are mentioned by Cuvier in his work on Fossil

Bones, where he prints a reduced copy of the engraving in the

De Cupro "by the famous Emanuel Swedenborg." The author,

says Cuvier, "regarded it as a species of monkey." This is

funny though not true. Cuvier evidently had before him the

Directions to the Binder where this "Table 2" is listed as

"meerkatz."

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 391

[1733
September

Meerkatz is a literal translation of fedis marina, but

Swedenborg may well be excused for not knowing that it is a

very unusual German word meaning the long-tailed monkey.

(Nathorst, p. 44)

The specimen itself can now be seen at the Natural History

Hofmuseum at Vienna. In 1771, Prof. Beckman supposed it to

be the fossil of a seal. It is now held to be the fossil of

a species of reptile. (NP 1930:192)

Before leaving Dresden, he had sat for his portrait, which was drawn by the Noremburg artist and engraver J. W. Str who had drawn practically all the plates for Swedenborg's great work. This portrait was done at the expense of Swedenborg's publisher who evidently had become both his friend and admirer.

This portrait, which is the earliest absolutely authentic portrait of Swedenborg known to exist,* is a fine piece of work, representing Swedenborg as he was then, forty-five and a half years old, and clothed in his robe as a member of the Swedish House of Nobles. In the panel beneath is inscribed Swedenborg's name and title, and in the center, an exquisite drawing of his shield of nobility; finally, at the bottom of the panel come the words: "Fred. Hekel dedicat." The portrait was subsequently engraved at Leipzig by the engraver Bernigroth, and was published as the frontispiece to thePrincipia, but was bound only in those copies which were printed on finer paper. The result, of course, was that most copies of the Principia lacked this portrait. This may have been one of the causes which led Mr. Hodson, an earnest member of the New Church, to have a copy made by an English engraver but omitting the panel, for which a smaller panel with English inscription is substituted.**

* Mrs. Alfred Stroh of Upsala possesses a portrait of a young man who is said to be Swedenborg - but on no documentary or even traditional authority. It was purchased from a Westmanland farmer who stated that it was a portrait of Swedenborg preserved in his family. A copy is printed in The Nortal Remains of Emanuel Swedenborg, p. 93. Another portrait, now in possession of the Academy, was purchased from the Rev. A. Th. Boyesen. It is reputed to have hung in Swedenborg's house (Hultkrantz, pp. 92-93).

** A copy of this engraving may be seen in the Academy Library in a copy of the Principia formerly owned by Mr. Cowherd.

Cuno, who knows Swedenborg well, says of the original

portrait: "If any one desires to have an idea of Swedenborg's

looks, he will find his portrait in his work entitled,

Emanuelis Swedenborgii Opera Philosophica et Mineralia. Tres

tomi in folio, ... MDCCXXXIV; which portrait, although

finished forty years ago by the skillful engraver Bernigroth,

is still perfectly like him, especially in respect to the

eyes, which have retained their beauty , even in his old

age." (Doc. 2:p. 453)

On Wednesday, September 2nd, a day or two after his visit to Trier, Swedenborg left Dresden for Leipzig, some seventy-five miles northwest, and there, on Monday, September 28th - as he notes in his journal on October 5th "a beginning was made with the printing of the Principia, and six folios were printed that week"; adding "May God grant his favor. On the same day commenced the Leipzig Fair." This was the Michaelmas Fair which lasted three weeks.

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Before his first week in Leipzig, Swedenborg came across a book, Machrichten von Italien, by Joach. Christ. Nemeitz, a German Swede born in Wismar, and whom Swedenborg probably met during the Congress at Utrecht. The work had been published at Leipzig. Swedenborg seems to have read the work with interest, for he devotes over seven pages of his journal to extracts from it. Perhaps he was already contemplating the long visit he was to make to Italy a few years later.

Among the more interesting things he notes, may be quoted the following:

"Trent is ruled by a bishop. In the Maria Maggiore is to be

seen the Council of 1545; all its members are delineated.

The crucifix which is said to have bowed its head has been

carried off to the principal church." (Resebeskrifn., p. 57)

"Venice. One of the Procurators of St. Mark is chosen; he is

a civil prisoner, as it were. He is the head of all the

Councillors. He proposes all things together with the

others. He has two votes. All letters are signed by him

even the financial. All rise when he enters; he rises for no

one, nor does he take off his hat; he is called Most Serene.

Outside of Venice he has no authority ... while he is living,

all his relatives must live outside the walls. If a man is

elected, he cannot refuse without being deprived of all his

gods. The Inquisitors of the state can enter within his

doors day and night, and observe what he is doing.... There

are about two thousand nobles.

"A noble who is an ecclesiastic is at once excluded from the

Council even if he be also a cardinal. In time of peace, the

republic has thirty-two ships afloat, and sixteen thousand

soldiers, besides galleys, etc.

"The church and forum of St. Mark is where most of the

mosques are at carnival time. The place is called the

Piazzo.

"The carnival begins on the second day of Christmas, and

lasts till Shrove Tuesday. It consists mainly in masquerades

from morning till night. This is allowed to all but not in

the churches and monasteries. Liberty is also given to

women, especially in the forum of St. Marks. In the redoubt,

all enter who wish, and they play basset. The masks must be

inviolable. There, all kinds of liquors and confetti can be

procured. They have also sports with bulls which are roused

up. There are also fireworks and especially at St. marks.

They reckon the inhabitants as two hundred thousand souls....

"There are 70 churches, 27 monastery churches, and 24

nunneries; 17 hospitals, 53 market places, 337 bridges of

stone and 113 of wood....

"Padua ... In the city of Loretto, in the church is a

treasure which exceeds all fame, likewise all sorts of

artificial contrivances. The treasure is estimated at nine

million riksdalers. There is there a miraculous statue of

Mary with her son with crowns of pure gold and diamonds; 12

golden censers, and 16 silver; a silver altar. The treasure

abounds in diamonds and gold. (Ibid., p. 58)

"Rome: There are only 200,000 souls in Rome.... The papal

revenues are 1,000 scudi per hour. A single episcopal cape

costs 20,000 riksdalers.... In the gilded metal dome of St.

Peters there is room for 16 persons; from there one can see

the sea, 40 Italian miles distant.... Peter and Paul are

buried in St. Peters, and their lamps are continually

burning. The church of St. John Leteran is said to have been

the first Christian church, built in the year 324. The popes

have two palaces,

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the Vatican and the Quirinal, but they live for the most part

in the Quirinal....

"At Rome scarcely any others are seen in the streets save men

clothed with short black cloaks and a collar around their

necks. They are men of all classes."

(Resebeskrifn., pp. 58-9)

There are also short notes on the different cities, and the whole ends up with a list of the different societies existing in Italy.

These notes on Italy (ending on p. 1150 are the last entries in the journal for 1733, nor do we find any further journal entries until we come to p. 214 of his MS. book, when the journal is resumed though entries are made only for two days, March 1st and 3rd, 1734.

The one hundred pages which precede this resumption of the journal give us very precise information that, during his stay in Leipzig from October 1733 to the end of February 1734, Swedenborg was very busily engaged in specific studies.

Before taking up these studies, we may say a word about Swedenborg's leave of absence. This had been granted him for nine months without reduction of salary. Evidently the work was proceeding somewhat more slowly than he had anticipated. The plates for his great works had all been made in good time, but the printing had not proceeded as quickly as anticipated. The printing of the Principia had commenced on September 28th, and six sheets were printed the first week; the whole work consists of 450 pages, and it was issued in the beginning of May. But Swedenborg's leave of absence was up at the end of January. Swedenborg therefore determined to ask for an extension of leave, and on January 19th (Jan. 8th in Sweden), he writes from Leipzig to the College of Mines to this effect.

Inasmuch as his leave expires at the end of the coming

February, he writes, he humbly requests "some months'

extension, this time being of importance to me solely because

I have finally got to the printing; it is now in full swing,

and I am assured, and find also from the measures that have

been taken, that all will be ready by next Easter [April

25/14]. During this work, it is highly necessary that I

remain here if it is to be brought to a conclusion in the

style required. Moreover, during this or the coming month,

it would be almost impossible for me to betake myself on the

home journey and in the height of winter make so extended a

journey as that via Hamburg to Copenhagen and onward - this

my health does not permit." If this request for extended

leave be granted, he continues, "then I might be permitted,

and this I likewise humbly pray for, to make a tour from here

to Luneberg and Cassel, on account of some important business

of my own; and since only four or five weeks is required for

this, I hope to be able to be back in good time in the coming

summer with my work completed." (Doc. I:444; LM., p. 454)

The College considered the letter on the day it reached them, and at once concluded that in view of Swedenborg's reason, "permission cannot be refused him." (ACSD 558)

It would seem from Swedenborg's letter, either that the volumes on Iron and Copper were printed before the Principia or, at any rate, were well advanced, or that the three volumes must have been set simultaneously; otherwise it would have been impossible to have completed by Easter, that is to say, in

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twenty-four weeks, the printing of a total of 1,372 pages besides the numerous plates. If set up simultaneously, they could have been commenced October 5th, and finished by the middle of March.

While reading the proof sheets of his Principia, Swedenborg's mind was already occupied with the psychological conclusions involved in his cosmological principles, and more especially with the question of the intercourse between the soul and the body. Accordingly, he beings in Leipzig to set down on paper some thoughts of this subject. He had already touched on it his Tremulation and also in the last work he wrote before leaving Sweden, namely, the Motion of the Elements (see above, pp. 348-49), but now he approaches the matter ex professo.

The sketch or outline is contained in his journal, pp. 116-31 and is entitled "The Mechanism of Soul and Body." The Latin text has never been printed, but there is a typescript in the Academy, and an English translation by Mr. Alfred H. Stroh is printed in Scientific and Philosophical Treatises Part II, pp. 13-32.

Swedenborg commences by repeating the doctrine that sensation

consists in the communication of tremulations by means of

membranes; but he emphasizes that these tremulations must be

"imprisoned" in certain definite membranes, otherwise there

could be no sensation (n l) - thus, he here seems to

anticipate the doctrine of cerebral sensory centers.

On the basis of this doctrine of sensation by tremulation, he

shows what it is that causes sensations to be delightful, or

the reverse, clear or confused, etc., showing also that the

undelight or disharmony is increased as the medium is

grosser, as, for instance, disharmony in the taste may

produce actual nausea, but not so with disharmony in the eye.

In all this, he is giving the general doctrine of his

Tremulation - though he introduces a new term, namely,

simile, using it in a sense not unlike "correspondence"; but

from this point he advances on a new path.

First he defines love as sensation, namely, a sensation of

the sweetness and harmony of a simile passing through the

contigum without torsion. From this he passes on to a direct

consideration of the soul. The soul, he says, is bound by

mechanical rules and "can be explored by mechanism and

geometry." Being created, the soul is finite, and being

finite it has space and figure and therefore is subject to

the rules of mechanism and geometry. That by these rules,

Swedenborg does not mean rules such as apply to things

terrestrial is clear, for he adds that these rules must be

known to angels since the soul is angelic. In this world,

the soul cannot know its own nature, but in the other world

it can know this, and also "how large it is." (n. 11)

He then states - and this for the first time in his writings

- that the rational, i.e., the human soul, "consists of the

actives of the first and second finites," around which "are

surfaces of passives or finites," i.e., "of second finites."

Thus he compares the soul to the first element. These

surfaces, by a sort of magnetic colligation, bend together

and so make an extense which he calls a membrane. (n. 12)

This membrane is extended throughout the body, and by its

motion creates sensation. (n. 13)

The brute soul is a similar expanse, but the fact that brutes

have the sense of quarters indicates that this soul is from

the magnetic

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atmosphere. And since the human membranes are finer, men

have more distinct sensations and also rational ideas.

(nos. 14, 15; CL 183:5)

He then considers the soul after death, and maintains that by

the virtue of the colligating power of the enclosed actives,

the parts of the soul will at once be bound together into an

unbreakable globule which will indeed occupy space, but the

least space. It will be beyond the influence of any element

or fire save the first element from which it will obtain

sense and action. (nos. 16, 17)

Brute souls, on the other hand, perish, though not at once,

and this because their expanse is "subject to the action of

fire and air," and can be dissolved by assailing parts. The

"enclosed actives or elementaries then withdraw to their

places." (n. 21)

The next point made is that the understanding and ideas are

nothing but motion. (n. 22)

Then comes the argument that we can deduce the existence of a

God and Creator only "by a knowledge of the soul and of the

mechanism of the body"; while to suppose the soul to be

something unknown "is the nearest way to atheism." Here

Swedenborg returns to his idea concerning mechanism. What

mechanism it is Awe do not understand ... and because the

world does not wish that the matter shall be understood, we

remain in obscure darkness concerning it, believing it to be

something of the infinite," whence come doubts and finally we

shall see mechanism in the soul but none in the infinite.

"Let us stand still before the first simple or the first

created entity, and adore the origin of all things as utterly

unknown to our senses ... but without which there can be

nothing." The more deeply we enter into nature, he adds, the

more we come to the knowledge of God, "thus natural

philosophy will lead us truly to a confession of the

infinite.... The philosophy is ignorant and stupid ... which

does not acknowledge God." (n. 23)

In the passage, we note for the first time in Swedenborg's writings his estimation of the state of the learned world. There is a note of sadness here, and this note is continued through the other works written in Leipzig. Yet it could not have been openly avowed atheism which Swedenborg had in mind, for all the learned then professed to be deeply religious. We can imagine that he frequently talked on these subjects with his learned friends in Dresden and Leipzig, and it is not difficult also to imagine with what feelings these men would listen to an argument that would derive creation from the infinite mechanically, and in Genesis, and assailing the idea of a spiritual substance not consisting of parts. This was the attitude of mind which Swedenborg's works were subsequently to arouse, and it is this attitude, Swedenborg affirms, which leads to doubt and finally to atheism.

In the next paragraph of the work we are considering, Swedenborg gives us for the first time a clear glimpse of the literary plans that are developing in his mind as the fruit of his theory of creation.

"If the literary world takes increase as it has for some

centuries past, it will finally arrive at a knowledge of the

mechanism of the animal body and the soul," and then it will

laugh at our ignorance. "Let us therefore hasten in the same

direction, even in our own age." The time is ripe, the

wealth of experience is abundant. (n. 24)

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Here, then, Swedenborg avows his purpose to investigate "the mechanism of the animal body and of the soul" - a purpose which he steadily pursued from this time on; here is the parting of the ways between the mineralogist and the physiologist, for Swedenborg never again returned to his mineralogical studies.

After this, Swedenborg turns to the nexus between the

infinite and the finite. This connection does indeed exist,

but, being beyond mechanics and geometry, not even the angels

can penetrate into its nature. (n. 25)

In this connection, Swedenborg now considers the question of the Divine Providence as being the influx of God into the universe answering to the influx

of the soul into the body. "The Divine Providence," he says,

"does not act immediately into men but mediately," acting

even into the grossest finites and the ultimate human body.

To illustrate the point, he adds: "it does not rain save by

the mediation of nature." So man does not sensate or think,

save by media; the soul does not expand to the willing of

anything, save by media. (n. 26)

These media "are intermediate and angelic substances or souls

like ours. Since many actives are possible, and these more

and more subtle - inasmuch as there is a soul, and inasmuch

as we see that the soul is frequently ruled not by itself but

by another - what hinders us from rightly thinking that there

are intermediate intelligences. Though we are ignorant of

them, still they can exist. How did the Deity make provision

without intermediates? was it ever by miracles? But, if

there be intermediate substances which are intelligent, which

are active, would not Providence put itself forth into the

soul in this way?" (n. 27)

These intermediate substances, he continues, "cannot but

actuate all things most justly, and according to God's

bidding. The nearer they are to things most simple, the

nearer are they to such things as are in the infinite, the

less can they deviate from a course which is supremely just

and simple, the less can they err or do aught that does not

come from a nexus and series that is infinite and supremely

simple, the less can they rule our actions in any other way

save after Gods' bidding. In compounds, we ordinately depart

from things supremely simple, going from similitudes to

things dissimilar, from modes to pluralities of

modifications. The more simple and subtle substances are,

the more perfect they are. Therefore, such substances are

possible, and substances even more subtle, even to the

infinite, by the mediation whereof exist contingencies and

the signs of Providence. Theology, moreover, declares that

there are angels; that there are angels of divine orders;

that there are those who carry out and follow up the commands

of God; those who are man's guardians; that with the

individual man there is an angel or genius who rules

according to God's bidding; that there are good angels; that

there are those who carry the soul to heaven; that there are

evil angels of a grosser kind, etc. Thus, I speak in accord

with the Scriptures if I say that there are angels, and that

the whole world is ruled by the Deity with the mediation of

angels. In this way we have also natural causes of Divine

Providence." (n. 28)

At first sight, this teaching seems to be nothing more nor less than the well known church doctrine that angels were created before the creation of the world, and that it is by means of these angels that God now rules mankind and the universe. And the student of Swedenborg will associate the teaching

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given here with that which is given ten years later in the Worship and Love of God, concerning the intelligences and wisdoms which attended on the birth of the first man.

Yet, deeper examination gives just cause to doubt whether this explanation is in accordance with Swedenborg's real meaning; whether, after all, it is based on a mere superficial appearance. Swedenborg's deeply philosophical mind is searching into inmost causes. The infinite, he sees, cannot operate immediately upon the finite any more than it can create the finite without means, and, indeed, means subject to the laws of mechanism and geometry. Here he parts from the theology of his day. He dares to ascribe laws to the infinite, and order to the God of the universe. There must be a nexus, he says, a first simple; and it is by these that all things are created; by these that all things are continually sustained. Are we to suppose then, that Swedenborg identified the simple? or that he was satisfied to rest halfway in the course of his inquiry with the thought that God rules by means of these angels? and this without inquiry into the means by which God rules these angels themselves?

Moreover, if Swedenborg had the thought of created angels in his mind, why does he speak of them as "intermediate substances," why does he contrast them with "compounds"? Why does he call them "things supremely simple," "similitudes," "simple substances," and "substances ever more subtle even to the infinite"?

No just idea can be obtained of Swedenborg's real meaning unless the reflections which he here commits to paper are considered in connection with the doctrine he has laid down in his Principia - a doctrine which is actively present in his mind, and the logical conclusions of which are the subject of his deepest reflections.

The world was not created out of nothing! It was not created by fiat! By a mere dixit! Here was a break with the theologians, and while this is not noticed in the learned reviews of the Principia, we cannot doubt that Swedenborg himself was not unaware that many maintained the objection, voiced many years later by Cuno, that this theory militated against the Word of God. (NP 1930:191)

In his work on the Infinite, Swedenborg carried out this doctrine to its logical conclusion, and taught that the soul also is mechanical; and here, even the learned reviewer is alarmed by what seems to be a denial of the generally accepted notion of the soul, and a materializing of the soul itself. (Ibid., p. 198n)

But Swedenborg is logical. As the earth was created by successive means, so also is it sustained or perpetually created. Hence God governs the world - the Divine Providence operates - by means of the nexus and the first simple; and by the same means He governs the individual man.

But though Swedenborg held the first substances of the world and of the soul to be subject to mechanism and geometry, yet, and this is the important point, he did not mean by this what so many would thoughtlessly suppose, that these mechanical and geometrical finites were more passive tools, like the parts of a machine. They were active - active in se---- active with the end of the Divine. And in what better way can this thought be expressed than by calling them "intelligent subjects"? This, we believe, is the reason why Swedenborg

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gave them this name; and in this way also he was able to show that God and His Providence, while ruling the universe by intermediates, yet ruled them by living active intermediates or "intelligences" of which He alone was the soul.=

Having so named his intermediate substances, Swedenborg then, knowing he was treading on sacred ground, seeks confirmation in theology, and finds it there in the doctrine concerning the angels by whom God rules man and guards him. He therefore joins this doctrine with his philosophical reasoning; indeed, so far does he do this that he does no hesitate to call his intermediary substances "angels or created substances." (Sc. And Phi. Tr. Pt. II:28:n.42)

A similar question arises in connection with the "evil angels of a grosser kind." Here Swedenborg merely mentions them, but in the Worship and Love of God he meant the love of self and its derivations, created by God to be the servants to man's heaven, but it will be sufficient to note Swedenborg's own explanation as to why he used terms current in the theology of the day, namely, that the things involved "could have been put in no other way because the whole Christian world believes no other than that the devil was created a good angel but afterwards fall" (SD. N. 3217; see Acton, Introduction to the Word Explained, pp. 151-52).

What Swedenborg wished to establish in his notes on the mechanism of soul and body, was that the Divine ruling of the universe was effected by means, mechanical and geometrical means; that the Divine Providence had "natural causes." And it is clear beyond a doubt that in the first cause, these means were the nexus and the first substantial.

We must fasten our attention on this point, and not allow our gaze to be diverted by the mere use of words. That Swedenborg believed in angels created before the world, must seem altogether impossible to one who has studied his works. The Principia, wherein he gives his doctrine of creation, affords no place for such a creation, nor, by any interpretation whatsoever, can it possibly be twisted to afford any place. Moreover, Swedenborg himself some years before his spiritual eyes were opened, speaks explicitly against this doctrine (R. Psych. N. 555).

But after all, what Swedenborg's private thoughts were do not so much concern us, and in any case, we can never know them with certainty. What does concern us is his system of philosophy, and this can be learned by a study of his meaning as shown by his whole work.

Continuing his argument in the Mechanism of Soul and Body, Swedenborg clearly perceives that his way of reasoning might have its danger:

"If it should go naked and in the manner of a forerunner," he

writes, "it would so expose itself that it might lead many to

naturalism." And so he holds that "if the right way is to be

opened to the confession of God," then what is said

concerning soul and body "must be proved by ... metaphysics,

by the analysis of things natural, by geometry and mechanism,

by figures and calculation, by experience, by the anatomy of

the human body, by effects, by the passions of the body and

the soul, by sacred Scripture. It is thus that this theory

must be investigated." (n. 29)

Here comes more clearly before us the dawning of that plan of work which was to dominate and direct Swedenborg's studies for the remaining years of his philosophical studies. In his search for the soul, his mind was beginning definitely to turn to the study of anatomy, whereby he could test by "analysis," by "geometry and mechanism," by "experience," the truth of the ideas he entertained; could test his doctrine that God ruled the universe and man by

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"intermediate substances" subject to mechanism and geometry; and could search out the means by which this ruling was effected for the establishment of God's kingdom.

He then turns to a consideration of the question of generation and heredity. The subtle membrane of he soul, he holds,

"must be configured according to the motions impressed by the

senses and motions of the body," and this because it is bound

to the membranes of the body by an unbroken series of

connections. (Sc. And Phil. Tr. II:25:n. 30)

By the "subtle membrane of the soul," he means a most

delicate meninx such as might be imagined to clothe the

simplest substances of the cortical glands. The impress of

notions on this meninx, together with a "gentle heat" will

result in its expansion "into an animal similar to its

genitor which will have not only all the organic parts

similar but also an almost similar face and mind." (n. 31)

In a later paragraph, he adds:

"A part of the soul from any part whatsoever of the brain

produces seed from which nothing else can exist than a

similar animal." But to do this, it must be enclosed in

"three or four tunics" taken from the body. When the

enclosed soul then "expands," i.e., develops or clothes

itself, "it must needs expand into a similar animal." For

the soul contains motions or "habits of the parts to this

motion or that," and from this "first seed of mechanism" it

must produce a like mechanism in the greater system. (n. 36)

In this passage we have a suggestion as to the mechanism of the transmission of acquired traits from parent to offspring.

The passage also gives us a reason why Swedenborg was led so minutely to study the anatomy and physiology of generation. Prior to this study, he observes, little further can be said on this aspect of his theory.

It "is a matter of deeper investigation," he says, "and

requires a most lengthy geometrical and anatomical

demonstration"; (n. 31) and so he passes on to his next

point, namely, that "the soul is the pare maxima of the

body," and that it communicates with the body throughout the

whole of the latter. (nos. 32-33)

Swedenborg does not mean that the soul is the pars maxim in size or bulk, but in the sense that it is most universally present in the body, in every membrane, nerve, and in all the bloods. In fact, as he adds, "in all the extremities there is an expansion of the soul."

It is especially present, however, in the whole of the brain, both cortical and medullary, and even in the cranium. All that is in the brain

"ends in the soul, and from the brain the soul takes on all

the mechanical parts, and so acts upon the organic and

mechanical parts of the body by means of compression and

dilatation." (nos. 34-35)

Here we see the reason why Swedenborg subsequently made so intensive a study of the brain; we see also the reason why he insisted so emphatically that the brain had a motion of expansion and contraction; and we shall see later that the brain was the first subject that Swedenborg took up in the series of his physiological writings.

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From this doctrine concerning the soul, Swedenborg proceeds to give a theory of spontaneous generation. He realizes that if a living creature is created, it must have a soul, and that this soul must belong to the sphere of finites. His thought seems to be that since the soul is in every part of an animal (or of a vegetable), it must manifest its presence by an activity of the parts. Under normal conditions, this soul clothes itself as seed and so produces "similies." But the question arises whether this activity of the more subtle parts, produced by the soul, is the cause of spontaneous generation. Swedenborg concludes that it is, and in this way he accounts for the presence of a living soul in the insects of spontaneous generation. In his theological works, he ascribes the existence of these souls to "influx from the hells," i.e., from the spiritual world; but he says nothing as to the mode or mechanism of this influx save only that there must be corresponding receptacles. Here, however, where he is endeavoring to present the principles of the Principia as explaining the existence of all living organic forms, he seems to hold that the mechanism of the influx of life in cases of spontaneous generation is, that lower finites set in motion by the soul of an animal, can themselves become the soul of a lower form of life, provided the conditions are suitable. The question indeed may be asked whether it is not along some such lines that the influx from the spiritual world in effected. Spontaneous generation cannot essentially be effected by any other law than the law of normal generation. In the latter case, however, it is clear that life is transmitted to the newborn animal by the transmission of finites - of whatsoever degree - which derive their activity mediately or immediately from Life itself. Something of the same kind must take place in spontaneous generation - unless, indeed, we are to suppose that the influx from the spiritual world in such case is a sudden connection between the "corresponding matters" and a general spiritual atmosphere.

But let me now quote Swedenborg's own words as translated with the most exact literalness:

"That each part of an animal can give [rise to] some new

animal, as also the other animals [i.e., to a "simile" to

itself, or of some other animate creature]. We see that from

a putrefying animal are born an infinitude of animals. We

see that from a putrefying calf or other animal came forth an

infinitude of insects; for by putrefaction the animal part is

altered, and what [then] is wanting that it may create a

simile? Thus we see that similars are born from the [burnt]

ashes of an animal; similars from the least part; and this in

the absence of seed and egg. Thus, in the seed of man are

myriads of seeds, one of which will prevail if only the

subtle depart joined with another, enjoys elasticity; and

when the surface has induced an aptitude for the motions of

the sense, then at once the animal is born. From the

excrement of insects, an animal [animated creature] is born."

(n. 37)

In the paragraph that follows, Swedenborg states that when the soul has developed into a body, then

"from every part of that body can go forth a new soul and

life." (n. 38)

This is a consequence of the position that the soul is present everywhere in the body.

The next paragraph continues the theory of spontaneous generation, making it clear that in Swedenborg's view, everything proceeding from a living body contains actives in its recesses. He states this more plainly in a later paragraph where he says "that nothing animal [or animate] can be produced without an animal"; for since the soul is present almost everywhere in the body, something animal must go forth from the least part of that body. (n. 44)

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Thus, to return to our present passage, he teaches

"That from our breath and mouth go forth on infinitude of

souls which can present (i.e.., represent, set up) animals.

We see that there are an infinitude of animalcules in the

mouth and between the teeth; from the mouth, moreover,

liquids go forth by means of the breath, and it can be no

otherwise than that there also have a part from the soul

endowed with most subtle tunics, etc. Therefore, there go

forth every moment such things as can present animal

offspring. That it shall present a simile, it must go forth

from the brain and from some medullary part thereof."

(n. 39)

"Or from the nerves, membranes and brain." (n. 45)

To this, Swedenborg then adds that the same reasoning may perhaps account for insects born on vegetation. (n. 40)

In a later paragraph, he expresses more specifically his idea as to the mode whereby one animal may furnish the souls of different kinds of animals - though his reasoning could apply only to a man.

"In an animal there is almost every animal which it

produces, both by the soul [i.e., in normal generation] and

by its effluvia ... so that, provided only a part of it goes

forth, an animal is born therefrom." In every fibre and

nerve and in the humor adherent thereto, there is something

"most delicate and animal," and it is this which goes forth.

But this animal (or animate) is always clothed with

membranes, and on these membranes are impressed all the

motions that come from the senses; "hence the soul becomes

accustomed to these motions ... and hence is mechanically

unable to unfold itself in any other way than into material

forms in accordance with the impressed motions." (n. 45)

"These motions have become habits, so that the membranes

can spontaneously take on no other form. "Therefore, when

such part expands, it must take on the figure of [its]

motion, i.e., on animal with all the senses, etc. from which

the motions come." (n. 46)

Swedenborg further shows that this animal something which

goes forth from the least parts of an animal goes into the

ground and rots, or is carried about in the air, or cleaves

to plants, etc., and thus "with the approach of heat, animals

are born." (n. 44)

One statement he makes in this connection, which we are wholly unable to understand, is the following:

"It has been observed in crabs that from every part of them,

roasted, boiled, and prepared, comes forth a crab, etc."

(n. 45)

Swedenborg then turns to first creation, and in a very general way sketches out what later he develops in his Worship and Love of God. He holds

that at first creation, the primitive seed receives its

necessary motions from the elements, but that later seeds

receive them from the organs of the body by means of

membranes - with the result that seed now is formed only in

living bodies. (n. 41)

"In the first seed, the Divine Providence was so present

that by the mediation of angels contingent things might

exist," and so exist that nothing pertaining to the motions

of the elements might be lacking. The Infinite can act upon

the gross finite only mediately. The first means are

"angels," the second are "the innumerable changes undergone

by the earth" so that the first seed should be created,

brought forth, and developed at a time of perpetual spring.

"Thus we owe

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the creation of animals to God mediately by angels or created

substances, which then create Divine Providence, which also

puts itself forth mediately by means of such substances."

(n. 42)

It is in this first creation, he adds, wherein all things

were present, that we must marvel at the Divine Providence,

even though, from ignorance, we may not marvel at the

creation of animals as it now exists. (n. 45)

As to the separation of the soul from the parent, Swedenborg says:

"A separated part does not have the same sensations as the

contiguous [that is, as those membranous connections which

are in the body of the parent] unless there should be some

sympathy." The reason is, he continues, because the

separated part is not now embodied in the former contiguum.

"Hence its sensation is no longer in the body." Hence also

"children are no longer joined to their parents except

sympathetically." But of this matter, he adds, "God willing,

I shall write elsewhere." (n. 47)

Swedenborg concludes this sketch with a few words as to the soul after death:

"When the man dies his soul still lives, for it can

never perish because it consists of subtle parts, being much

that it cannot rot, nor can it perish by fire or air or

otherwise." (n. 48)

By death, however, a great part of its perishes, or is

loosed from its connection with the rest. (n. 50)

But the soul itself betakes itself more and more into a

unit and remains in one place.* (n. 50)

* Swedenborg explains this further in his last paragraph (n. 53). As the body becomes flaccid with death, "this most subtle soul, where all the parts, fluid in se, can recede more and more; and finally so recede that they betake themselves into a unit ... exhibits an entire soul flow together into a unit which cannot be separated by any terrestrial thing, and so is cleansed from all things terrestrial."

"By the mediation of angels, it thus comes into heaven;

without their mediation, I know not whether it can thus live.

Therefore it is carried into heaven by angels, after it has

undergone its purification." (n. 52)

Such then is this remarkable document penned by Swedenborg in Leipzig in October or November 1733. In places it is obscure but, as already observed, if we would understand its import, we must study it and interpret its obscure passages with the fact always kept in mind, that it was written as the development of the principles of creation laid down in the Principia. Attention must also be paid to what Swedenborg later developed in his physiological and psychological writings. There can be no doubt that in this first attempt at an inquiry into the human soul, Swedenborg sketched out in one comprehensive view the whole of the field to which he was henceforth and for many years to devote himself.

The work we have been considering is but a sketch, written probably with a view of presenting to its writer the extent of the field before him, the points to be studied, and the positions to be inquired into, and, if true,

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November

established. This also must be kept in mind, and the present work be studied in the light of the later development of the studies which it outlines.

It is not unnatural that after this sketch of his ideas or speculations concerning the soul, involving so many points concerning propagation and heredity, that Swedenborg should next turn to the subject of generation. Whether this is what led him to follow his little sketch by the study of that learned and curious works of Doctor Martin Schurig of Dresden, we cannot say - but it is certain that the subject was interesting to Swedenborg, and that he considered it an important one in the series of his proposed studies is indicated by the fact that he gives twenty-one very closely written pages of his journal to extracts from Schurig's works. These works had all been published from 1729-1732 by "the son of the late Christopher Hekel" of Dresden and Leipzig, one of them being published at this expense. This son was, of course, Frederick Hekel, Swedenborg's publisher and friend, and it is probably to Hekel that Swedenborg owed his introduction to those valuable works of which he was to make such frequent use. It is not improbable that Hekel presented him with a set of all the work she himself had published - he may even have introduced him to the Dresden physician. These were five in number:

Muliebria, Parthenologia, Gyneacologia, Syllepsilogia and Embryologia, all of which were in Swedenborg's library at the time of his death.

Swedenborg's quotations are from all five of the above-mentioned works, and at the end of these quotations, he expresses his appreciation of the value of these works by noting that in 1720 Schurig had published another work on the same subject, under the title Spermatologia. This work, however, had been published in Frankfurt-au-Main and so was no among the works obtained of Hekel. Swedenborg, however, succeeded later in purchasing a copy and, as with the others, he mad copious use of it.

To Swedenborg, the discovery of Schurig's works must have been the discovery of a veritable treasure-house. For these works are a careful and very complete compilation, with complete references, of all that was known concerning the subject dealt with - whether in the way of reported cases or in the way of theories and speculations, all of which are quoted from thousands of printed sources. In a word, he presented all the known facts on his subject together with the various views concerning these facts and the reasons for them.

It may here be noted that in the quotations which Swedenborg extracted from these works during the close of 1733, many of the doctrines which he subsequently outlined in his work on Generation were shown to be the doctrines or theories held by one or another of the authorities concerning the course of the seed. Here Swedenborg quotes varying and opposing views, but he underscores those views which he himself afterwards taught with such cogent reasoning.

The perusal of these five large quarto volumes must have occupied a long time, especially when accompanied with the entering of copious notes. And it was probably the beginning of 1734 before Swedenborg completed this reading.

After reading Schurig, Swedenborg continued his anatomical studies by reading a curious German work, published in Leipzig in 1722. Swedenborg evidently bought a copy of this work, for a copy was included in his library.

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The work in question was by Christian Fred. Richtern, a physician of Halle. Its long descriptive title reads, in part, as follows:

"Highly necessary knowledge concerning man, especially

concerning his body and its natural life; or plain

information concerning his body and its natural life; or

plain information concerning health and its preservation; and

also concerning the causes, symptoms, and names of sickness,

and their tried remedies, whereby every one, even the

unlearned, in the absence of a physician can cure the

ordinary and even the more difficult sicknesses," etc.,

Leipzig, 1722.

It is a bulky octave volume of over 1200 well printed pages,

and has an excellent index. In effect, this work was what

would now be called "A Household Medical Guide" or some such

title. But in addition to the ordinary contents of such a

work, it also contains a long chapter of 65 pages on the

anatomical structure of the body, followed by chapters on the

mechanism of the body and its director or soul, the memory

and imagination, the affections, etc., and the circulation of

the blood.

Swedenborg was probably interested in all those chapters, but the only evidence of his study of them is contained in his journal where, immediately after his extracts from Schurig, he enters five pages of extracts translated into Latin from the German of Firchtern's chapter on the Structure of the Body. In effect, this chapter is a very excellent general presentation of the whole of human anatomy. Swedenborg heads his extracts "Observata," and they have been translated into English by Mr. Alfred Stroh and published in Scientific and Philosophical Treatises under the title "Observations on the Human Body." In these extracts, Swedenborg covered only 27 of the 65 pages occupied by the chapter from which he quotes. His notes comprise the skin, the brain, and the eye, but had he continued, he would of course have completed the whole body. (Sc. And Phil. Tr. II:p.33s)

But he was interrupted by the reading of a work which was more immediately connected with the psychological speculations that had been occupying his thoughts. This work had been published at the end of 1732, and was the latest of Wolff's philosophical writings. It was entitled:

"Empirical Psychology treated in a scientific manner, wherein

are contained those teachings concerning the human soul which

become evident on the undoubted testimony of experience, and

the path is laid for a solid treatment of the whole of

Empirical Philosophy and Natural Theology."

(Psychlogica p. xii)

It was a scientific doctrine of the soul that Swedenborg had attempted to sketch out in his "Mechanism" and now he discovers that the great Wolff has also written an Empirical Psychology (published 1732). This enlists more than his ordinary interest; and, therefore, he enters into his journal not merely extracts from the work but extracts with comments so extended as practically to constitute a psychological essay by Swedenborg himself. As such also it has been treated by the Swedenborg Scientific Association, which body, in 1923, published the Latin text and an English translation under the title Psychologica. It is to this work - the continual and development of the "Mechanism" - that we shall now give our attention.

Swedenborg's plan was to run through the work page by page, making comments and occasionally entering on diversions concerning the soul and its connection with the body, the human will, etc. His comments bear the impress of the same line of thought that runs through the Mechanism of the Soul and Body, and much in them is further explained in his later work on the Infinite.

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Altogether it abundantly shows that Swedenborg is here entering upon some preparatory studies with a view to the writing of a philosophical work on the Final Cause of Creation as seen in the Human Soul, and on the Commerce of that Soul with the Body, this work to be the continuation of the Principia wherein he had philosophized concerning the mode of creation.

In connection with Wolff's opening statement, that God is a Spirit,

Swedenborg defines spirit as being "all things that are

active per se even though in material things."* Being

created, all spirits must be finite and therefore "mechanical

and geometrical with an active added thereto." Thus they are

subject to mechanical rules.

* Apply this definition to the intelligences and wisdoms of Worship and Love of God. See above, pp. 395-96.

The infinite is devoid of geometry.

The only middle term is that which "has not been so finited

as to have the attributes of the finite, though in potency it

is similar to the infinite. There is no mechanical or

geometrical nexus between the infinite and finite. The

infinite is the cause, and the effect is immediate." The

only nexus is, therefore, by the Son appearing in ultimates;

and not by anything geometrical.

(Sc. And Ph. Tr. II:22 n. 25)

Swedenborg therefore concludes that the infinite is not a spirit, the term spirit being more properly predicable of the Holy Spirit. We note that the same line of thought is followed in de Infinito, pp. 95-165-66.

Later on in his notes, Swedenborg returns to this subject of spirits.

"When they can make no further advance to indivisible

elements, our modern authors take refuge in spirits, where

the ancients betook themselves to atoms. The taking refuge in

spirits is the worse course ... being a refuge in something

unknown. In this unknown, men see something active, and at

once they call it spirits i.e., animal spirits.... They have

merely clothed the unknown with a new name, and this because

they see an active ... operating upon a finite. They call

God a Spirit but Infinite; they call angels spirits, but

finite; they call the soul a spirit, and so also its animal

spirits; they call the devil a spirit ... they say these

spirits are finite ... are endowed with active forces, that

they can act upon what is material; can be enclosed in

nerves. And yet they say that certain spirits are not

capable of extension, and cannot be considered as being in

space. What is all this but mere contradictions in

predicates. That which is not infinite must be finite....

If the spirit is created, it is finite and must have the

attributes of the finite, such as figure, space, and, in

motion it must have moments, degrees, and therefore must be

geometrical and mechanical.... If we had the microscopes, we

might be able to see the entire structure both of the soul

and of the spirit." (Psychologica, n. 75)

To a vague thought about spirits, atheism is due to a large extent, as

Swedenborg shows in one of his diversions from Wolff's text

where he shows that from ignorance atheists fall into doubt,

ignorance being the shortest path to denial. Being ignorant

of the soul, we doubt its existence, and confused doubt leads

to denial. See Inf., p. 198. Believing the souls of men and

brutes will both die, from confusion men are unable to

distinguish between them; for never having been

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brutes, they are unable to speak from experience. Being

ignorant of the soul, they doubt concerning God. "Moreover,

if a thing is mechanical, they think that therefore it must

perish (see Inf. p. 191). The soul is indeed mechanical, but

there is a mechanical which cannot perish, and if this were

shown, I do not think so much doubt would arise.* From

preconceived opinions, men think that mechanically a

communion of souls is not possible, but if they knew the soul

was mechanical, they would think differently." Swedenborg

does not, therefore, wonder that men doubt the existence of

spirits seeing they are said not to be mechanical. Spirits

are finite not infinite, but according to common opinion,

they are neither finite nor infinite, which is an

impossibility. Therefore, being unable to have any

conception of them, men come to denial "the refuge and last

boundary of ignorance." Not knowing that the soul has a most

subtle sense, they deny, but if this were shown, they would

not deny. "With the opening of the mechanism of the soul,

they will come to know the nature of the soul if life, its

nature as formed in life by means of the body, and its nature

thus formed after death." They will come to know that the

soul can derive its origin only from the Infinite in whom is

the cause of every finite - a fact which spirits themselves

know and yet do not know, and which consequently they highly

venerate." (Psych., n. 52; see also n. 91)

* Swedenborg returns to this thought later (Psych., n. 116), saying that if it is shown that the soul and its operations are mechanical, "not only is the doubt removed (concerning the soul and immortality), but we shall be able to learn concerning memory, intellect, imagination, the passions, all of which are now unknown because we do not know this mechanism, and therefore we doubt concerning the soul" Yet there is a mechanical which is immortal, as witness "the supremely subtle elements and the sun which were created simultaneously."

In these passages we see the motive which led Swedenborg to publish his Infinite and the Mechanism of Soul and Body. Similar sentiments are expressed in that work in chapter II #ii ("From ignorance." = p. 110, London 1847).

Self-consciousness is the result of the elements of the world

acting on organs conspiring therewith. (Ibid., p. 4 n. 2)

This self-consciousness, as Wolff observes, is evidenced by

the fact that we doubt. But Swedenborg argues, Why argue

that I am? What I am is the real question. The clearest

definition is: "I doubt, therefore there is a rational soul,"

for doubting involves arguments, thoughts, ratio.

Mere thought can be applied to brutes, and to man in dreams,

and in the foolish. Rational thought consists of corporeal

thought and thought from the soul combined. Though the soul

is the origin of thinking, yet there are thoughts which have

another origin; the soul then runs into the traces impressed

by such thoughts spontaneously. (Ibid., p. 6 n. 3)

Mere perception is common with brutes, but distinct

perception is the property of man only. The one terminates

in the animal soul, the other in the rational soul.

(Ibid., p. 8 nos. 4-5)

Animals can note that the sun is, but man goes further and

notes what the sun is. (Ibid., pp. 10 n. 6)

After various notes wherein Swedenborg expresses more or less agreement with Wolff, Swedenborg inserts some observations respecting the soul, which bear on his Principia doctrine in a very definite way. (Ibid., pp. 10-14 = nos. 7-14)

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Tremulation, he says, is the cause of sensation in the soul,

and granting that the soul is a spiral with cones and thus

can be moved differently, he considers the resultant effects

in their relation to the doctrine of the Principia. This

leads him to draw a diagram of the soul with its successive

coverings. (Psych. Pp. 16-20 nos. 15-17)

The inmost, and in figure of snail's shell, consists of

actives of the first finite. (See de Infinito p. 183 = Eng.

p. 102, where the same statement is made.) These form a kind

of spiral membrane consisting of third finites enclosing

first and second finites. Then comes a membrane enclosing

the first element; then a membrane enclosing the second

element. (See Ibid., p. 263 = Eng. P. 146.) Then a membrane

enclosing ether. Then a grosser membrane and finally the

blood vessel. Confer Psych., n. 228 and de Infin. P. 258 =

Eng. Pp. 142-43. (Psych., n. 17)

In animals, the membrane of the soul is lacking; and in all

men this membrane is similar. See de Infin. P. 266 = Eng.

p. 147.

Tremors in these membranes cause sensations. The lowest

membrane gives sensation which we have in common with brutes.

See de Infin., p. 266 = Eng. P. 147; the highest belongs to

men alone. (Psych., n. 18, p. 26)

The tremulations themselves come from use and cultivation.

Hence training ought to be by similar tremulations, otherwise

the tremulation will be judged according to its disharmony,

or else the man will reason foolishly. (Ibid., n. 19)

And so Swedenborg agrees with Wolff, that if a compound is

confused, the soul is in confused perceptions.

(Ibid., p. 28, n. 20)

All perceptions of things in the world depend on mutations in

our body. There must be something that does the moving.

Imagination does not exist from itself. On the other hand,

the motion must go to a definite terminus; but the terminus

may be in some subtle organ or in the soul itself.

(Ibid., n. 21)

It is this, that is to say, tremulation, that makes presence.

In brutes this presence goes no further than to the sensitive

soul. See de Infin. P. 266 = Eng. P. 147.

(Ibid., p. 30 n. 23)

Thus sensation becomes perception but only so far as the

membranes have been cultivated by use. (Ibid., n. 24)

Here Swedenborg again introduces an independent observation

by raising up the question why nature has raised up in our

senses what is delightful. His answer is that "all the way

to the soul, all things must conspire to the production of

harmony. Such harmony reaches even to the soul; hence come

such great delights. The same thought is expressed in de

Inf., p. 81 = Eng. P. 45. (Ibid., p. 32, n. 26)

Commenting on Wolff's statement that a strong sensation

obscures a weak, he says that "sensations may be possible

without perceptions, and such perhaps are the sensations of

worms and imperfect animals." (Ibid., nos. 27-28)

Turning to another subject, he says, while the soul cannot

alter its sensations so long as an object is before its

sensory organs, yet "it can receive motions from the first,

second or third element from whatsoever cause arising which

can act immediately upon the organs or

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proximate membranes of the soul, and actuate them into a

tremor ... and by means of phantasy or appetite can produce

some effect on the body." This is an intimation of

affections arising from spheres other than those of visible

objects. (Psych. P. 36: nos. 30, 31)

After the Fall, vitiated states may so fix impediments in the

membranes that the soul cannot be moved save agreeably with

sensations which are the origins of vices. Hence a kind of

callosity or disease. There may also be impediments which

prevent the tremulation caused by the first and second

elements from carrying a genuine motion to the grosser

organs. (Ibid., p. 38: n. 33)

Sometimes, moreover, sensations may be defective, not from

defective organs but from a defect in the middle path between

the organ and the soul; as in melancholia and when the

membranes are occupied with their own tremors and not those

of the senses. (Ibid. P. 42: n. 37)

From the law that Nature is ever like herself (n. 34),

Swedenborg deduces the laws of understanding from the laws of

sensations. Thus, from the fact that if two objects produce

the same sensation the objects must seem to be the same,

Swedenborg argues that in the understanding, the same lack of

distinction may exist as a result of excessive tensions.

Here is the need of a good methodic education.

(Ibid., p. 40: n. 36)

A tremor in the most subtle membranes is an idea, and if the

tremor be great it may communicate itself to the senses,

resulting in seeing images in wakeful moments as in dreams;

as in dreamers and somnambulists, this idea seems to be

directed to some end. In brutes it ends in the organ below

our soul, but in man it passes to the soul and then becomes

reasoning. See de Infinito p. 266 = Eng. P. 147)

Speaking more specifically of these tremulations, he notes

that a membrane has sensitive tremulations in the degree that

it is divided into its least parts. Thus these tremulations

increase as they pass to the "second, third, and fourth pia

mater," for there it is less subject to mutation.

(Ibid., p. 46: n. 41)

Later, Swedenborg returns to this subject of the pia mater,

showing its wide extension, and that sensation comes because

it covers the nerves. Its being devoid of nerves but crowed

with blood vessels indicates the influence of the blood upon

the emotions. (Ibid., p. 52:n. 46)

Turning to imagination, Swedenborg suggests modes of

education when he says that the cause of imagination is that

a simile excites its simile, and if the motion of the simile

has been made stronger, as by dwelling on it, the power of

imagination becomes stronger. This, however, is effected

only by means of an organ with the addition of will.

(Ibid. p. 48: n. 42)

Here Swedenborg makes another diversion to point out that

ideas and imaginations can never be in the soul only; they

must also be in the organ proximate to the soul, and there

they become first confused and then clear. When it comes to

the soul we have the rational. It is confused in animals and

clear only in the human soul. Subtle membranes receive

tremors first confusedly then clearly. (Ibid. P. 50: n. 44)

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Commenting on the statement that imagination is stronger when alone, Swedenborg says:

This "is seen in dreams; when we are alone; and when we are

in ecstasy" - the word "ecstasy" here suggests that deep

thought into which Swedenborg was sometimes sunk.

(Psych. P .60: n. 56)

Swedenborg makes many comments on Wolff's treatment on the imagination, sometimes approving sometimes disagreeing. In all of these comments, we see the doctrine of tremulation as developed in his earlier works; we see also the gradual formation of those ideas on psychology which six years later were formulated in the Rational Psychology.

Turning to Wolff's chapter on Sleep and Dreaming, Swedenborg defines sleep as a relaxation of the nerves so that no tremule can run through them, and there can therefore be no communication between the world and the cerebrum, and no will can be effected.

"But a tremor is present in the more subtle membranes where

is the seat of phantasy, and which are not relaxed.

Therefore, phantasies are ... possible and the operation and

communication of such phantasies with the soul. Hence we

have dreams." Phantasies, therefore, do not have the same

seat as sensations, their membrane being more subtle. If we

lost our senses, phantasy would still continue. But not so

with those born deaf and blind because their membranes have

not been cultivated. (Ibid. P. 72: n. 72)

As to the physical aspects of sleep, long continued tension

brings pain and hence general relaxation. The veins also

relax and therefore admit of more and grosser blood; thus

greater purification is possible. Hence from lack of sleep

the blood becomes impure and causes fevers.

(Ibid, p. 74: n. 74)

With noctambulists, while a large part of the body is

relaxes, another part is so tense that there is a

communication between the organs and the pia and other

maters; but this communication is not effected by a sure and

unimpeded path, being in one place considerable and in

another absent. Hence there is no definite reasoning or

phantasies. "It is a kind of apoplexy in the brain."

(Ibid. N. 73)

In dreams, etc., one operation of the imagination calls forth

another, and therefore they seem to tend to a definite end -

though we know it not, except as the end of the dream. It is

the soul that thus directs the end. (Ibid., p. 78: n. 76)

Thus we can remember the dream if it has come to the soul and

excited pleasure, or if the pleasure has excited the blood;

then some activity still continues in the nerves when we

awake. (Ibid. P. 80: n. 77)

The inconsequential character in dreams comes "either from

the parts coming from the blood and nerves which cause

tremors, or from a series of tremors one after the other."

(Ibid. P. 82: n. 83)

A dream penetrates to the soul if it is a clear dream or

continuous, or if added force comes from the parts of the

blood or nerves or from some motion of the nerves.

(Ibid., n. 85)

Here Swedenborg makes the special observation that if the

cerebellum were rightly joined to the cerebrum, the

communication between them would be such that we would know

all that took place in our body. Hence if God had willed

this, we would have known all anatomy "almost without a

master." (Ibid. P. 82: n. 86)

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This is the first mention in Swedenborg's works of the effects of the separation of cerebrum and cerebellum.

Later, Swedenborg makes mention (from Wolff) of Egyptian hieroglyphics and of Comenius's method of teaching children by pictures. (Psych. P. 90: n. 97)

Later, he agrees with Wolff, that the memory and imagination is a hieroglyphic writing, and he adds that a kind of writing might be invented which would express more in a line than our writing expressions in pages. But to understand it, would require a man of knowledge. (Ibid. P. 92: n. 99)

He specially emphasizes his divergence from the Schoolmen,

who say that the whole soul is in the whole body and in its

every part. "They are mistaken," he says, A... the soul is

in the whole brain and is grosser in the body; and the soul

consists of many parts though the parts are all similar."

See de Inf. P. 257 = Eng. P. 142. (Ibid. N. 98)

This he illustrates by worms, "in that from worms of any

given kind, none but worms of the same kind can be produced"

(confer Sc. And Ph. Tr. II: p. 27: nos. 36-37).

(Ibid. P. 94: n. 105.

Memory he defines as "the same tremor recurring."

(Ibid. P. 94: n. 105)

Commenting on the memory and imagination, Swedenborg gives as the reason why men need cultivation but not brute animals is

"because they possess a soul which, by reason of its

subtlety, cannot be opened and be connected with the body

except by exercise. Men are not so gifted as brutes, because

with men the path [to the soul] is longer and does not

terminate in proximate things; hence comes confusion." He

adds that some men are naturally better connected up.

(Ibid. P. 106: n. 123)

Will is defined as the state resulting from the delay causes

by pleasure when the membranes and their liquid contents are

harmoniously affected by the tremulations coming from the

senses. This is effected in the "third meninx," the soul and

the second meninx remaining over the same. Thus, will is

preceded by pleasure which causes delay whence comes

attention and reflection.

(Ibid. pp. 110, 112: n. 133; see n. 200)

Judgment is formed by exercise in joining things together and

seeing the result. In this formation, words are more

important than sights since words contain this judgment.

(Ibid. p. 118: n. 147)

Pleasure is defined as the perception of harmony. Then comes

appetite and aversion. Hence affections and joy.

(Ibid. nos. 159s, 165s)

Wolff defines loves as "the disposition of the soul to

perceive pleasure in the happiness of another." This

Swedenborg denies and defines loves as the effect or

inseparable companion of pleasure, and as arising from

harmony. (Ibid. n. 170)

After a few brief notes, Swedenborg's comment on Wolff's Empirical Psychology comes to an end. (Ibid. nos. 170-99)

He then adds a number of independent reflections, all of

which plainly have in view the writing of a work dealing with

God and the soul.

He first treats of the will and its determinations, and

points out that the will is to be formed with man, but not

with brute animals. With man it comes from custom and habit,

appetite and pleasure. (Ibid. n. 200)

410

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 411

[1733
-end

Its proximate cause is the motion of the parts, this motion

being a subtle undulatory motion whence comes an appetite for

like motions. (Psych., n. 202)

The determination of these motions into action by the soul is

from desire, imagination and habit which will cause an

undulation of grosser membranes and finally of muscles.

(Ibid. n. 203s)

Swedenborg confesses himself not in a position to demonstrate all these points, partly because

"in the cares of a foreign journey, no aids are at hand,

there is neither time nor opportunity, and other cares and

pleasures do not permit." (Ibid. n. 205)

At the close of this section, Swedenborg says that

"In the human soul are actives of the first and second finite

-- the finites, namely, which are contained within the second

element. In brutes, the soul is the first element contained

within the ether." See de Inf., pp. 183, 258, 263 = Eng. Pp.

102, 143, 146 (Ibid. n. 208)

He then treats of the constitution of the soul and of the soul after death, and concludes that it cannot then be dissolved (de Inf. P. 248 = Eng. P. 137).

It then has a center and peripheries. It receives the

tremulations of the elements and reciprocates them, but in a

different way after death than when in the body. In the

cause of the evil, the soul has not been made conscious of

the more subtle tremors; thus it is small and gross and

undeveloped. "Therefore, the first element -- the element of

angels and the like -- makes no impression upon it; an

impression is made upon it by the second element, but only in

a gross way; and also by the ethereal and aerial elements,

likewise in a gross way. It is not flexible to all manner of

tones. It is not finely elastic but is somewhat hard. Hence

it suffers ineffable torments. But the subtle soul, because

it receives tones from all the elements and is elastic,

[receives also] the larger tones or those of fire and air;

this torments the vicious soul inasmuch as it is not elastic;

and it suffers in this way every moment to eternity." See de

Infinito p. 254 = Eng. P. 140 (Ibid. n. 209)

Brutes, on the other hand, are endowed not with actives but

with the first element. Hence "also their soul consists in

the fact that they know the quarters, the south and the

north; for it is the magnetic element that is their most

subtle endowment. This is perishable." See de Infinitio p.

266 = Eng. P. 147. (Ibid. n. 210)

"Angels still more subtle may exist who, interiorly have

actives of the first finite with their surface occupied by

the second finite -- like the first element." (Ibid. n. 211)

"There are still grosser beings who consist of fifth finites

and of the first and second elements. Such are the spirits

of the devil, who continually suffer from fire and the motion

of the aerial element. They receive no sensation from the

more subtle motions." (Ibid. n. 212) The reference is

perhaps to the loves of self and the world.

Finally, something is said of the communion of souls, and

here Swedenborg anticipates what is the ultimate end of his

studies, namely, the City of God. This communion is the

sensation of an harmonious undulation which is quire

independent of distances. This results in an harmonious

motion of souls. (Ibid. n. 213)

411

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 412

[1733
-end

Then follow sundry notes; and first a paragraph entitled "Concerning the Philosophy of Particles," but which appears to be an outline of a projected work on the soul which was to follow and crown the Principia, and of which the Infinite was the forerunner. We shall present this outline later, when we speak more nearly of this projected work. (Psych. n. 217)

Some subsequent notes add details which are to enter into the proposed work. Among these we note the statement that since philosophers see that

sensation consists in tremors, and hope it will be

demonstrated therefore, if it is demonstrated they will favor

it. (Ibid. n. 220)

Also some notes concerning membranes and glands which are apparently based on Heister.*

* Swedenborg used the fourth and improved edition of Heister (Nuremburg 1732). He quotes from it in the Infinite.

Then follows a passage as to how investigations had shown that what

formerly had been regarded as mysterious was purely

mechanical; and that, therefore, we must proceed onward and

show how that all finite things are mechanical, and in course

of time the learned world will come to see this. See de

Infinito p. 196 = Eng. P. 109. (Ibid. n. 227)

Lastly comes what appears to be a sketch of the work on the Infinite or Forerunner of the magnus opus on the Soul. The headings are:

1. Concerning the infinite and God.

2-3. That all creation is geometrical and mechanical, including the soul, angels and men.

4-5. Any other thought leads to atheism, which is then refuted.

6. The soul, its essence, and immortality and the communion of souls can be demonstrated in agreement with Scripture.

7. On the elements, tremulation and membranes, and on life in general. See de Infinito pp. 221-37 = Eng. Pp. 124-32.

8. The senses. (Ibid. n. 231)

The MS. ends with a touching paragraph on Faith in Christ. Here it is

shown that Christians can be saved only by such faith, but

gentiles are saved by faith in God or the Infinite. Yet even

this salvation is effected by Christ since he suffered for

the whole world. Before Christ, not one-thousandth part of

the Jews believed that a Christ would come for the salvation

of souls, they expecting an earthly Christ who would restore

their dominion. (Ibid. n. 232)

This paragraph is a first draft of de Infinitio, p. 147 = English p. 80.

In many places, these notes on Wolff are obscure, yet they indicate that as a result of his Principia doctrine, Swedenborg had already formulated a general theory as to the human soul, and that the search into the soul was already the main object of his studies.

They also indicate that he had an extensive knowledge of anatomy, at any rate, of the anatomy of the brain, and, more particularly, that he had studied Heister's Anatomy, which was then the leading textbook of Europe. He had evidently bought the last and best edition of this work published a little over a year before in Nuremburg (1732), for this edition was among the books in his library.

412

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 413

[1734
January

There is one note that is conspicuous throughout both the MS. and the published work, namely, the desire to meet the doubts of atheism by demonstrating that spiritual things are not subversive of the laws of things finite. But this will be seen more clearly when we come to the work on the Infinite.

From the writing of these notes on Wolff, Swedenborg seems at once to have proceeded to his composition of his "Forerunner of a Reasoning Philosophy concerning the Infinite and the final cause of creation, and concerning the Mechanism of the Operation of the Soul and Body." This was written in Leipzig, in January-February 1734, and appears to have been written in four weeks. (de Infin. p. 210 = Eng. P. 117)

When Swedenborg left Stockholm in order to print the Principia, he does not seem to have contemplated the writing of the Infinite, but rather to have had in mind the continuation of his mineralogical works. It would seem that the idea of following up the Principia with a study of the soul, first came to him just prior to his journey from Stockholm to Dresden, and that it was in connection with this idea that he wrote his notes on the Motion of the Elements (see above, p. 348). However this may be, the idea grew with him, as seen in his MS. work on the Mechanism of the Soul and the Body, and also in the notes on Wolff which we have just been considering. And now, with the writing of the Infinite, he seems to have abandoned the idea of continuing his mineralogical volumes and to have definitely determined to devote his studies to the philosophy of the soul. The publication of the Infinite was itself a promise to publish later a treatise on this subject. That Swedenborg so regarded it, and that he also regarded the Economy of the Animal Kingdom as the partial fulfillment of the promise, is shown in his letter to the King of Sweden in 1736, asking for leave of absence. There he refers t the publication of his Opera Philsophica et Mineralia and also to "some new principles in philosophy," and continues:

"But as that work was only a beginning and part of what I had

intended to work out more fully, as I had announced and

promised in my former work, I therefore feel bound to do what

I have promised and to accomplish what has been begun.

(LM. n. 478)

It is not improbable that Swedenborg, in conversation, had greatly interested his friend and publisher Fred. Hekel in the subject of the Soul and how best to meet the growing spirit of atheism; and that Hekel was the immediate cause of the writing of the Infinite; at any rate, the Infinite was published at Hekel's expense.

After delivering the MS. of this work to the printer, Swedenborg left Leipzig on March 1st. It may be recalled that in January, Swedenborg had requested of the College of Mines extension of his leave of absence. His reasons were that he might superintend the printing of his Opera Philosophica et Mineralia and also "to make a tour from here to Lneberg and Cassel on account of some important business of my own" which will require "only four or five weeks" (see above, p. 392). It is this business which now took him from Leipzig on the afternoon of Monday, March 1st.

He first went to Halle, about twenty miles north of Leipzig, and here he stayed some days, which he seems to have devoted to visiting the learned and seeing the city; for, writing a few weeks later, he says that during this 1733-34 journey, he "never missed an opportunity" of becoming acquainted with the learned and of examining libraries, collections, etc. (Doc. 2:p. 6). He stayed at the Gulden Stierne, a building which is no longer a hotel but which has a plate in the wall informing the passer-by of what it was.

Wednesday, March 3rd, he spent with Hermann Lange, Professor of Physics and Mathematics in the University, and son of the famous theologian Joachim

413

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 414

[1734
March

Lange, Professor of Theology and distinguished for his pietism and his opposition

to the all-prevailing Wolffism philosophy. This philosophy

had many admirers among the Halle students, and doubtless it

had some part in Swedenborg's conversations with Prof. Lange

the younger. The latter, says Swedenborg in his journal,

"showed me every civility, showing me his curiosities, and

giving me petrified specimens, etc. here also I saw a green

ink which disappeared with cold and come back with heat.

(NZ 1726:78; Resebeskrifn., p. 62)

On the following day he visited Magister Christopher Semler, a man of his own age who was then the Pastor of the Ulrican Kirche on Leipziger Strausse.

Though a minister, Semler's tastes went rather to astronomy,

physics and mechanics, then to theology, and he invented many

ingenious instruments, among which were an arithmetical

cylinder for the working out of proportions; an ingenious

clock; a ship which sailed by means of a wind mill; many

ingenious astronomical globes and instruments; a model of

Jerusalem, and another of Canaan. He had also invented a

method of finding the longitude at sea. His greatest fame,

however, rests in his establishment of the first realschule

(technical school) designed to prepare children of ten to

fourteen for their actual work in life, when non-

professional, by the use of models and the teaching of

practical mechanics. (Alg. Deu. Biog. n. 33:694)

Altogether, Semler was surely a man with whom Swedenborg must have found much in common. At his house he saw

"many magnetical things; declinations of the needle according

to Halley's method, together with the instruments, and the

inclination of the needle according to his own method. These

were drawn on the same chart, and formed the same declination

by a straight line." He also saw a wonderful stove invented

by Semler, built with a hollow jacket through which the air

circulates and finally escapes by an opening above; this was

calculated to heat the largest room, and could itself be

placed outside the room. Remembering Swedenborg's own

descriptions of an improved stove, this anticipation of hot

air heating must have been viewed with great interest. He

also saw an arrangement by which coal was put into a furnace

by double wheels which were then withdrawn; likewise "a

plough of a peculiar form." This plough could simultaneously

plough, sow and harrow, and was one of Semler's ingenious

inventions.* (Ibid.; Resenbeskrifn. p. 62)

* In his Journal, Swedenborg says he saw the double wheels and the plough at Lange's, but this must be an error.

Swedenborg also visited the Orphan House or Weissenhausen which stands today practically as it stood when Swedenborg visited it, the 350 pupils of today eating in the same dining room which presented the same appearance as when Swedenborg saw it. But when Swedenborg was there, 600 orphans sat down to dinner. (Ibid.)

In the Weissenhausen he also saw some curious models of the Copernican and Ptolemaic Systems. These models, being great mounted globes made of different iron circles, are still preserved in an attic where they are thickly covered with dust. (Ibid.)

Swedenborg also relates that he met Prof. Ursinus with whom he "disputed." This was probably Theod. Christof. Ursinus, Professor Philosophy at Jena.

414

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 415

[1734
May

After visiting Semler, Swedenborg took the occasion to visit salt boiling works which were situated behind the Ulric's Kirche - but which, of course, are all gone now. He gives a drawing of one of the boilers - not included in the printed volume.

Here Swedenborg's journal ends, and the next hundred or so pages of Codex 88 are filled with anatomical and philosophical excerpts. From Halle, Swedenborg probably proceeded to Blanckenburg and Brunswick on the business he had in hand. What this was, is not clear, but not improbably it was connected with the printing of his Opera Philosophica et Mineralia. The first volume of that work was dedicated to his former patron Duke Ludwig Rudolph, Duke of Brunswick Luneburg,* and Swedenborg's business may have been to get permission for the Dedication, and to pay his court to the Duke. It would seem also that Duke Rudolph defrayed the expenses of the whole work, as he had defrayed the cost of the Miscellaneous Observations (see above, p. 246).

* But the death of his brother without heirs, Ludwig Rudolph had now become Duke of Brunswick. See above, p. 248.

On his return to Leipzig, Swedenborg occupied his time both in reading proof and in continuing his excerpts on Generation from Schurig, with which he filled twenty-one pages of his journal (Cod. 88). These extracts now include the Spermatologia which he had procured by this time (see above, p. 402).

The Opera Philosophica et Mineralia and de Infinito were published by the end of April or the first day of May, and it was perhaps in celebration of this auspicious event that Swedenborg and Hekel together with a Leipzig business friend, "Factor Bartheln," who probably had to do with the dispatching of the books to foreign parts, went off on a pleasure excursion to the ancient castle of Knigstein, a fortress on the river Elbe, some 25 miles southeast of Dresden, and 10 miles northwest of the Bohemian border. This was an ancient

fortress, the strengthening of which had been completed by

the King of Saxony in 1731. Besides its natural strength from

its high position at a turn of the Elbe, this huge fortress

was famous for a well, 470 feet deep, pierced into the solid

rock. Of course, it was not easy to obtain permission to

visit this fortress which was sometimes used at the Duke of

Saxony's residence, and we learn of
Swedenborg's visit from a pass issued by Gen. Major B. von Riedesel, and dated May 3rd, 1734, permitting

"Herr von Schwedenborg, Assessor of the Bergscollegium in

Stockholm, together with Herr B. v. Cederstrohm, Factor

Bartheln of Leipzig, and Court Bookseller Hekel of this city,

and their servants,"
to visit the fortification Knigstein. This pass is now preserved in the Land Archive of Dresden. (Acton Notes: Dresden)

The Opera Philosophica et Mineralia, now happily published, was truly a great work, Acostly and magnificent," to quote from the Deutsche Acta Eruditorum.

"a work in which nothing whatever has been neglected which

could in any way contribute to its adornment and

embellishment. So clear is the print, and so fine the paper,

that the most magnificent books of Holland and other

countries show nothing superior." (NP 1929:129)

The Infinite appeared a few days after the larger work, and Swedenborg made arrangements to forward copies of both works to friends and learned Academies in Europe. Among them were copies of de Infinito sent to Doctor Boerhaave of Leiden, and to Bernard Walther Marperger. The latter, who was about Swedenborg's age, in 1724 had been appointed court preacher and church councillor to the Duke of Saxony at Dresden, being Pastor of the Lutheran church. Swedenborg presumably attended his services and became friendly with him. (Alg. Deu. Biog. 20:405)

415

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 416

[1734
May

Shortly after their publication, the Opera and de Infinito were reviewed in the biweekly Leipzig paper Neue Zeitungen - the Opera in the issue of may 20th, and the Infinite in the issue of May 27th.

Of the Opera Philosophica et Mineralis, the Neue Zeitungen for May 20th

says that the reviewer omits to say anything of the author of

this "splendid publication," who is a Swedish nobleman,

because he is already known by some small works on natural

science. Turning then to the work itself, the reviewer

observes that the principles laid down in the first volume

"are a new and remarkable structure which is founded on

mechanism." This structure, "as the author hopes, may in

future times engage the labors of the learned in experiments

until, by this proving-stone, it is ascertained whether the

author has at last discovered the way so long sought for by

many men, so that his System not only agrees with all

experiments but furnishes the ground from which all phenomena

can be derived and solved." Since these principles are new,

the author has been obliged to use new terms, and as these

cannot well be translated into German, the reviewer quotes in

Latin Swedenborg's own summary of his doctrine as given his

Preface. The reviewer then adds:

"Among the remarkable statements which are everywhere to be

met with (in this volume) is especially to be noted the

author's claim to have demonstrated a priori the experiments

with the magnet which are thus far known" and also all

Kepler's laws.

As to the volumes on Iron and Copper, nothing but admiration and praise is expressed by the reviewer. They contain descriptions of the methods of

smelting so "full and clear, that while reading them, the

reader might believe he was seeing the work itself."

The second volume of Iron contains "a learned and practical

treatise on steel,"* and the third volume contains a like

treatise on Brass, Zinc, Bell Meal, etc.

* In 1737, this was translated into French and published in Strasburg as part of work on steel. This work constitutes the first appearance of Swedenborg's name in French literature.

The reviewer notes that while these two volumes necessarily

contain such that is quoted from other authors, yet all this

matter constitutes only one-third of the whole work, while

the remainder of the volumes consists of Anew things, for

which we must here thank the industry of the learned author

and experienced miner." What he says concerning smelting

processes "consists for the most part of information hitherto

unknown and never before printed."

All things "are treated of with exactness and faithfulness,

as their importance demands, without making a secret of

anything or holding it back." They are also treated of "in a

practical way," and so are excellently illustrated by

abundance of plates. The reviewer wishes the author "health

and leisure" to complete his volumes on the mineral kingdom.

The three volumes are highly praised for their excellence as

to paper, type and illustrations, and the reviewer concludes:

"Even granting that the theory in this work is carried

somewhat too far, nevertheless, it contains experiments and

observations which are to be esteemed very highly."

416

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 417

[1734
June

The reviewer's last remarks, as we shall see, called froth a protest from one of his readers, perhaps from Mr. Hekel.

The review of the Infinite which appeared in the Neue Zeitungen of May 27th, is very short, being in the effect that in this work of the author seeks

"to prove the immortality of the soul on the ground of its

operations and passions as they are known to us."

The reviewer then refers to his review of "De Metallicis," and says:

"Since there are some who understand the last words of our

review as affirming that the theory contained in the work was

carried too far, we will avail ourselves of the present

opportunity to make it known that our meaning was not this

but simply that the evaluation of the new theory rests with

the individual scientist.

Having thus brought to a successful finish his literary work, Swedenborg now started on his return journey. He went first to Cassel. This city was the residing city of Hesse Cassel where dwelt the King of Sweden's brother William who was the Rogent in his place. Swedenborg's visit was, of course, with the object of presenting to Duke William in person a copy of the Opera Philosophica et Mineralia, the second volume of which had been dedicated to him. From Cassel, Swedenborg went through the mining regions of Hesse Cassel as far as Schmalkalden, doubtless having been granted special privileges in the way of examining mines. From Schmalkalden he went to Gotha and Brunswick, where the doubtless he presented in person his great work to the reigning Duke; and so on to Hamburg and, via Ystad, to Stockholm where he arrived in "July 1734 when the Diet was in progress" (May 1st to Dec. 14th). (Doc. 2:p. 6)

While Swedenborg is pursuing his homeward way, we will take the opportunity of examining more closely the works he has just published.

THE PRINCIPIA:

The Principia is dedicated to Ludwig Rudolph, Duke of

Lneberg and Brunswick, the dedication being couched in the

flowery language characteristic of the period, but in this

case not altogether unjustified in view of the great

liberality with which the Duke had encouraged and supported

Swedenborg's researches and publications.

After referring to the ancient custom of making

offerings to the gods who showed favor, even were it only the

poor gifts of a few grains of corn, Swedenborg continues:

"Twelve years ago I ventured to offer to thy Serenity

some grains of this votive corn, that is to say, some pages

from a rough and unadorned Minerva, and I recall with

gladness that on seeing them thou adorned Minerva, and I

recall with gladness that on seeing them thou didst deign to

view them with favor and assent. Considering this as a sign

of favoring approval, thou wilt therefore pardon me if,

following the customs of the ancients, I return to thy altar.

And if I am not able to bring rich honors to thy temple ...

yet, as the testification of a grateful mind I venture to

offer a casket containing incense of the same kind, but in

greater abundance.... Permit, then, that this work, filled

with new principles, may adore thee as its tutelary deity;

and that this new philosophy may come to thy altars as my

votive offerings, since I am unable to bring better gifts.

The Principia itself contains a theory of creation which

distinguishes its author as one of the world's greatest

thinkers, profound in his conceptions, and daring in his

expression of them. It was a

417

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 418

[1734
July

theory entirely new, and necessarily was couched in terms

hitherto unknown in the sense in which they were here used.

Swedenborg went further back then any other cosmologist, and

essayed to deliver a doctrine concerning the mode of creation

by the Infinite. He precedes this by an Introductory Chapter

remarkable both for the depth of its thought and the beauty

of its style. Here he discusses the three means to become a

true philosopher, experience, geometry and the faculty of

reasoning. Here Swedenborg develops the need of abundance of

experimental facts before venturing on the task of searching

into causes, but he also emphasizes that facts are now

gathered in rich abundance, and that it is due time to form

doctrines to guide us in the maze of facts, lest the latter

blind us by their very abundance. As to the art of

reasoning, he shows that the pursuit of this is impossible

without not only study and deep thought but also the turning

away from the love of self and the desire to see and adore

the Deity.

It will not be necessary to go through his system of

finites, actives and elementaries. Suffice it to say, that

the fundamental thought that runs through this remarkable

theory is that Nature includes all that is finite, from the

first finite to the last, that she is everywhere mechanical

and geometrical, and that she is everywhere like herself.

All finites, all actives, all elementaries, from firsts to

lasts, are like to each other, differing only in degree and

dimension. Thus, in the earth as a great magnetic finite, he

sees an image of the first finite; and he proceeds by the

laws of geometrical and philosophical though to deduce this

from the first natural point, and to compound it into the

matters of the earth. The daring boldness of this doctrine,

its sublime construction, its conception in the realms of the

deepest philosophical thought, and its confirmation at the

bar of reason, are all convincing signs of truth, and however

much a future age may modify or develop it, its essential

features, that creation was effected by motion, and that this

motion being the origin of mechanism and geometry is itself

mechanical and geometrical, must ever remain as a lasting

moment to the lofty thought of the Christian Philosopher.

Swedenborg's contemporaries are struck with the newness of the thought, and show great respect to the philosophic author whose practical learning is so eloquently testified to his volumes on Iron and Copper.

The Deutsche Acta Eruditorum, in its review published in July 1734, describes these principles as "entirely new and singular," and "based on mechanism," and it continues:

"Seeing that neither Descartes nor Newton nor any other

of the famous natural philosophers had obtained general

approbation for their theories, the author wished to make the

attempt to see whether he perhaps might be able to attain

this end and to discover the right and true way to reach

solidity and correctness in natural philosophy. And since

his principles of natural philosophy come nearest o the

opinion of Herr Councillor Wolff, Swedenborg by no means

denies that he was signally confirmed in his thoughts by

reading the Ontology and Cosmology of this famous philosopher

two years after he himself had completed the composition and

design of his own Principia. For the rest," continues the

reviewer, quoting from the Appendix to the Principia, "in

this whole first Part he has not brought forward one single

philosopher, not even by name; for it was not his purpose to

attack the opinions of others, much less to detract aught

from their fame. For this reason also, he

418

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 419

[1734
July

promises himself that he will be spared from bitter and

quarrelsome controversy and should one wish to enter into a

dispute with him, he declares that he will not answer.

Should it happen, however, that one would desire from him in

a serious way further explanations of his principles, to

this, as being only fair, he pledges himself. For, in the

degree that he has written the truth, so there will be no

need of any dispute; the truth will be sufficient to defend

itself. If, however, he has propounded what is erroneous and

false, it would not be reasonable stubbornly to maintain it.

He says further that he has not written in order thereby to

gain fame or a great name in the learned world; and it would

not concern him whether he obtained acclaim or not. If he

did obtain it, it would bring him pleasure only as it was a

sign that he had come upon the truth." The reviewer than

quotes Swedenborg's own summary of his doctrine, but adds

that while this gives a general idea of the author's

position, "yet we imagine that a philosopher will not easily

be found who will make shift with this summary sketch.

Rather will each one be anxious attentively to read the work

itself; therefore, we have striven so much the more for

brevity. And now, as to whether the author has really

attained the end which he sought ... this seems to us to be a

question which perhaps does not give promise of being decided

in the space of a year; for we are thoroughly convinced that

students of natural philosophy will here find new inducements

to enter into the hidden mysteries of nature by further

attempts and experiments. Meanwhile, we can be assured of

this, that throughout the whole work, there shines out

solicitous diligence in the search for the truth, and a rare

insight into natural philosophy."

The review is continued in the same journal for October,

where a long passage on the solar vortex is printed in full,

and also an extract from the chapter on Paradise and the

First Man.

We have some interesting information as to the reception of the Principia hypothesis in France and England. This is contained in a letter written to Eric Benzelius by the young Professor of Astronomy Anders Celsius, who was then in Paris. Celsius writes:

"Herr Swedenborg's Principia is very pleasing to those here

who are still Cartesians and delight themselves with the

particle philosophy. But Englishmen and Frenchmen who follow

Venetanus's and Newton's method in physics, hold that perhaps

100,000 years from now is still too early to wish to

determine the figure and size of the elements. (ACSD 572)

Swedenborg had presented a handsomely bound copy of his work to the Royal Philosophical Society (and of course to other learned bodies), and in London it attracted the attention of a Fellow of the Royal Society names James Theobald who in March 1737 prepared a long abstract of the three volumes.

The Acta Eruditorum did not review the work until 1737, when

it presents the whole doctrine of the Principia at

considerable length and with great fairness, using, so far as

possible, Swedenborg's own words; and (the reviewer adds) if

the author "should, nevertheless, find some gaps and

some statements which are not in agreement with his

opinions, we trust that he will readily pardon us; for

he himself will probably be aware that a first reading

of his philosophy, and a cursory one at that, would be

hardly sufficient for the perceiving of all the

subtleties with which it is abundantly filled, or for

constructing them into an epitome."

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For the rest, the Principia devotes many of its pages to a treatise on the Magnet, using the phenomena so recently discovered by Musschenbroek to confirm the new theory of the Magnet Element. A large part of this work is now of purely historical interest, modern information being far more exact than that in Swedenborg's day. It may be noted, however, that Swedenborg was the first to note the progression of the magnetic pole, and to form a satisfactory theory accounting for the phenomena of magnetism and the deviation of the magnetic needle.

Then comes his theory of the creation of the earth with its atmospheres, and finally, something about Paradise and the First Man. The concluding words of the volume are the statement that man's chief glory is his ability to worship the Creator. Into paradise, says Swedenborg

"was then introduced the first man, created according to the

whole harmony of this world; who was made a partaker of a

more subtle aura, that is to say, was made rational, to the

end that he might know how to render the world, in respect to

its parts and specifically, still more perfect, to wit, may

bring forth into act things which cannot be brought forth

without a living and also a rational being; who might enjoy

its delights and its variety; who might be wise, that so he

might known how to venerate, love, worship this supremely

provident Deity, the Author and Founder both of the world and

of himself; and, finally, whose better and lighter part

covered over with his material part, might aspire to heaven

itself. O thrice happy being, born to the delights both of

the world and of heaven."

This was the original ending of the Principia, but during the printing of the work, Swedenborg added an Appendix wherein he makes a summary presentation of his doctrine, disclaims all desire to seek fame (as already noted), and finally remarks on the agreement of his theory with the principles laid down by Wolff in his Cosmology, which he had lately seen for the first time.

THE WORKS OF IRON AND COPPER

It was with peculiar felicity that Swedenborg made Iron and Copper the subjects of volumes 2 and 3 of his great work, for these metals constituted Sweden's greatest treasures, and he himself had been at pains to show that to Sweden, iron was more precious than gold.

The volume on Iron is dedicated to William VIII, Landgrave of Hesse, acting as Regent for his brother Frederick, King of Sweden, who had inherited the Principality of Hesse-Cassel by the death of his father in 1730.

"I hope," says the Dedication, "most Serene Prince, that

thou wilt not refuse this little offering of Iron thy

approval and favor. Although, being Iron, it is too lowly

that thy illustrious name should crown the face of the work;

yet, if that iron lies under the shield and protection of so

great a Prince, then from the resulting rays its darker color

will be changed to a bright and silvery sheen.... What

better can I offer than the offspring of my native land?

What more worthy than the Mars of the Swedes (for by this

name did the ancients designate iron), who in thy brother's

Kingdom is rich in arms because abundant in iron."

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In the Preface that follows, Swedenborg declares at the outset his intention to continue the work here begun by treating of all the remaining metals as well as of salts and stones. Yet, when these words appeared in public, he had already practically given up all idea of further mineralogical studies. His aim now was higher.

He goes on to give a lively picture of the men among whom he had mingled when visiting mines and, at the same time, to rebuke those who would withhold the secrets of their art. In the science of smelting, he writes, "there are innumerable facts which are mysteries to the learned

world, being known only to the ignoble class of workmen,

smelters, and others of the same class, being of that

darksome crew which goes with faces black like Cyclops-faces,

from which we would think nothing white or ingenuous were to

be hoped for. But their science alone is practical and

founded upon experience and actual data; and in this measure

it is either to be preferred to many of the sciences, or

merits comparison with them."

Later he adds: "I know beforehand that some will whisper to

me that the methods of smelting peculiar to different places

which have been cultivated and searched out through long

years and by the labor ... of many ages should not lightly he

made known to the world. Each class of workers in metal has

its own secrets which it deems it a crime to publish... Some

secrete their scales and their instruments in corners in

order to remove them from their comrades. Like these also

are those men of better name and fortune who in equal measure

wish to be wise for their own sake only, and love to be

reputed possessors and guardians of secrets, that so by the

unlearned they may be called learned. Men of this kind

grudge the public everything; and if anything comes to light

whereby art and science may take increase, they regard it

askance and with scowling visages, and perhaps revile the

author as a babbler of secrets. I know it is impossible for

me to gain the good will of this class.... But ah! how far

removed is this sort of envy from the temple of the learned

virgins! from the altars and sacred shrines of Apollo! ... No

one ought to possess skill for his own sake alone but for

others and for the whole of the lettered world....

Therefore, in the first Class of our work such mysteries are

laid before the public, nor do I care if the bowels of

Codrus* burst, provided only the wise are gladdened."

* Quoted from Virgil, Bucol. vii. 26. The line is: "If Codrus' bowels burst from envy." Codrus was a contemporary poet.

Swedenborg then alludes briefly to the writings of the Alchemists who "cram their books with a farrago of fictions." He does indeed bring forward a few extracts from the writings of the more celebrated of them, though he has lacked the time to verify their statements, but he cautions his reader to believe nothing but actual experience, and advises him "to provide himself with an interleaved copy of my work, and to write therein the various desiderata that strike him."

The volume on Copper is dedicated to King Frederick of

Sweden. "Pardon me, most clement King," writes Swedenborg,

"that I have ventured to adorn these pages on Copper with thy

August name; it would have been more worthy had I offered a

work on Gold

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or Silver. But thou doest not despise lowly gifts, if the

mind of the giver is richer than his gifts. Gold is indeed

at the head of the family of metals, but yet Copper is

comparable with it, since Copper in its native vein sparkles

with living colors and golden splendor; whence the ancients

bestowed upon it the name Venus as being the most beautiful

of metals....

"I remember how often thou hast been with the natives

and workers of the mines of thy northern Kingdom; how often,

with favoring countenance, thou hast received the men of thy

copper mountain* who hastened from their gloomy caverns and

dark crypts, climbing into open day by means of ropes and

ladders in order to gaze upon these during thy visit; being

not unlike black and sooty Cyclops in the hope of seeing

Jupiter; whose glad and revering minds, which they displayed

obscured by the dust and dirt and smoke of copper, thou

couldst yet discern.... So most clement King, I also hasten

to thee from this subterranean kingdom, with a work rude and

not well polished; who am of that crowd, cherish the hope

that your royal Majesty will not disdain to receive me also

with favoring approval."

* King Frederick visited Stora Kopperberg five times between 1717 and 1728.

In the Preface that follows, Swedenborg among other things recalls some poetic phases of his Principia:

"It cannot be denied," he says, "that before the

universal inundation of the flood, our planet was perfect in

beauty, delightful in variety, and everywhere like a

paradise; that its surface, devoid of the ruptures of

mountains and rocks, of deep valleys, of lakes and seas, was

unbroken and utterly smooth; and that afterwards its crust,

broken up by the Flood, became deformed and torn. Yet, it is

not to be doubted but that this inundation performed the use

to the future inhabitants of the globe, that it opened veins

which lay deeply hidden in the bosom of the earth, and, by

commingling the lowest part with the highest, drew forth and

brought to light things which otherwise would have lain

deeply hidden ... and, likewise, that from one corner of the

world it carried and distributed substances and matrices the

best adapted both for generating and for receiving metals,

and scattered them throughout the earth."

The follows a geological explanation which, in effect, serves as a further chapter to the Principia. In brief, it is that a thick crust covered the primeval ocean, being continually added to by additions from

below. The fissures in this crust were filled with water,

and the pressure of this water, acting on the ocean below,

the latter would exert an upward pressure on the

superincumbent crust, causing the latter to become slanting

and producing further fissures, again to be filled with

water; and so on, until at last the crust thus broken up

would subside and a flood would cover the earth lasting until

it had time to fill all the fissures, caverns, etc., when the

ocean would return to a level with the earth. Meanwhile, the

conveyance and mingling of ores, etc., previously spoken of,

would have been effected.

In a philosophical sense, the Principia was an epoch-making work, but the volumes of Iron and Copper were of more practical and immediate value, and they were loudly acclaimed and eagerly studied. They were filled with

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new and valuable information, including much that was the fruit of Swedenborg's own experience and ingenuity, never before made public; they contained many secrets of the art of smelting which had hitherto been jealously guarded, and access to which was a boon now freely given to all miners and metal workers. We cannot doubt that these volumes were widely studied and that they exerted a great influence in the different mines and smelting works of Europe.

In their day, these volumes constituted the most comprehensive work on mineralogy ever published by any mineralogist, and they seem to have been the most frequently cited during the whole of the eighteenth century. As we have already noted, the chapter on Steel was translated into French and published in Strasburg in 1737. This was translated from French into Swedish and published in Stockholm in 1753, and in 1762 the whole work was published in French translation by the Royal Academy of Sciences of Paris as a part of the magnificent series Art des Forges. (NP 1926:40)

The volumes were very favorably received by the reviewers. Mention is made of the amount of new material here given to the public, and one reviewer, nothing the secretive habits of miners, opines that Swedenborg must have spent much money in obtaining their secrets. (NP 192:139)

Of course, both these volumes are now of purely historical interest, yet that interest is so important that it has led to the translation of De Ferro into Swedish, when it was published in a magnificent edition (Stockholm 1923); and the Stora Kopparberg Company has now in hand a Swedish translation of De Cupro.

DE INFINITO

We turn to the De Infinito. This work is described to prove the existence of God and, more especially, the immortality of the soul (n. 134 p. 268 = Eng. P. 148). Swedenborg seems to have been impressed by the materialism which he found in conversing with the learned, though, as he himself writes, they did not venture to express it in their writings; and, thinking that this growing denial of God and the soul springs from ignorance arising from the current theological conception of the soul as a "spirit," he thinks to afford a remedy by showing what the soul really is, and that it is finite, mechanical and geometrical.

The work is one of the most deeply philosophical works on an abstract subject that Swedenborg has ever written. The reasoning is close and logical; rational, yet deeply imbued with Christian faith; profound, yet couched in the simplest language.

It is dedicated to his brother-in-law Eric Benzelius. After acknowledging his indebtedness to Benzelius for the influential art the latter has played upon the direction of his studies, Swedenborg then says:

"From veneration of thy merits; from acknowledgment of

benefits received; and from relationship ... comes the love I

have give witness to." These fruits are in part thine, and

to thee must they be dedicated.

In the Preface to the Reader, Swedenborg states that he purposely uses simple words and a lowly style, that words may be no hindrance to understanding True philosophy, he goes on to say, can never be contrary to Revelation. The end of reason is to perceive things revealed.

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The treatise itself opens with the statement that the mark of a true philosopher is that he does not assent to things of an obscure faith for he can acknowledge nothing superior to reason. So baffled is the philosopher in his inquiry into the Infinite, that he is apt to think it is merely the indefinite and is the first of nature, and thus that nature is God.

This state must be met, not with prayers, but with rational arguments. Reason shows that we must first ask, Is there an Infinite? not, What is the Infinite? Swedenborg then proves that there is an Infinite because the finite cannot finite itself. (III:pp. 27, 28 = Eng. Pp. 14, 15)

Thus acknowledging the Infinite or God, he then asks whether this can be proved a posteriori, and in this he will join with him who thinks all things came from nature. Suppose the primitive of nature is the origin of all things; then it must contain in itself all that follows, and also the power of producing them; and this power is something superior and therefore the Infinite. This he illustrates by a machine, in which we admire first the maker, then the intelligence that foresaw the effect; thus, not the causate but the very cause. (IV p. 36 = Eng. P. 19)

In this way, the more one worships nature, the more he worships the Infinite. (P. 45 = E. p. 24)

Nature is a mechanical something or a machine, because the first cause so wills; and the contemplation of this machine leads to the acknowledgment of its maker. This is illustrated by the stars and by various things in the human body adduced from Heister. (V: p. 50, 50 = Eng. Pp. 27, 30)

Now all created things tend to the one end, that man may enjoy the delights of the world, that these delights may cause rational, and that they may terminate in divine delights, this being the final end of creation. Having come to the acknowledgment of God, partly from the soul and partly from reason, we find that the soul gives tacit consent to this acknowledgment. Therefore, there is no mortal, if he has not too much or too little rational, who does not acknowledge God. But he cannot know quale Infinitium, and it is in seeking this that the philosopher with too much reason falls into the worship of nature, and the ignorant with too little reason falls into idolatry. There is no essential difference between the two save that the one is more subtle. (V:77 = Eng. P. 43, VI:82 = Eng. P. 46)

The objection is raised that we should simply believe in God as Creator and Provider, those especially making this object who think of God as a human ruler who can order what he wills, his will thus being dependent on things unstable. I will agree, says Swedenborg, if you will agree that being Infinite, all future things are present in him, and that his providence and previdence cannot be distinguished; otherwise, there is something of the finite in the Infinite. If some think that we thus bind God by rules, there is no reasoning with them.* (VII:87 = Eng. P. 48)

* It is probable that what Swedenborg here and later writes on Providence is what he refers to in the Journal of Dreams 206: "My father said to me, what I had written about Providence as the finest. I called to mind that it was only a small treatise." Swedenborg's father died in 1735, and we cannot question but that he saw De Infinito.

Swedenborg then turns to the question of the quality of the Infinite, and he notes that inquiries into this have necessarily limited God with finite qualities, and thus men take their God only from admiration or

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wonder. Thus the ancients worshiped men whom they admired; or an idol connected with some miracle; or, if learned, nature or the universe; others call him a spirit; others represent him as a circle in a triangle. All agree in ascribing finite qualities to God. (de Infin. VIII:91 = Eng. P. 51)

Others, again, seeing that God is infinite, in their search for the quale have made the universe infinite. Swedenborg's argument here is that while we can see that there is an Infinite, we cannot see the quale of the Infinite. (Ibid. 97 = Eng. P. 54)

Some suppose the present argument leads to thinking of the Infinite as nothing. It is nothing as compared with the finite; so the finite is nothing as compared with the Infinite - yet neither is nothing. Ex nihilo nihil fit. Thus then there is an Infinite and He is the cause of the finite. (Ibid. 100 = Eng. P. 58)

It can at once be seen that there can be no intermediate between the Infinite and the Finite, for this also would be infinite, and so there would be two infinites, or it would be finite and thus not a nexus. The conclusion is that the Infinite created the finite immediately, and that the nexus is itself infinite. Thus we can see that there is a nexus, but not its quality. (Ibid.:103 = Eng. P. 60)

The nexus is the final cause of creation, the why of creation. This cause must terminate in the Infinite, for if creation were for the sake of finite things, we would have an efficient from will without an end. Thus creation as for the sake of the Infinite. (Ibid: 108 = Eng. P. 63)

We are confirmed in our rational deduction by Revelation, which teaches us

"that from eternity he begat a Son, an only Begotten, and

that the only Begotten is infinite and is God, and that the

nexus between the Infinite and the finite is by the only

Begotten Infinite and God, and that the Father and the Son

are one God and both Infinite, both the Creator of the finite

universe, and yet are so distinct that the former is Father

and the latter Son, the former the first Person, and the

latter the second, that, in respect to the name Father and

Son, the name person, etc., they are two, but in respect to

infinity and divinity they are one and the same." Thus

revelation agrees with reason. (Ibid. 116-17 = Eng. 64-65)

Some may think that the Son is therefrom the means by which creation was effected. But why reason so naturally. The nexus is infinite, and the Infinite cannot be divided. This we see. (p. 119 = Eng. P. 65)

Can we go further? (XI:120 = Eng. P. 66)

Since the final end is obtained by finite, therefore there must be two finite limits. The first is the simple of the world; the second is man to whom all created things conspire. If it is said that there are occult things in the world which do not conspire to man, such as souls and angels, "I say that nothing exists in subtlest nature, not even

angels, save that they may concur in man - not for composing

him but that the divine end may be obtained in the ultimate

end, man." (pp. 121, 125 = Eng. 67, 69)

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But why are not animals also the ultimate end? Because it is not man as a machine that is the ultimate end; it must be something contributing to the final end, something which can acknowledge and believe the Infinite; thus a soul, a conjunction of soul and body, and so a rational man. (XI:127 = Eng. p. 70)

Moreover, there must be something divine and infinite in this ultimate effect, for the Infinite cannot obtain the final end in the finite. This does not lie in the body or the soul, because these are finite; nor does it consist in reason which is from body and soul; but it consists in man's ability and actuality to acknowledge God, and by this faith to feel a connection with the Divine, in the pleasures we speak elsewhere). If man does not acknowledge God, the Divine is not in him. (XII:128 = Eng. p. 70)

The question then arises, if the end is not obtained in the ultimate effect, does this involve something imperfect? Our principles show that the first finite, though not infinite, is still more perfect and similar. But successives and compounds involve contingencies and degrees, and thus decrease in perfection, this coming from the finite. So in man. (XIII:128 = Eng. pp. 72-76)

The Divine foresaw and provided that in man the final end and would be attained by the soul ruling the body that it may tend to the final end. But the soul alone does not rule the body, but the rational which is from soul and body. (XIV:138-39 = Eng. p. 76-77)

Why, then, did not the Infinite make such a soul as would prevent the fall? The answer is that all means were given man to realize the final end if he wiled, and this does not take from perfection since the final end can exist only in the ultimate effect. (p. 142 = Eng. p. 78)

But foreseeing the body would rule the soul, He provided that there should be a nexus between the ultimate finite and the Infinite, and this by the Infinite or only begotten Son who "put on the ultimate effect of the world, or man and his figure, and thus was infinite in and with the finite ... that by Him there might be in us something of the Divine, viz., that we might know and believe that there is a God, and that He is Infinite ... that we may belong to God and not to the world.... Thus there is a nexus in the ultimate as in the first." (p. 143 = Eng. 79)

This applies even to those who do not know Christ, for they still can acknowledge the Infinite, and with them this does not exclude belief in the Only Begotten; for the one Infinite cannot be separated from the other. (p. 146 = Eng. p. 80)

Swedenborg concludes this first Part with a definition of Nature and the Divine: "All that which exists from the primitive to the greatest compound is natural." This natural is mediately divine, for it comes from the primitives by finite means, and so from the Infinite as the cause. Thus, God is the All in all, and the connection of the Infinite is as that of soul and body. (Pp. 156-57 = Eng. p. 86-7)

Part II deals with the soul and body. First Swedenborg establishes that the soul is finite; and so, that it is extended and occupies space. (II:i:165 = Eng. p. 93)

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He then asks whether it is the purely simple, and answers in the negative, because the purely simple cannot be said to be finite. His conclusion then is that it is the active of the first finite, having local motion, for it acts upon corporeal parts. (II:p. 178 = Eng. p. 101)

He also shows that the soul must have a passive, otherwise it could not feel the actions of its body. Therefore, its active must be enclosed in some passive expanse or membrane. For the same reason, it can have sensation after death. He adds that in the soul, the actives do not form a contigum as in the elementary (II:p. 183 = Eng. p. 102)

The soul flows into the body, and being finite, it must do this mechanically and geometrically. The soul, therefore, is in nature and is a part of the created world, and is subject to mechanical and geometrical rules. (II:ii:p. 185 = Eng. p. 104)

But to conclude from this that the soul is not immortal arises from a gross idea concerning purer mechanism. There is a gross world and a pure world; both are natural, but the one will not perish with the other. What is subject to destruction is the material which is made by a mutable and imperfect succession of things. It would be contrary to the Divine essence that the higher should perish with the lower; otherwise all creation would become noting. (II:ii:p. 191 = Eng. p. 107)

Because men saw there was a nexus between soul and body, they established the animal spirits to carry out the behests of soul and body, and they called them spirits and animal in order to express this mediation. Still, men deny that these spirits act by mechanical laws, saying that they act by laws unknown, and so they learnedly discuss the commerce of soul and body, but in the end and leave their readers in the same ignorance as themselves. (II:ii:pp. 193-94 = Eng. p. 108)

But why should we be opposed to laws inscribed on nature by the Infinite? are they imperfect because mechanical and geometrical? cannot there be something perpetual in them? Let us not, then, remain in ignorance like our ancestors, but let us advance onward, lest our successors laugh at our puerilities.* (p. 195 = Eng. p. 109)

* We may note here the statement in Psychologica n. 75, that if we had the microscope, we might be able to see the entire structure of the soul and spirit.

Ignorance of the soul begets denial. Hence many have asked themselves, though they have not committed their thought to writing, Is there a soul? and have concluded that everything is material and mortal. (p. 198 = Eng. p. 110)

Had they reflected that the final cause of creation is Divine, and that man is the ultimate effect by which the end is obtained, they sight have seen that there is a God, and that in man is something divine; and that, therefore, man is a partaker of the final end, and that the soul can desire a more perfect state and so cannot die. (p. 198 = Eng. p. 112)

The immortality of the soul can also be confirmed from bodily effects. Love which arises from harmony is in a purer nature and is thence derived into the body that the body also may aspire to perpetuity. This is done by offspring; love of fame after death shows that in man there is something higher than in animals. Those in the love of God, therefore,

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despise the mortal state of the body, and often willingly suffer death. This can come only from the soul living in the nexus of the final end. (II:p. 202 = Eng. p. 113)

It is seen also in the love of others or of oneself in others. From God's love for the soul comes the soul's love for the body. Can it therefore be concluded that the body can be considered as part of the purer world and thus immortal?

"That such was the state of the first man, formed after every

harmony of the world, in whom all the grosser parts could

have been ruled by the soul, and, consequently, have also

enjoyed immortality seems probable"; but, by the fall,

mortality of the body has succeed its immortality. But it

seems capable of being restored "if the soul be clothed with

a body which she does not take immediately from the imperfect

parent." (pp. 204-9 = Eng. pp. 114-16)

Turning now to the nexus between soul and body, Swedenborg states that the only nexus is by contiguity. This nexus has its limits within the man, or within the space of his body.

"The connection of the sensible limits within the space by

motion makes the space living." This supposes, however, that

the intermediates shall be entire. Whatever then subsists

with the space is felt by a man as life. Mutation of states

within the space is therefore felt as evidences of life.

"Thus, perception, intelligence, memory, etc., since they

involve motion, can be explained mechanically and

geometrically." (iv:214-20 = Eng. p. 119-22)

The elements of the world are in like manner mechanical and geometrical. No element can be moved without the motion being felt in some way in another element, and it becomes more subtle as it progresses to interiors. (iv:221 = Eng. p. 123)

In man it is membranes that receive the motions of elements, as seen in ear and eye (see Psychologica, n. 218), and the membranes are formed to receive them mechanically and geometrically. Thus the laws of motion in the elements and in membranes are the same. (iv:221 = Eng. p. 123)

Other philosophers have seen this, but they have been prevented from pursuing the thought because they could go no further than to animal spirits. See DLW 394 and confer n. 283. (iv:p. 252 = Eng. p. 139)

Thus, man is a microcosm, his soul belonging to the purer world, and his body to the grosser. Here Swedenborg lays down some laws of the motion passing between soul and body, showing that if the motions are harmonious with the soul, the result is interior pleasure, otherwise there is confusion. Yet, discordant motions may become habitual, and then the soul seems to love discord more than harmony, and so to be formed after the imperfect world. After death, such a soul perceives dissonance and pain in harmony, "especially if something from the purer world be present." (pp. 252-55 = Eng. pp. 139-41)

Where, then, does the soul actually reside? What is its figure? its immediate operations? It resides, not in any gland or meninges (Cartesius and Baglivi), not everywhere in the body (the Schoolmen), but in the cortical substance of the brain, in the finest membrane there. (p. 257 = Eng. p. 142)

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Nor is the soul the same in every man, for it can be cultivated and made more apt for the reception of motions; can be more intimately connected with the membranes, etc. Hence heredity. (p. 261 = Eng. p. 144)

Actually it is not unlike the first, second and third actives, but it is these actives together with membranes. Both together are the soul. Brute souls are an elementary and not an active. (p. 265 = Eng. p. 146)

Swedenborg concludes his work by saying that we may therefore not despair of coming to a knowledge of the soul, if we now run through the anatomy of the body and brain and senses.

"When I have made such investigation, if God grant me life

and leisure, it is my intention to present it specially."

Here my purpose is merely to establish the immortality of the

soul.

In these closing words, Swedenborg promises the work itself, of which the Infinite is the Forerunner. (pp. 266-68 = Eng. p. 147-48)

The Infinite was reviewed by only one journal, namely, the Acta Eruditorum in its issue for December 1735. In general, the reviewer confines himself to giving a short summary of the work, but he adds one or two comments of his own. Thus, to Swedenborg's statement that the Only Begotten Son became the nexus in ultimates, he adds the "warning" that

"the incautious will take these statements to mean that all

men are to be blessed in Christ, because they had each been

blessed in the sate of perfection"
a somewhat surprising comment in view of Swedenborg's insistence on human freedom as essential to the attainment of the final end. On Swedenborg's statement that the soul is immortal by the grace of God, he comments:

"The grace of God cannot have regard to the souls of the

wicked; and thus, according to this doctrine, they would be

mortal." (NP 1930:195)

There are indications that the reviewer, while performing "the office ore reviewer, not of judge," is somewhat alarmed at Swedenborg's doctrine of the soul, and especially at his teaching that the tremulations of membranes are perceived by the soul as ideas.

"If we mistake not," says he, "according to this, thoughts

are the effects of motive forces inseated in nerves and their

fibrils; and, this dogma being granted, then matter can

think, and bodies are capable of reasoning. Thus the soul is

a compound substance, and is naturally dissolved and

destroyed, despite anything that may be specially objected to

this, or that may be advanced against it, on the ground of

the final cause of creation. The Influxionists have here

clear consequences which by their principle of a physical

union, they are compelled to admit."

Yet the reviewer is impressed with the genius of the author. He lauds his "endeavor to explain the commerce of soul and body by means of physical influx," and awaits "further fruits of his highly refined mind which so greatly excels in its fitness for lofty subjects."

According to his Journal, Swedenborg arrived in Stockholm in July 1734, while the Diet was going on, which had opened on May 1st. (Doc. 2:p. 6)

In Stockholm he established his residence on Slussplan no. 63B, in what is known as "Lilla Rntmstare huset" - a very pleasant location. Here Swedenborg remained until he departed from Stockholm in 1736 for what proved to be the longest of his foreign journeys. After then he lived in his own house in Hornsgatan, Sdermalm. (NKTid. 1923:134)

429

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 430

[1734
July-Dec.

Of course, one of his first duties was to wait on the King and present him with a copy of the works published abroad, and more especially, of the volume which had been dedicated to him (Copper). (Doc. 1:445)

On Wednesday, July 3rd, Swedenborg resumed his duties at the Bergscollegium, and on that day, Councillor Leijel and he were to conduct an examination of candidates for an assayership, a duty which extend over several days. On the 4th, the Queen's name-day, he and Leijel attended the Court at Carlberg, a royal castle and Queen Ulrica Eleonora's favorite resort, situated about 4-2 miles from the center of Stockholm. It was this occasion that Swedenborg took advantage of to present the King with one of the fine copies of his Opera Philosphica et Mineralia. (Ibid.)

From time to time he also attended the Diet - which was attended also by Eric Benzelius (Brefwxling XXVI) - though we have a record of only ten days' attendance from July to December 14th when the Diet closed with stately ceremonies including Divine Service attended by all the Estates.

Swedenborg took no active part in the discussions in the House of Nobles, and his name appears only once in the Minutes, namely, on December 10th when he was appointed one of a committee of twenty-four to meet corresponding committees from the three other Estates, for the purpose of nominating three men from whom the King was to choose one to fill a vacancy in Riksrad. (R. o. Ad. Prot. 8:1:403)

The immediate cause of the calling of the Diet was the conflict between Arvid Horn and his opponents headed by Karl Gyllenborg and Daniel v. Höpken (see above, p. 344), the conservatives and the jingoists.

Horn wished for peace, that Swedenborg again enter into

prosperity, but Gyllenborg and his followers were

chauvinists; they desired war with Russia since by this alone

could Sweden recover her Baltic Provinces,* and her position

as a great power. After the death of August the Strong of

Saxony, Stanislaus, the choice of Charles Xii, was again

elected to the throne of Poland. But Russia opposed this

both by armed force and by working upon a faction of the

Polish electors which elected the son of August the Strong.

In consequence, Stanislaus became a refugee in Denzig where

he was besieged by the Russian fleet. It was France's policy

to prevent any accession to the power of Austria, with which

country Russia was now allied; and for this purpose, she

sought in every way to induce Sweden to enter into a war with

Russia, that she herself might be surer of success against

Austria, and for this she offered subsidies and the promise

of aid in the recovery of the lost provinces; Horn, however,

while at first favorable to France, came to see that her

promises of cash and other aid were somewhat illusory, and

that she wished merely to use Swedenborg against Russia,

while she herself combined with Turkey to fight Austria;

moreover, he feared to oppose England who was Sweden's best

customer; and so he did all in his power to hold back the War

Party led by Gyllenborg. He succeeded during this Diet, but

yet the War Party ruled in the Secret Committee, and during

this Diet it added greatly to its strength and laid the

foundations for its coming into power in 1738, and for the

thirty years that followed. (Fryx. 33:215-216)

* All she now retained of these Provinces was the city of Wismar and the northern part of Pomerania together with the island of Rgen (Fryxell 33:215-16)

430

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 431

[1734
Nov.-Dec.

Swedenborg was not a party man, but a document - translated in the Letters and Memorials of Emanuel Swedenborg - shows unmistakably that he supported the party of Horn; the Caps as against the Hats* (see Doc. 1:538-39). Moreover, the interests of the Bergskollegium were all opposed to war; for most of the Swedish iron went to England, who would view with great displeasure any war on Russia by Sweden.

* These names did not come into use until 1738. As their origin, see Fryxell 34:p. 53.

Swedenborg also favored Horn in one other point, namely, in that he sought to strengthen Parliamentary government as against as increased power in the Royal House. (See Doc. 1:538-39.)

The document to which we have just referred is a "Project" of twelve pages found in Codex 56 of the Swedenborg Manuscripts. This Codex consists of those of Swedenborg's papers which concern his activities at the Diet. This "Project" appears to have been addressed to the Secret Committee or the Subcommittee thereof, which had control over the foreign relations of Sweden. While Swedenborg here was evidently favorable to friendly relations with France and resistance to Russia, even to the extent of war, he yet held that Sweden was in no condition to enter into war at this time; that her policy was to regain her financial health and strength by the encouragement of trade whereby she could easily gain more than was ever lost by the sacrifice of her provinces; and that in this way only would she be in a position to oppose Russia in the future.

In the Secret Committee, the War Party was decidedly in

the ascendent, and on November 18th, that Committee decided

that "friendship with France, the humiliation of Russia, and

the support of King Stanislaus" should be the central

objectives of Swedish policy; and, furthermore, that in

return for financial subsidies from France, Sweden might bind

herself not to enter into any treaty with a power opposed to

France. (Fryx. 34:60 seq.)

This constituted a decided defeat for Arvid Horn; but it

met also with the determined resistance of the King and the

Council of State, and when these were supported by the

Peasant Estate, the Secret Committee was compelled to a less

chauvinistic programme.

This latter appears in its Minutes of December 4th.

Here, the Secret Committee expresses itself as desirous of

putting Russia off, if she desired to renew the Nystad Peace

of 1724 which was to remain in force till 1736, by saying

that Sweden intended to abide by this treaty, but the time

for renewal was not at hand. Sweden would thus have a free

hand to discuss whether or not to renew the treaty, and could

postpone renewal until she had recovered her strength, when

an occasion might offer which could be used for offensive

action against Russia. The Committee also expressed itself

as wishing to remain free as regards treaties with powers

other than France.

These conclusions of December 4th are so in line with the suggestions contained in Swedenborg's "Project," that it seems not unreasonable to put the date when the latter document was presented to the Secret Committee as the latter half of November. The reader, however, can form his own conclusion from the Project itself - see Letters and Memorials, pp. 468-75.

431

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 432

[1734
November

Before leaving the Diet, we may note that when, on November 18th, Swedenborg attended the House of Nobles in company with Bergsrad Bergenstierna, they listened to an animated and acrimonious debate which deeply concerned themselves. (ACSD 564D)

The new form of government adopted in 1719 had been jealously guarded

by the Diet, which never lost an opportunity to assert itself

as the supreme power in the land. It was partly in this

spirit that the Diet of 1734 appointed a Protocol Committee

to examine the Minutes of the various Colleges. Early in

October, this Committee visited the Bergscollegium where they

had much fault to find. And what is more, they went into the

merits of a judicial case entered in the Minutes of June 31st

which had been decided by the Bergscollegium after long

consideration. (Malmstrm 2:221; ACSD 564C)

This was a case of dispute, as to the ownership of an iron

mine, between General Adjutant Lowen and an Englishman John

Montgomery who, in accordance with law, had been represented

in his mining business by a native Swede as factor. It is

not necessary to go into the merits of the case. Suffice it

to say that it involved a very large sum of money, and

General Adjutant Lowen, in the presentation of his case, had

much to say about foreigners squeezing native Swedes. The

case was decided on very clear evidence in favor of the

Englishman by Bergsrad Lejel and Assessors Benzelstierna and

Swedenborg. Their decision was later reviewed by the Royal

Law Commission and confirmed by the King. (ACSD 522B)

The Protocol Committee reported that the General Adjutant had

been refused a full hearing. The three members of the

Bergscollegium who were concerned in the matter were

naturally indignant at this attempted review of their

official acts, and they sent a Memorial* of Protest to the

Diet. (ACSD 654C)

* I have not seen a copy of this Memorial.

Encouraged, perhaps, by this action of the Protocol

Committee, General Advocate Lowen appealed to the Diet, and

the matter was referred to the latter's Law Committee. The

Committee reported that a majority of its members advocated

that the Royal Decree in the case be altered in certain

important aspects in the General Adjutant's favor.

(R. o. Ad. Prot. 7:600, 8:95)

The General Adjutant, as a member of the House of Nobles, was

of course present at this reading, and at its conclusion

thanked the Committee and hoped the House of Nobles would

adopt the recommendation on which "his whole worldly welfare

depended," and would not permit "a foreigner in so

unreasonable a way to encroach upon the property of a Swedish

subject."

The subsequent discussion was a heated one, and turned not on

the merits of the case but on the legal rights of the Diet to

revise the judgments of Royal Courts and the Royal Colleges.

The battle, which was ably led by the minority members of the

legal Committee, lasted the whole session but ultimately the

recommendations of the Committee were rejected by a vote of

164 to 126. (Ibid. p. 104)

432

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 433

[1734
December

Another matter on which the two parties clashed was the

appointment of Erland Broman, a panderer to the King's vices,

to an Assessorship in the Commerce Collegium; after much

strife, however, the appointment was confirmed.

(SD 5492 Jan. 22, 1757; Malm. 2:168, 190)

Because of the excitement brought about the question of the

French Alliance, the Diet was unusually well attended, and

there were fewer powers of attorney than usual. These powers

were much sought after, and in 1738 the Hat Party by the help

of French gold purchased them in sufficient number to ensure

their own victory. (Ibid. p. 180)

It may be added that Eric Benzelius took an active part in

this Diet, where his influence was against the French

Alliance. (Ibid. p. 266)

We may also note, as a matter of interest, that on Sunday

evening a concert was given at the House of Nobles by Joh. H.

Roman, "the father of Swedish music." That Swedenborg was a

friend of Roman, we shall see later. Such concerns had been

held in the Riddarhus several times during the Diet of 1731.

(R. o. Ad. Prot. 1731:130, 164, 204)

With respect to the literary work done by Swedenborg on his return to Stockholm, he appears first to have copied out all the italicized headings of his printed Principia, with a view to having a handy volume to serve as an index to refer to when writing his contemplated continuation on the Soul and the Body. This copy occupies thirty-seven closely written pages in Codex 88, and was published in English under the title of "Summary of the Principia."

While on the subject of the Principia, we may note that, soon after his return to Stockholm, Swedenborg received some gratifying evidences of the high esteem with which his Opera Mineralia was held.

In August he received a letter written in Latin by a Jacob Forskl of "Koskis Works" - probably an ironworks in Finland where Forskl was either manager or owner. He had heard of Swedenborg's mineralogical works, and very humbly prays to receive a copy for which he will remit payment. He concludes by

thanking God, "who by His blessing has made our country

worthy of so great a genius, so that from thy labor, most

noble and eminent master of many sciences, even I, sweating

in the dust, might be able to bring a highly necessary light

to my darkness; for I am ardent in the intention to possess

whatever has regard to metallurgy." (OQ I:324 = LM. p. 455)

We doubt not that Swedenborg sent him the books as a gift.

The second testimony received by Swedenborg concerning his Mineralia was from Saint Petersburg. The copy of the Opera Philosophica et Mineralia which Swedenborg, soon after his arrival in Stockholm, sent to the Imperial Academy of Sciences, was received by that body on November 11th, and on the 18th, a committee of three of the learned members was appointed to study the work and, in collaboration with one of the Councils of Mines, to give their report

"If there be anything therein in regard to minerals that

would be of use to the Russian Kingdom."
Meanwhile, the Royal Academy wrote to Swedenborg on November 11th, acknowledging receipt of the work and referring to the appointment of the Committee. (ACSD 565; NP 1934:Oct.)

433

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 434

[1734

The report seems to have been favorable, as was naturally to be expected, and on December 28th, the Secretary of the Society wrote a Latin letter to Swedenborg of which a draft is preserved in the Bibliotheque Publique in Leningrad. It reads:

"Meanwhile, since some of the members of our Academy have

read through your work, wherein with happy genius and

praiseworthy diligence you investigate the secrets of nature,

with the purpose that they might be able to communicate to

you their judgment concerning so important a work, it was

certainly not a matter of indifference to me that in the name

of the whole Society I should give you the utmost thanks for

the fine gift you have bestowed on us, and should invite you

to enter into a literary correspondence with the Society."

(ACSD 565C; LM. p. 465)
The letter then continues that the Imperial Academy is in its turn sending to Swedenborg some books "printed in the St. Petersburg printing office."*

* Swedenborg does not appear to have answered this letter, perhaps for reasons connected with the political tension between Sweden and Russia. See Brefwxling Benzelius p. 190.

It is probably owing to this letter that the myth has grown

up that Swedenborg was a corresponding member of the Imperial

Royal Society. See, for instance, the books published in the

1850's by the Swedenborg Society; see also White's Biography

(I:111) and Doc. I:22.

We may add that in the University of Helsingfors, Finland, a

German MS. has been discovered which is a review of the work

on Iron. It is written by a Russian, who was also a learned

and practical miner, as a report to the President of the St.

Petersburg Royal Academy of Sciences, and probably by

Councillor of Mines Reiser. It is a witty, searching and

very just review, pointing out the great merits of

Swedenborg's work, and also its failings - the latter being

in confirmation of the fact that Swedenborg was not a teacher

or a textbook writer. The same reviewer gave his attention

to the work on Copper, but the whereabouts of this review is

not known.

While in Dresden or soon after his return to Sweden, Swedenborg had made several purchases of books to aid him in the study of philosophy and anatomy. Among these we note the following, all of which were found in his library:

Wolff, Ontologia, 1730; Elem. Matheseos II 1733; Cosmologia

1731; Psychologia Empirica 1732; Psychol. Rationalis 1734

Heister, Compen. Anatom., Horimb. 1732

Verheyen, Anatomia, Napoli 1734; besides six volumes of works

by Schurig.

After finishing the abstract of his Principia, Swedenborg commenced to make a thorough study of Wolff's works, and also of a French metaphysical work, Corps de Philosophie by Scipion Dupleix (1569-1661). From these works he copied out long extracts, all classified under different headings and filling altogether 92 pages of Codex 88. The headings are:

Science in General.

Substance, force, matter, corpuscle.

The Prima Nateria, force, conatus.

The Soul, representative force [physical influx].

Power, possibility, faculty, impossibility.
Universal, singular, general, specific, individual, particular, differences.

Quality, degree,

Form, organ, figure, state - (under this heading, Swedenborg emphasizes Wolff's definition of form as "essential determinations.")

434

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 435

[1734

Quantity, size, multitude, measure, part, whole, entire.

Number, one, unity, multiplex.

Finite, indefinite, infinite, limit, determinate and undeterminate; single and compound.

Nothing, the imaginary, something.

Privation, positive, opposite.

Ens, essence, essential.

Categories, predicates; metaphysical truth and goodness.

Homonyms, synonyms.

Subject, attribute, predicate, adjunct, affections.

Accidents, modes, modifications.

Hypothesis, assumption.

The necessary.
Various quotations from Dupleix on a variety of subjects, including the operations of the understanding, the principles of natural things, the origin of the world, motion, vacuum, material of heaven, etc.

Under the last heading, Swedenborg marks with an N - the words:

"The ancients believed the heavens are alive and

animated.... Origen went further and attributed to them

reason and inclinations and virtue and vices... Aristotle

said the heavens were indeed animated but not like others; he

attributes to them an assistant soul which does not have

intelligence. Some philosophers, even Christian theologians

... any angels rule the motions of the heavens so that each

province has its own tutelary angel."*

* This passage is quoted in 2 Econ. N. 635.

Further excerpts from Dupleix and Wolff concern metaphysical definitions.

Those philosophical excerpts and with three pages quoted from Newton's Options, and headed:

"The Newtonian Principle of Natural Things."
In these excerpts we note the teaching of Newton that there is

"an incorporeal, living, intelligent, omnipresent being who

is infinite space inmostly discerns things as with his

sensory."

That rays of light are corpuscular.

That "in the beginning of things, God so created matter that

its first-born particles, from which was afterwards to arise

the whole of corporeal nature, were solid, firm, hard,

impenetrable; inert, mobile, endowed with magnitudes and

figures and also with properties, and number, and quantity

proportionate to the space wherein they will be that they may

be moved; whereby they could best be led to those ends fro

which they were created; far more durable than any bodies

with their hidden interjected passages, which were afterwards

created from them; so perfectly hard that they can neither be

worn away nor lessened." These first-born particles not only

seem to have in themselves the force of inertia and those

passive laws of motion which necessarily arise from that

force; but also they seem perpetually to receive motion from

certain actuating principles which are not gravity and the

force of the coherence of bodies. Newton conceives of these

"principles" not as "occult qualities" but "as the universal

laws of nature."

These 92 pages in Codex 88, of which we are now speaking, do not all consist of excerpts. In the very beginning, and in connection with excerpts from Wolff on "substance, Matter, sorporeity," Swedenborg adds a page (p. 277) of his own reflections, as follows:

435

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 436

[1734

"My opinion concerning substance, matter, body. Because

man confound substance with matter, and call it the first

natural substance, they also confound natural substance with

Divine substance, and this especially by their definitions.

Hence I say:

1. That the first substance is the cause of natural things or of the world; the first force is the efficient of things in the world or nature; substance with force [1st nat. point] is the efficient cause of all natural things and of the world, consequently, it is the primitive in every existing thing or the first in all, all other things being succedants, the first of quality, of quantity, of form, of degrees, of moments, etc.

2. The first matter [1st finite] is thus that which acknowledges its esse in a one only Divine Substance or Essence, which is in it, under it, and with it.

3. Thus and no otherwise can we found a universal philosophy.

4. All that is beyond that substance we have no comprehension of, because it is beyond the sphere of our soul, nor is it possible to move a step in that direction; but it is something without which nothing would be, and thus not nature. This destroys idealism.

5. Thus all men tacitly agree, but some do not dare, some dare but do not have the conception. Confer DLW n. 283.

6. That it is the first natural substance, the prima materia most perfect, most highly similar, inseparable from its force [i. e. from 1st nat. point].

7. Force is proper to it in that it is the force of the whole or in the whole; nor is it force separable from substance; in successives it is separable.

7[a]. Thus you can call it the prima materia, the first corpuscle, the first form, not material, however, but substantial, the first natural substance, not the first of all as to existence, for it does not exist ex se; it is not from nothing but from something. That it cannot be changed in respect to state is another matter; in that it is endowed with force, it can.

8. What is above it, is not above.

9. In a word, it is the first natural cause of all things, and is the natural all or whole in the world. Its force is either internal - this being called conatus, which is its, in that it belongs to the whole of it; or external, which is a mode. The internal force is not a mode since it is the whole, the pure, the all.

10. From its successives, it is clear what it is in the primitive, but the conception transcends comprehension because the whole, the pure and the all transcends the soul's power of judging.

11. It is the first subject of all things natural; it is object, prima material, first and only natural essence. The first natural, in whatever respect you wish, supposes a prior which is not natural; the universal in nature; the universal outside nature which is God C natural in whatever respect you will; but it supposes a prior which is not natural; it is the universal in nature; it cannot be called the most universal beyond nature, which is God.

Following these philosophical studies, Swedenborg now girds himself for the more thorough inquiry into the soul, by a minute and painstaking study of the anatomy of the brain. This study is given witness to in 348 pages (in Codex 88) of excerpts from the anatomists on the brain and nerves, besides at least 70 pages of excerpts referred to in Codex 88 (p. 547) but which are lost.

The excerpts in Codex 88 (which are numbered 1-425) are based on the best authorities of the day, including such authors as Verheyen, Heister (last ed. 1732), a French Commentary on Heister published in 1724, Winslow - whose Anatomy

436

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 437

[1734

appeared in 1732 and soon superseded Verheyen and Heister as the accepted textbook of the schools; the Dutch anatomist Palfyn's work on Osteology which had been published in an augmented French translation in 1731, Vieussen's Neurologia, and ridley's Anatomia Cerebri which was the latest work on the subject.* From the fact that Swedenborg quotes from the French edition of Heister and from Winslow and the French translation of Palfyn comes the suggestion that these quotations on the Brain, or a large part of them, certainly all from no. 256-fin. are witness of his work while studying in Paris.

* The excerpts on the Brain, etc., are contained in Codex 88, as follows:
pp. 366-495 Acont'd on p. 550
" 496-97 - Title-pages described in the text
" 498-501 - missing. Contained, perhaps, title-pages, sketch of proposed work.
" 502-42 - Journal of Travels, 1736-39; preceding which are brief notes on travels of 1710, 1721, 1733.
" 543 - Title-page of EAK.
" 544-48 - Index to anatomical tables.
" 549 - blank
" 550-714 - Continuation of excerpts from p. 495.
" 715 - Commencement of index to excerpts.

It was while writing these excerpts that Swedenborg wrote out the title-page (draft and clean copy) of his internal Opus of which the Infinite was the Forerunner. The first or draft title-page reads as follows: (Cod. 86; 497; Doc. 3:916; NP 1950:74s)

The Animal Kingdom
both
Physical and Psychological*
or
A System of
Natural Principles** and Phenomena
concerning
the two parts of man
that is
concerning
the Soul and Body***
and concerning
the Causes**** and Effects, the Actions and the Passions*****
of each
(and at the same time concerning
the Elementary World wherein they live)******
explored and demonstrated
both from Principles and from Experiments
Physically, Chemically, Anatomically, Mechanically
and Philosophically*******
Usque, diu quae latuere, patent********

* In the clean copy, Psychological is crossed off and Moral substituted.

** In the first draft, principles is substituted for Causes.

*** In the clean copy, Soul and Body are reversed.

**** In the first draft, Causes is substituted for Affections.

***** In the clean copy, etc. is added

****** In the first draft, the words between parentheses are an addition entered at the foot of the page.

******* In the clean copy = Philosophically, Mechanically, Physically, Chemically, and Anatomically.

********What long has lain hidden now comes to light.

437

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 438

[1734

The clean copy is practically the same as the corrected draft, but the

Latin motto is crossed off and some variations of it are

tried, ending finally with the two lines:

Quam multa diu, quae patuere, latent?

" " " " Latuere, patent?

That this is the title-page of the work that was to supplement The Principia and fulfill the promise of The Infinite, is further confirmed by the list of contents of a proposed work which is entered in the notes to Wolff's Psychologia Empirica to which we have already referred (see above, p. 411). See Psychologia n. 217 for this list of contents.

In The Infinite there are several references to this proposed work,* among which we note the following:

* These are quoted in Psychologica, pp. xvii-xix.

Concerning the necessity of first writing the Principle, he says:

"Unless the theory of the elements be promised, we would

labor in vain to come to a knowledge of their operations in

human life." (p. 235 = Eng. p. 130)

Referring presumably to the work itself, he says that in a

"special theory" he will treat more particularly of the

membranes and elements, and show that the motions of the

latter are spread through the whole body; thus showing that

"the undulatory motions in the enclosed elements are the

verimost animal spirits."

(p. 247 = Eng. 137, cf. p. 251=139)

On page 266 (Eng. p. 147), he promises that in a "special exposition"

he will show, with respect to the souls of brutes, many

arguments "which perhaps are not as yet well known."

A little later (pp. 267-68=Eng. p. 148), he states it as his

intention to present the geometry and mechanism of the human

soul "in detail, if God grant me life and leisure. Here," he

continues, "nothing can be presented as affirmative and

positive; for experience and geometry are the only things

which must affirm and establish.... The principal end of this

proposed work is that the immortality of the soul may be

demonstrated before the very senses."

Further particulars concerning the proposed work are given on p. 192 = Eng. p. 108:

"In the work itself," he says, "so far as possible, I desire

to demonstrate to the eye that the soul is perfectly and

purely mechanical; that the soul is immortal; and that it

cannot perish unless the universe be annihilated."

And now, before writing the work, and even in the midst of his studies of the Brain in preparation for the work, he draws up a tentative title-page - a page which clearly indicates the general line he intended to follow.

The Animal Kingdom

Physical and Moral

that is,

concerning the Soul and the Body

with their Actions and Passions, and

at the same time concerning the

Elementary World

wherein they live

438

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 439

[1734

Later, and while still engaged in his studies on the Brain, he outlines a new title, which indicates that he has now decided to approach the study of the soul by a treatise on the Brain.

This new title is contained in Codex 88 at the end of the Journal of Travels from June 1736 to March 17, 1739. This fact, however, does not indicate that it was written after March 1739, by which time the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, as it was subsequently published, was already planned. For, preceding the first entry of the Journal from 1736 come a little over two pages headed "Description of my Travels," under which heading Swedenborg gives a summary account of the three foreign journeys he has thus far taken. (Cod. 88:502-4) It is probable that this description was written in the very midst of his studies of the Brian, and that he then left a number of pages blank for further journal entries, and, skipping these blank pages, continued his excerpts on the Brain on page 551 which he heads "Continuation from p. 495."

The title-pages which we have already considered are on the pages immediately preceding the "Description of my Journeys." On the page immediately following the Description is a very different title-page. Before writing it out in full, however, Swedenborg appears to have written an outline of it in a blank space left at the bottom of his first draft title-page, which is crossed off. There we read the uncrossed words:

"The Animal Economy concerning the two parts of man, that is,

the Cerebrum, Cerebellum, Medullas Oblongata and Spinalis,

and the Nerves, demonstrated physically and psychologically."

At the end of the pages containing the "Description of my Journeys" this title page is enlarged and written out in the style of a title-page, as follows:

The Animal Economy
or Transactions concerning
the two parts of Man (Cod. 88:543)

This was then altered to read:

The Animal Economy
concerning
the two parts of Man, divided into Transactions
here, concerning
The Cerebrum, Cerebellum, Medullas Oblongata and Spinalis
and concerning the Nerves
examined*
Anatomically, Physically and Philosophically
To which is added
The Pathology of the Head and nerves
by Aphaneis

* Swedenborg first wrote demonstrated.

This, however, is crossed off and in its place is written: "The Animal Kingdom according to its degrees and series." this in turn is crossed off, and since the pages that followed were already being used for entering excerpts concerning the brain, Swedenborg turned to the first page of his MS. which he had left blank and there entered still another title-page, as follows:

Deo Auspice
Transactions concerning
The Animal Economy
or Concerning the two Parts of Man
that is
The Cerebrum, Cerebellum, Medullas Oblongata and Spinalis
and concerning the Nerves

439

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 440

[1734

Demonstrated
Anatomically, Physically and Philosophically (Cod. 88:p.1)

This he crossed off and substituted: "Transactions concerning the two parts of Man, that is, the Animal Economy."

This he again crossed and finally wrote:

"The Animal Economy or Transactions concerning the two parts

of Man; here, concerning the Cerebrum, Cerebellum, Medullas

Oblongata and Spinalis, and concerning the Nerves,

demonstrated Anatomically, Physically and Philosophically.

By way of Appendix is added the Pathology of the Head and

Nerves."

These title-pages were probably written in Venice or Rome - after or just before the writing of The Cerebrum; see below, p. 455, 497.

Finally, Swedenborg wrote a title which closely approximates to that which finally appeared in the printed Economy. This he wrote after he had abandoned his previous determination to commence his work with a treatise on the Brain, probably in Rome or Amsterdam before I EAK was written; see below, p. 455, 497.

It would therefore appear that at the time this new title-page was written, he had completed his excerpts on the Brain, and having filled every page of his volume, he wrote his first draft of the new title in a blank space at the bottom of one of the preceding title-pages, where it reads as follows:

"Economy of the Animal Kingdom divided into Transactions of

which this first, treats of the (heart, arteries, veins and*)

blood, its arteries, veins and heart, and in general of the

muscles; investigated anatomically, physically and

philosophically." (Cod. 88:543)

* The words in parentheses are crossed off.

But enough of title-pages.

From the first of these title-pages (see above, p. 437), it appears that Swedenborg's first intention was to fulfill the promise of The Infinite by a treatise on the Soul and Body. In fact, he actually wrote such a work; for, in the middle of April 1735, he presented to the Censor for permission to print "An extensive work entitled De Anima et ejus cum Corpore Commercio." Of the present existence of this work nothing whatever is known, and the fact of its having been written would also have been unknown were it not for the Minutes of a meeting of the Board of Censors, to whom Censor Rosenadler had to report. In a Minute of the meeting of April 21, 1734, we read the fact cited above, and also the Censor's report on Swedenborg's work, who stated that

"in going through it, he had observed some profound

physiological views on this difficult subject, differing from

the sentiments of other writers." He asked for permission to

print, but the Council decided that he should examine the

work more closely, and that permission "might be granted if

he found that it did not contain anything offensive to

religion, the State, and good morals."
We read nothing more of this work. Rosenadler may or may not have reported favorably; the probability is that he did, even though he had represented Aunt Brita in her suit against Swedenborg. At any rate, the sensitive fear felt by the Board of Censors lest the religion or morals of their country be hurt, has certainly succeeded in depriving us of a priceless treasure. (NKTid. 1915:75)

440

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 441

[1735
June

Swedenborg had now (beginning of 1736) definitely passed the Rubicon. His mineralogical studies were forever behind him. Physiology and Psychology were now his sole field of study. But before publishing anything in this new field, so foreign to his position as Assessor of the Swedish Royal College of Mines, he felt the need of extended study. He was, therefore, bent upon again visiting the Continent to pursue his studies in a wider field than Sweden could possibly offer.

But before we accompany him on his fourth foreign journey, we must go somewhat backward in time and see what his doing shave been other than the literary work which we have thus far been considering.

We have already seen something of his work in the Bergscollegium and also in the Diet during 1734 after his arrival home in July. In 1735 he was present at the College daily, from January 3rd to May 16th when he departed for Falun on an official commission of inquiry. This was to prove the last of Swedenborg's services on a Commission to visit mines. He and his superior Bergenstierna had served as the Commissioners for visiting Falun every summer from 1728 to 1732, and now, after Swedenborg's return home, he was again appointed in 1735.* On this occasion, Swedenborg became the Senior Commissioner, his colleague being Wallerius, a man who later made important contributions to the science of mineralogy. They were accompanied as usual by a clerk.

* There had been no Commission in 1734 owing to the sitting of the Diet.

Their work was not only to gather information as to conditions at the great copper mine, its machines, buildings, water power, and possible improvements, but also to inquire as to what improvements might be made at Avesta Copper Works and Coinage, and at the Garpenberg Copper Mines northeast of Avesta which was privately owned by Thomas Funk, a Stockholm merchant. (ACSD 572A)

Swedenborg and Wallerius left Stockholm on June 17th, arriving at Avestad, some ninety-five miles northwest, on June 19th. Here they found the buildings of the crown works in very bad condition, especially the dam for supply water power to the mint works. They recommended the rebuilding of this wall. They also inquired into some doubtful searchings for precious metals instituted by a German by the name of Neuslein, at Bjufors, a few miles from Avesta. From Avesta they went to the copper mines at Garpenberg. Here they were mainly occupied in inquiring into searches which had been instituted by the orders of the above-mentioned Neuslein, both in the old mines and in the whole territory where Neuslein had staked out parts to be dug where, as he claimed, were to be found gold, silver, copper, quicksilver, antimony, etc. All the mine owners, prompted by Neuslein's alluring promises, had given written orders to their servants that they should be ready to carry out Neuslein's orders. Swedenborg and Wallerius found it advisable to hold two hearings at the copper works, to make inquiry into the measures set up by Neuslein. They also found it necessary to write to Bergmastare Eric Esberg, an old protg of Swedenborg's, reminding him of his duty to visit Garpenberg to give oversight and assistance; and also asking him to report on two neighboring mines which also were being run according to Neuslein's ideas, but which they themselves had not been able to visit. (ACSD 579D)

Swedenborg and Wallerius were not favorable to Neuslein's

undertakings. "Although considerable cost had already been

expended on them, they seemed not to have the least

foundation or any likelihood of securing for the public, or

for the mine owners, any of the promised advantages or uses."

441

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 442

[1735
-fin

In consequence of their report, the Bergscollegium in

October decided to call the attention of the civil

authorities to the matter, and also to admonish Bergmastare

Esberg to visit the works at Garpenberg and neighborhood as

often as possible, and take diligent oversight of all that is

being done there which belongs to his office.

Swedenborg and Wallerius arrived at Falun at the end of June, when they at once set to work examining one of the disused mines with a view to its reparation. They also investigated the possibility of the sinking of new shafts, or the opening of new passages for the better ventilation of the mines, and also of the draining of mines that had become filled with water, improvements in hoisting machines, and the setting up of new machines, etc., on all which matters the Commissioners talked not only with the chiefs but also with workmen. They inquired into the progress being made in the examination of the mining accounts from 1715, which had been ordered by the King, and their report on this matter caused the Bergscollegium to send letters to the local authorities to proceed with greater speed. The Commissioners' duty also required them to examine into the condition of the orphanage for women and children. They transmitted to the Bergscollegium the suggestion of the local Governor that suitable manufacturing, such as weaving, stocking-making, etc., be established whereby they could support themselves. This work had been discontinued by order of the Royal Commission of 1724, and this the Bergscollegium abided by; but they gave permission for the carrying on of private manufacturing. (ACSD 576A, 579 I)

The work at Falun occupied Swedenborg during the whole of July and August, but we can hardly doubt that some time during July, Swedenborg left Falun for a brief visit to Brunsbo where his father, who remained in active service to the end,* passed peacefully away on July 26th, at the age of eighty-two, "after having taken a heartfelt leave of those who were around him and wished the highest blessing on the superior authorities, and church and the fatherland." (Brefwxl. p. 96n, cf. Tot. 2:275)

* Old age, however, did induce the Bishop to secure, in 1732, release from the Consistory.

Swedenborg returned to Stockholm from his summer work on September 1st, and the next day he resumed his varied duties at the Bergscollegium. To give some specimen of his duties, and the importance of the College's decisions to iron workers, we may cite the discussion of October 1, 1735, where a certain iron forger requested permission to move from Vermland to Wster Gttland.

This permission was refused for several reasons, Swedenborg

adducing the reason that this would constitute a drain on fir

woods which had been assigned to certain cities, with the

result that young fir trees would be taken to be used for

charcoal, so that in time the extensive fir forest would be

destroyed. (ACSD 579C)

A smaller matter which, however, indicates the form of Swedenborg's mind, came up in January 1735. It concerned the old Swedish and English disputants, Adjutant General Lwen and Mr. Montgomery.

The latter requested the Bergscollegium to order Bergmastare

Bellander to examine a caved-in mine and report as to its

repair. This mine was claimed by Lwen, and, therefore, by

his legal representative he requested the College give him a

copy of Montgomery's communication. Swedenborg was opened to

this on the simple ground that such an investigation was

within the duties of the Bergscollegium quite apart from any

request by Montgomery, and in this he was supported by

Councillor Leijel; but the majority was of a different

opinion, and the decisions of the College were made by

majority vote. (ACSD 569B)

442

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 443

[1736
January

Swedenborg seems also still to have continued in charge of the machine modes which, but for him, would probably have gone to ruin. (ACSD 584A(1))

At this time it was the custom in Sweden to defer burials until several months after the death, the body being meanwhile kept in a vault. In accordance with this custom, Friday, January 29, 1736, was appointed for the interment of Bishop Jesper Swedberg, some six months after his death. For the purpose of attending this interment, Swedenborg and also his brother-in-law Lars Benzelstierna obtained leave of absence from the college for "three or four weeks."

Swedenborg and his brother-in-law left Stockholm on Tuesday, January 19th, to commence their two hundred and fifty mile journey in the middle of winter. Of course they had their own sled, but the journey must have been at trying one, and must have taken at least five days.

The burial took place in Varnhem's cloister church, some 15 miles west of Skara. "Varnhem's Cloister" is one of the oldest and most beautiful churches in Sweden, and many Bishops of Skara are buried there. The funeral sermon was preached by Jacob Benzelius, Bishop of Gothenburg, on a text chosen by Bishop Swedberg himself. (Familjebok, picture; Tot. 2:275)

Further details of the visit to Brunsbo are not presented. Doubtless, all the living children were present: Anna, Catharine, with their husbands, and Jesper with his wife. According to Swedish custom, after the sermon, Bishop Jacob Benzelius read the Personalia, which together with the sermon was later printed. Jesper Swedberg left minute instructions for his own funeral, and it would be in accord with his character that he discountenanced that costly pomp and ceremony which then distinguished the funerals of the higher classes in Sweden. But to judge from universal customs of the times among rich and poor, there was much feasting, to which however only the immediate family were invited. (Lloyd, pp. 121, 125, 124; Brefw. p. 21)

As to Swedenborg's relations to his father, we know little, in fact, after Bishop Swedberg left Upsala from Skara, Swedenborg did not live with him for more than a year when he made his first foreign journey. His visits home after that time would not amount to more then about a year altogether. That the Bishop admired his son, is shown by an entry in his Autobiography - written in 1730 (see Doc. I:352) but doubtless continuing after his retirement - where, in chapter 25, he says:
"God has to this hour been with him, and may He be further

with him until he be eternally united with Him in His

kingdom."
The father could not but be proud of the author of the Opera and De Infinito. But prior to this, owing apparently to jealously, Swedenborg's brothers (excepting Eric Benzelius) succeeded for three or four years in somewhat estranging his father from him; see above, p. 189. (Doc. I:195, 304)

Swedenborg mentions his father only in his Journal of Dreams and in the Spiritual Diary.

In the Journal of Dreams, he records that in a dream he lived

again his childhood days, and heard his father say, "You are

making such a racket Emanuel." Another dream suggests

familiar relations between father and son. He spoke with his

father "who kissed me because I reminded him not to swear."

He records also that his father counseled familiarly with

him, and he called him, not father, but brother. In another

dream he saw himself a member of the spiritual society where

his father was; and still later, he saw his father "in a

beautiful surplice before a congregation," who wished to take

him into another room; this Swedenborg interprets

443

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 444

[1736
March

as meaning that he had begun to read the Bible in the

evenings - an interpretation which suggests that in

Swedenborg's mind, his father was associated with a love of

the letter of the Word. (JD nos. 123, 215, 58-59, 213, 226)

The same suggestion is seen in the Diary, where Swedenborg

states: "I dreamed that my father in life fell into the

water, so that he was immersed, and I then lifted him out."

When he woke from this dream, spirits told him that they had

been speaking about what he had written from the word, and he

then adds: "The Word was represented with me on a former

occasion* by my father in life." This was the reason why the

speech of these spirits had been thus represented.

(SD. N. 4191)

* The "former occasion" here referred to, doubtless refers to a dream which he had five months earlier, when he saw beds, one above the other. The lower bed where lay "no one save my father and myself, signified the Word." (SD n. 3790)

In an earlier dream, his father told him that what he had

written about Providence was the finest. "I remember," he

continues, "that it was only a small treatise" - referring to

De Infinito. (JD n. 206)

That he admired his father as a man active in performing uses, is indicated in a paragraph in the Diary handed "On Uses." There Swedenborg writes that

his mother said "that my father during the life of the body

was frequently absent, and they knew now where; and that he

always returned with delight." He then adds that from this

"It was perceived that by the Lord he was sent forth, now

here and now there, to various uses among men, because his

delight consisted in an active life. It was also said that

without an active life he could not have been in delight.

Therefore, after such activity, he came back in delight."

(SD. n. 4182)

We have already suggested that Swedenborg's little treatise on Faith and Good Works may have been inspired by thought of his father.

Swedenborg's leave of absence was for "three or four weeks," but he did not get back to the Bergscollegium until March 1st. The leave, therefore, had extended to six weeks. This is easily explained, however.

Swedenborg had hardly been absent from the Bergscollegium a day, when a cavalry captain appeared before the College and reported that he had found a deposit of good mineral coal on his estate Mlltorp, about 20 miles northeast of Skara. Since Swedenborg and Lars Benzelstierna were already at Skara, the College informed the Captain that it would instruct them to visit Mlltorp before returning to Stockholm, and examine the coal find and instruct the Captain as to how further exploration of it should be carried on. They were then to report the matter to the College on their return. Probably they had not much to report, for no report is mentioned in the Bergscollegium Minutes. There is but little coal to be found in West Gttland. (ACSD 592, 592A)

Among the cases that soon afterwards came before the

Bergscollegium for decision was the ever recurrent

Montgomery-Lwen dispute. It seems that a phase of this

controversy was to come up before the Mining Court, over

which Bergmastare Bellander would preside ex officio.

444

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 445

[1736
March

Lwen now appealed to the Bergscollegium for the appointment

of an extraordinary judge to hear the case, on the ground

that he had called upon Bellander as a witness. The opinion

of the College was that, since Bellander had already sat as

judge in several matters between the two parties, he could

not be called as a witness in respect to these. Lwen

should, therefore, apprize the College as to the matter on

which he wished Bellander to testify. Otherwise, says

Swedenborg, should we approve his mere request to call the

ordinary judge as witness without reviewing his reasons

therefor, this would be prejudicial to justice as leading

many disputants to resort to the same device, and so would

exclude the ordinary judge from the exercise of his office.

(ACSD 593(3), 593B)

To secure justice both to the judge and to the

contending parties, he continued, there were only two courses

to be pursued. Either the judge should himself declare

whether he ought or ought not to be a witness in the matter,

as in ordinary cases of incompetency; or the Bergscollegium

should first examine whether the call of the judge as a

witness is a mere pretense or has reason behind it.

In cases of incompetency, the law allows the judge to

declare himself incompetent, but in a case where he is called

on by one of the parties as witness, he may not know as to

what testimony will be required of him, and so cannot judge

as to his own competency. It seems, therefore, in the

absence of a special law covering such a case, that another

should judge of this matter. Lwen should, therefore, give

the Bergscollegium specific information as to the subjects on

which he wishes Bellander to give sworn testimony, and the

College can then itself judge whether his request for another

judge is or is not reasonable, and so can assure justice both

to the judge and to the parties in the suit. Lwen would not

be prejudiced by giving this information to the College, for

whether his opponent knew of the matter beforehand, or

learned it for the first time at the Court, Lwen was yet in

a position to give answer. Swedenborg therefore agreed with

the others that it behooved the adjutant to place the matter

specifically before the College for their decision.

Therefore, Lwen's request for an extraordinary judge was denied.

Another case may be cited as a further illustration of Swedenborg's work on the Bergscollegium. A widow owner of a free forge prayed to be allowed to forge more iron than was allowed by the law of 1695.

Swedenborg was the first to give his opinion, to wit, that

the Royal Ordinance of 1731 did not give the owners of free

forges - whether in or outside the mining district - an

unlimited right to forge all the iron up to the capacity of

the raw material or coal they possessed. The Ordinance of

1734 gave this right to forges outside the mining district,

but expressly forbids this to those living within the mining

district. "I do not deny," he continues, "that it seems

somewhat hard for those within the mining district ... when

their circumstances would permit of their forging a larger

amount, but for my own part, I also understand that it is not

for me to counsel something against the Royal letter of

November 25th, 1734, this being a matter for which appeal

must be made to the Diet."

Before his return from Skara in march, Swedenborg began to entertain the thought of again visiting France, this time with a view, not to mining researches, but to the study of anatomy. However, he seems to have given up the idea for a time, and then again to have entertained it. This we learn from a letter

445

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 446

[1736
April-May

written to him by his brother-in-law, Dean Junge of Lidkping. In this letter, dated April 24, 1736, Unge writes:

"In the degree that I liked my Brother's former letter

wherein he told me that the foreign journey was off, so did I

become displeased at my Brother's last letter which again

affirms the French journey."

Swedenborg's determination, however, was taken, and it certainly would not have been weakened by the treatment which his book on the Soul and Body received at the hands of the censors. He was not in better financial circumstances than ever before to undertake an extended foreign journey; for, in addition to his other possessions, he now received a share of the not inconsiderable wealth of his father; see Documents I:123, 352. We see evidence of his improved financial condition in the fact that in April he lent his cousin Schonstrm a sum of 7,600 dalers Koppermt, being the value of iron he had given him from his Smithies at Starbo. This sum Schonstrm was to repay in June 1738, with interest at 6 per cent to start from June 1736. IN addition, on April 30th, he lent him in case 2,000 dalers Koppermt at 6 per cent interest, which also he was to repay in 1738. (ACSD 598, 597)

It seems clear that Swedenborg was now able not only to take a foreign journey but to take an extended one, and to resume that journey to Italy which had been interrupted by the lawsuit in 1722; see above, p. 250. Accordingly, on May 24th, he presented a petition to the King; see Letters and Memorials pp. 478-80) (Doc. I:448)

The King referred this letter to the Bergscollegium, and at its meeting on April 26th, Swedenborg made his proposals. After he had then left the room, these were discussed by the College, and after being accepted were duly communicated to the King. (ACSD 601)

These proposals, together with the recommendation of the College, were:

1. That Swedenborg's office should be filled by some able man to whom Swedenborg would resign half his salary, being 600 dalers silvermint.

2. That after his return, Swedenborg would not demand the restoration of his full salary until there was a new vacancy in the College, so that this 600 d. smt. Would be at the disposal of the College.

3. That on his return, he should again have his former seat and vote in the College. (Doc. I:452 ' LM p. 480)

The College suggested to the King that its Secretary Nils Porath be appointed Extraordinary Assessor in Swedenborg's place, with an addition of 300 dal. sil. mt. to his present salary; that its Treasurer, Hans Bierchenius, become Secretary, and its senior Notary become Treasurer, both at their former salaries; and that the remaining 300 dalers of Swedenborg's salary be devoted to the salary of the appointee for Notary, who [as Extraordinary Notary] hitherto has served without salary. (Ibid.)

On the day this letter was sent to the King, Swedenborg addressed a letter to the College thanking them for their assent to the "reasons and motives" submitted to the King, for his desiring leave of absence "for the carrying out of a useful work which is a continuation of the former which I had printed three years ago"; see Letters and Memorials, pp. 480-81. (Doc. I:450)

By "continuing the former work," Swedenborg had in mind anatomical and not mineralogical studies, but the wording of this petition fully justified those concerned in supposing that the work in question concerned further publications on mineralogy and metallurgy; and, therefore, the Royal permission was given to Swedenborg in order that he might "bring to an end the work on Metals together

446

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 447

[1736
July

with some new principles in philosophy" which he had commenced. The reputation which this work had brought Swedenborg ensured leave being given even for some years for its continuance.

The royal consent was granted on June 1st, but Swedenborg continued with his work in the College of Mines during the month of June when he took part in making the changes and appointments made necessary by his long leave of absence. On June 21st he formally thanked the King for the leave granted him, and at the same time applied for a passport. (Resebeskrifn. p. 63s)

On July 3rd he went to the royal residence at Carlberg to take leave of the King and Queen, but even after this he continued his work at the College, nor did he finally give up that work until July 8th, two days before he left Stockholm for his long journey.

Of this journey, Swedenborg kept a journal which lasted for over four years, written in Swedish in that MS. volume, Codex 88, wherein he had written the journal of his last foreign journey. This Codex contained also the many excerpts from printed book which he had read during that journey, including extensive excerpts on Generation from Schurig. It contained also his Mechanism of the Soul and Body, and his Comments on Wolff which are published under the title Psychologica, and his Summary of the Principia. He had continued to use the same bulky volume when he returned to Swede, and there we find his copious excerpts on Philosophy from Wolff and Dupleix and also from Newton's Optics, and his even more copious excerpts on the Brain from Vieussens, Winslow, Heister, Ridley, etc., see above, p. 433 seq.

From this Journal, which we may add is preceded by a brief description of Swedenborg's three earlier journeys, we learn that he left Stockholm by the public stage on Saturday, July 10th, at 2.0 o'clock in the afternoon, and in company with an Englishman of the name of Fennick, and also his own Bankers Bohman and Hultman - to whom, on July 10th, he had executed a power of attorney for his financial affairs. The coach proceeded by Hornsagatan past Swedenborg's future home, and so on up the hill and past the windmill on the highway to Fittia and Nyköping. (ACSD 608D)

At Nyköping, where he stayed over Sunday night, he heard of a frightful lightning and thunder storm that had raged all day, although, as he observes,

"from Stockholm to Nyköping I heard not the least thunder nor

saw any lightning though I rode all night."

(Resebeskr., p. 63)

Among the men in Nyköping whom Swedenborg met, was the rising

young Stockholm merchant, Joh. H. Lefebure, who owned an

extensive brass foundry in Nyköping where he did much for the

extension of Swedish manufacture of goods previously imported

from abroad. (BL)

On Monday, Swedenborg arrived at his sister Anna's home in the episcopal palace in Linköping, where Eric Benzelius gave him a letter of introduction to Pastor Wolff of Hamburg; but the next day he resumed his journey and arrived at Helsingborg on the following Friday. Here he met the Commander of the Fort, Colonel Lannerstierna, and also the Mayor of the city, Henrik Sylvius, and a prominent member of the House of Burgers at many Diets. Swedenborg evidently moved in an important social sphere, but in view of his birth and learning, this is not surprising.

The journey he now planned was by the same route that he had previously taken with his cousin Hesselius in 1721, namely, across Denmark through Schleswig Hotstein (then a part of Denmark) to Hamburg, Hannover, Rotterdam to Paris which

447

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 448

[1736
July

was his ultimate objective; but then he was comparatively unknown and, moreover, was not recognized as an Assessor of the College of Mines.

After a short but stormy passage over the Sound separating the Danish fortress of Helsingor from the Swedish fortress of Helsingborg, he took his pass to the Danish Commandant at the former fortress, which to him, as the place from which Denmark had so often exercised their arbitrary power over Swedish commerce, must have been viewed with considerable interest. He must also have been struck with the contract between the compact little city of Helsingborg and its Danish vis-a-vis whose streets were swarming with people of many nationalities; for the constant arrival of ships of all nations, for the purpose of paying the Danish toll, was a constant source of business. At 2.30 in the afternoon, he took coach to Copenhagen which was a five-hour journey along the seashore. This was Swedenborg's second visit to the Danish Capital, and he stayed there a whole week, taking lodging at the Krmer Compagnie "vid Stranden, Natricul n. 251." (Gjörwell, Anteckningar; Resebeskrifn., p. 64)

This was one of a number of hotels kept by a Guild of linen,

silk, and woolen merchants in several large cities. It was

situated opposite the new Royal Palace which had been in

course of construction for three years and was not completed

until 1741. Since the Krmer Compagnie Hotel (built before

1661) together with its next-door neighbor abutted too far on

the street, and, moreover, was in danger of falling, it was

torn down in 1749 and erected anew in 1750. From 1734-77,

the landlord was George Ludwig Meurer, a Catholic. The house

shown in the picture was built in 1750, and on the site a

"modern hotel" was erected. Later, both buildings were

completely destroyed by the disastrous fire that swept the

city in 1795, and on their site was built "The Royal Hotel."

This is still standing with the name on the walls, but it is

now used as the office of the National Ridende and three

other papers, all controlled by the Levin family.*

(ANC phot. Coll. 1, 2, 3)

* Information supplied by Mrs. Levin, the owner of the building. See her Danish article with picture of hotel.

The next day, Sunday, Swedenborg attended services at the City Church. "The service differed from the Swedish service only in a few ceremonials; thus,

the priest had ruffed collar with black lining beneath; the

blessing was read from the pulpit [now-a-days, there are two

blessings, one from the pulpit and the other from the altar];

on the altar burned two large candles because of the

communion which was administered. The communion cape was put

on the priest by the church warden at the altar itself.

"There were no ornaments or epitaphs in the church except the

organ and the altar picture. Instead of the bag used in

Sweden, the collections are made in boxes," of which four are

used. The same is the case today. (Resebeskrifn., p. 64)

Later, Swedenborg, wandering around this city, visited two public gardens,

one, a round one, containing in its center a statue of

Christian the Vth (father of the reigning King Christian VI)

in copper - but no solid - on a horse, under which lies a

person with a worm in his hand who is trampled on by the

horse. "On the one side were two figures in copper, namely,

Hercules and Pallas, and on the other, two more with fire and

sword; on the third and fourth sides were coats of arms."

(Ibid.)

"The other garden which is tolerably large and includes

a considerable part of the city, is given its charm by

varieties, allays of

448

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 449

[1736
July

different kinds, clipped trees, statues of gypsum, one of

copper where a lion has beneath it a horse, tolerably well

done; also Samson tearing the lion, done in marble; together

with many other statues, small and large. The orangery

deserves the most attention. In it were one hundred and

sixty orange trees which are not planted in tubs but stand

all the time in their own earth without having been

transplanted; also laurels, cypresses, etc. In summer, the

windows and roofs are removed and they then stand under the

open sky. In autumn they are put back again.

(Resebe., p. 64; ANC phot. 4-8)

On Tuesday he spent the whole afternoon with the Swedish Envoy Anders Skutenhjelm, a man of his own age, and - being a protg of Arvid Horn - Swedenborg probably found him congenial in his political views. Swedenborg had known him in London where he was attached to the Swedish Embassy (1710-14). He was also acquainted with Skutenhjelm's wife, the former Countess Dben. See Documents 2:78, (Sv. Ad. Attar-taf. Skutenhjelm)

At Skutenjelm's, Swedenborg informed himself concerning the learned man in Copenhagen whose names - Hans Gram [1685-1748] the following historian and Royal Librarian; Prof. Hollberg [1684-1754], the poet and savant who at the time of Swedenborg's visit was the Rector of the University; Ivor Rosenkrantz [1674-1745], a learned diplomat and patron of the University - he duly notes in his Journal, after which he adds, with pardonable pride,

"the lettered men have spoken well of my work."

(Resebeskrifn., p. 64)

Here, or at any rate, on the same day, he saw Wolff's Theologia naturalis which had been published in the preceding Spring. Naturally, Swedenborg looked through this work with interest, though he can hardly have done more then skim over its thousand pages. One thing, however, he notes about the work, namely, that "in it the author seems in a way to refer to me but not by name." What the specific reference is that Swedenborg had in mind is not certain, but it seems very probable that he is referring to Wolff's notes to no. 761 of his work, where he says:

"God produced simple substances which are active and within

which are forces modifiable in one way and not in another,

and which are modifiable in another way, and not in this,

when other simple substances of the like kind might be

produced....

"Hence can be understood the mode of demonstrating a priori,

the contingency of the order of nature arising from the

nature of the elements, though it may not yet be fully

perceived, if we would inspect a little more deeply the rise

of the phenomena in the material world from simple substances

as from their fount, before demonstration can come in to

harmonize."

It is more probable, however, that he refers to Wolff's note to no. 787. There he says:

"In the doctrine of creation, it is usual with philosophers

to adapt an interpretation of the Scriptures to the

hypotheses which they themselves adopt. Hence we see some to

whom the hypothesis of a chaos is pleasing, and in defence of

it they say that God first produced a chaos and then formed

the world by reducing this chaos to order, according to the

words of Moses."

These two passages do indeed occur toward the end of the book, but they occur in the chapter on Divine Creation and Providence, which would be the main chapter to attract Swedenborg's interest. Confer Deutsche Acta Eruditorum 1736:193.

The next day he devoted to copying from Wolff's Ontologia and Cosmologia as he should need "during his journey," and also in a "closer examination of his Principles of First Philosophy." From which it would appear that Swedenborg carried these two works by Wolff with him. (See ACSD 542)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 450

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Thursday, July 22nd, in company with the legation Secretary, he visited the Royal Library which was situated not far from his hotel.

"A magnificent library," he writes, "and very well arranged.

Counsellor of Justice Gram (the learned Librarian) was away.

It consisted of 70,000* volumes, the octaves being above

where they can be reached by a gallery running lengthwise."

Among the books he was shown, he notes a Cicero [de Officiis]

of 1465, "which is supposed to be the first book ever

printed." This is an error as the first book printed was a

Bible printed in 1455. "There was also shown me," Swedenborg

continues, "my own work but without their knowing that I was

the author." (ANC phot. 9-12; Resebe., p. 65)

* It is now over a million.

On the same day, Swedenborg visited the famous dry dock, a visit which must have had unusual interest for him in view of his own work at Karlakrona. This dock was commenced many years before, and was still not completed, though the dry dock on which Swedenborg worked in 1717 was open for use in 1724. Of the Copenhagen dock, Swedenborg writes in 1719:

"In Copenhagen a dock has long been desired and much

larger sums of money have already been spent on it for its

completion." He was now able to see with his own experienced

eye the dock itself, though he was not allowed Ato go

altogether in." It is a great undertaking, he writes. "It is

supported at the sides with planks and beams, being about 180

ells long. It is said that springs rise up which hinder the

work or make it both costly and troublesome. If this is so,

there must always be the expense of pumping out the water.

They are said to be stopped up with clay, etc. As yet no

work has been done on the side toward the sea or at the mouth

where the greatest skill and labor will be demanded so as to

fasten the gates firm and tight and free from any sinking the

displacement of the weight of the water; and also to dredge

away what lies at the side toward the sea - as time will s

how." (Om Docken)

From the dock, Swedenborg went to view the King's stables, the stalls and mangers of which were of pure marble. Here, notes Swedenborg,

"stand one hundred horses, all with their names written over

their stalls," The castle was also examined, he continues.

"It is lined with hewn stone which, however, is very massive;

the rest of the building is of brick, the wells are 3 ells

thick and the length is 120 ells. The building is square and

will be quite magnificent. The machine for hoisting up the

stone was a curious one. It is a machine with shelves

fastened together which went up on the one side and down on

the other, each shelf holding two or three stones. Thus a

considerable quantity can be hoisted up by a single base."

(Resebeskrifn., p. 65; Gjörwell)

As to the city itself, we learn from another source that it

was much smaller than Stockholm, being about equal in size to

the northern quarter of that city and with a population of

100,000. Few of the houses are very solid. Moreover, the

streets are very dirty. Swedenborg himself notes that "the

city is tolerably magnificent, with horses, carriages,

liveries, entertainments, two hundred public coaches."

(Rese. Ibid.; Gjr. Bref)

"The city is also infected with pietism or Quakerism, with

the foolishness that they think to please God by doing away

with themselves or others - of which many examples were

heard.

"The harbor is a very good one so that a ship can come even

into the city - even an East Indian ship.

450

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 451

[1736
July

"The country is governed by an intelligent King who is

prudent and serious minded; gives large pensions amounting to

from 5 to 6 thousand Riksdalers. The prince, who is 13 years

old, also shows an inclination to every good virtue."

(Resebeskrifn., p. 65)

"Swedenborg of course, looked at these matters from the

aristocratic point of view. The judgment of history is that

Christian VI, while well meaning, yet did little for his

country. He lightened the burdens of the peasants, but even

so, the latter were little better than serfs to their

landlords. The King was also a despotic pietist, and the

laws with regard to the Sabbath were both stringent and

enforced. (CMH)

"In the great garden is the treasure chamber or regalia, to

which the King himself is said to have the key. In the

summer he usually lives at Fredericksberg, 4 miles from the

city, where is a beautiful garden." (Resebeskrifn., Ibid.)

Swedenborg, being specially interested in the matter, then notes the high amount of the duty on Swedish iron, and he is convinced that they want to keep it out altogether. "All gold and silver on the clothes," he adds, "and also precious stones are forbidden." (Ibid.)

On the following day, Friday the 23rd, he visited the Royal Museum at the south of the Castle above the Library, which Idden has said to be the finest in Europe. (Dagbok, June 6, 1768)

It consisted of six rooms devoted to different classes of

objects. Swedenborg describes a number of the objects that

he saw, including "a little elephant and a very large ape"

(now in the Geological Museum), "a horse in plaster, which

was in Denmark." (This is an error; it was a horse around

which a tree had grown, and it is now preserved in the

Zoological Museum.) "It looks like gypsum. A facsimile of

staghorns, 4 to 5 ells high" (now in the Zoological Museum).

"The drawing of a giant which had been found 13 ells high"

(now in the Geol. Museum). (Resebeskrifn., p. 66)

He also notes [in the first room] the many paintings, old and

new, some of very great value, and he specially notes a night

scene with an extraordinary light. [After thorough

investigation, the Director of the Art Museum informed me

that this picture cannot now be found.] In the second room,

he mentions seeing the collection of medals, including Roman

and Greek, with which his brother-in-law would have been

delighted. In the third room he saw various kinds of

minerals, especially an immense lamp of pure silver from

Norway, "which stood in the corner" (now in the Geological

Museum), and another specimen sharing a lump of silver

sticking out of its matrix, which was Aright curious." He

describes quite a number of the things in this room,

including petrifactions, jewels, mummies, rarities from

Japan, etc. In the fourth and fifth rooms were objects made

of ivory, wood, amber, mother of pearl, etc., and in the

sixth room various astronomical instruments. Here also he

notes seeing a wax figure of a monstrous child with two

hands, a gold horn, dug up from the ground some years

earlier; and Queen Margaret's goblet (now in the National

Museum). (Ibid.)

The collection was a very miscellaneous one, and much of it,

as being of little scientific value, has since been destroyed

or otherwise lost.

And so ends Swedenborg's sightseeing in Denmark's capital, for, after visiting the Museum, he goes to the Post House and arranges to leave for Hamburg on the next afternoon. At the Post House, "he examined the route on the map," which

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 452

[1736
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he then describes.

This journey he commended at 4.0 o'clock in the afternoon of the following day, Saturday, the 24th, arriving at Hamburg at 5.0 o'clock p.m., the following Friday, after what must
have been a wearisome journey even for the healthiest of men.

His companions on the journey were two Danish merchants, one from Bordeaux, and the other from Copenhagen. It was from these that Swedenborg got the information which he notes in connection with the arrival of the stage coach at Roskilde, the ancient capital of Denmark. He writes:

"Here the Roskilde Peace was concluded. A quarter of the

city is destroyed by fire, the work of 12 to 13 murderous

ruffians who are now in prison" - perhaps this was but one of

the outbreaks of the hardly oppressed peasants.

(Resebeskrifn., p. 66)

Ringstedt, through which he passed on Sunday, the 25th, he notes received its name from King Ring. Swedenborg's course, being right across the Island of Zeeland from Copenhagen to "Cosseur" (Korsr), a distance of "14 miles [about 90 English miles], consisted mostly of a flat plain with cultivated fields and also some fine tracts of birch trees." At Korsr, his mind goes back to earlier studies, for he notes observing there "an ebb and flow which is seen nowhere else in Denmark." He also notes seeing there "a lantern for the seafarers; also another at Nyborg," on the opposite side of the Great Belt. (Ibid.)

The latter place he reached after a 15-mile passage over the Great Belt. His course then lay over the Island of Fnen (some 50 miles), where he notes passing through Odense, the future birthplace of Hans Christian Andersen. Swedenborg notes it as "a large city with 4 churches."

At Assens he must cross the Little Belt, a channel about 8 miles wide which even today is crossed in a primitive fashion.* (Ibid., p. 67)

* The distances noted in Swedenborg's Journal become correct only by taking the Swedish mile to equal about five English miles. Thus:

Swed. Actual 1 Swed. Mile ' 5 Eng.

Copenhagen to Korsr 14 70

Nyborg to Assens 9 45

Great Belt 4 14 3-1/2

Little Belt 2 8 4
Copenhagen to Asrs? 29 137 5

Beyond the Little Belt, Swedenborg was again on the mainland, then part of Denmark but now belonging to Germany. Here he proceeded south to Hamburg. The first considerable town he passed through was Flensburg,

"a pretty town, but consists of one long street. Here also

come ships dealing with hemp, flax, wool, wine, to supply the

neighboring country." Flensburg is an ancient city. The

gate of the old city wall is still kept intact. The Along

street" is still there, a curving, intriguing street, 1-1/2

miles long. (ANC phot. 1-3; Ibid.)

Swedenborg also notices Hamburg, some 40 miles farther south,

"a fine fortress, the most beautiful in Denmark, with 3 to

4,000 garrison. The town has nothing special except the

storehouse and arsenal." (Ibid.)

From there to Itsehoe, "a tolerably large city," past the for fortress of Gluckstad, through "a flat land dyked in from the sea almost like Holland, flat and beautiful

"as a garden, with water ditches separating the properties,

groves of trees, fine grain, much cattle, rich people,

populous and built up; most of the revenue comes from here."

(Ibid.)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 453

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August

Thence to Pinneberg and to Hamburg where he lodged at the Schwartze Adler, an hotel situated at the corner of Grossen Johann Strasse and Steen Strasse next door to the Krmer Company Hotel. (ANC phot. 4-50

This was Swedenborg's third visit to Hamburg where in 1722 he had been Part IV of his Miscellaneous Observations printed.

On the next day, Saturday, July 31st, he called on Commissary John Frederick Knig (1690-1759) at the Swedish Posthouse nearby.

Knig, who was a member of a wealthy Stockholm merchant

family, had been Swedish Post Commissary in Hamburg for over

15 years, and was soon to become the commercial agent. He

had literary taste and is "the author [really the patron; the

translator was J. H. Heubel] of the German translation of

Nordberg's Life of Charles XII."

(AA, Notes on Persons, etc.)

Swedenborg also met an army man, a Captain Jurgen Schnaider who was Post Commissioner for Holland. (Resebeakr, p. 67)

Knig lived on Grumen Strasse, an evil-smelling street

containing, of all that is old, merely an old portal and two

or three of the old houses facing on the Canal, which

however, show their old grandeur). The Harrlichkeit where

Captain Schnaider lived is now a dirty street bordering on

the Canal, with mostly wholesale business houses. In olden

times, it was a beautiful location with gardens.

Swedenborg made arrangements for the next day when, in company with Knig and the son of the Swedish Secretary of State, Bror Cederström, a lad of sixteen, together with the latter's Governor, he visited the porcelain factory, as he called it. This, however, was a Faience (glazed earthenware) factory, as porcelain has never been made in Hamburg. (Ibid.)

From Knig, Swedenborg learned about the government of Hamburg which was then a free city.

It consists of 4 burgomasters, 2 of whom are changed every

two years; 24 councillors, 5 Syndics, 3 secretaries, and 1

notary. The Burgomasters got a salary of 4,000 Riksdalers,

and the next best salaries are the notary's and Secretaries'

who get from 8 and 10 to 12 Riksdalers. (Ibid.)

On the following Monday, August 2nd, Swedenborg called on Pastor Wolff to whom he had a letter of introduction from Eric Benzelius, but whom he seems to have met on a former visit to Hamburg. The Pastor lived near his church of St. Catharine.* He showed Swedenborg his (OQ I:325)

"collection of original letters from many learned men,

amounting to 60 volumes folio and quarto, containing the

names of many 1000 learned men in the original." (Resebeskr.

p. 67)

This collection, which Wolff willed to the Hamburg Library,

now comprises 198 volumes and over 35,000 letters to and from

over 8,000 persons, including Luther, Malpighi, Melancthon,

Mosheim, etc., etc.

* Although only five years Swedenborg's senior, he had already acquired some fame by his learning as a theologian and philologist.

Swedenborg also saw Wolff's collection of oriental MSS. (mostly Hebrew) which he had bought from a Burgomaster of Frankfurt. (Ibid.)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 454

[1736
August

Swedenborg evidently made a good impression on Pastor Wolff, for a little later the letter writes to Eric Benzelius concerning Swedenborg, whom he had previously known, that in his own studies which pertain to natural history.

"he is the best and most sagacious man of this age, and has

none or few who can be compared with him in this subject."

(OQ. I:327)

After his visit to this learned man, Swedenborg notes that at his hotel, he

"dined with a so-called Prince of Mogul"
who seems to have given him some amusement. (Resebesrkifn. p. 67)

Tuesday, August 3rd, was spent studying at the hotel, and later in the day in arranging money matters with the Dutch Agent, Capt. George Schneider. (Ibid., p. 68)

On Wednesday, August 4th, he left Hamburg, taking boat up the river Elbe to Hamburg and then the stage to Hanover. He notes in his Journal that

from Hamburg to Celle, about three-quarters of the way to

Hannover, the country is all heath and unbuilt on, "though it

can be built up." Celle he describes as a "fine town."

Thence he passed through "Longthal" (? Langenhagen), of which

he writes that it is "a village about a mile (5 miles) long,

pleasant throughout with oak woods."
And so to Hannover, which he reached on Friday, August 6th. This was Swedenborg's first visit to Hannover where was a court of considerable magnificence, the Duke of Hannover being also King of England. He took lodgings at the English Crown over the Post House. The building is now torn down, but the street remains pretty much as it was during Swedenborg's visit. (Ibid.; ANC phot. 6, 7)

Swedenborg's visit was at a time when he could see the town in its gayest activity, for the Duke (King George II of England) was living there. Of course he visited the beautiful Herrenhausen wherein was the Ducal Palace.

It was then about two miles from the city walls, but now it

is well within the city limits. "The garden is large," he

writes. "The entrance is a sundial calculated for all

obliquities. Then come plaster statues right large in size

and numbering 24; 8 urns, fir trees clipped into pyramids,

comes and segments, and this in great number both where are

the statues and on all sides; lengthwise on the sides are

hedges, 6 ells high. There are two small parks with large

trees, and in the distance are two pleasure houses. On the

left is a theatre, with a basin in front wherein are 3 water

flows, one over the other. In the theatre are many gilded

statues. Further forward is an amphiteatre with small

statues; lower down, 4 of the Royal family, and nearer to the

castle some small ones of bronze, together with cascades in a

grotto wherein the water is received into larger and larger

shells." (ANC phot. 8, 9, 10; Resebeskr., p. 68)

As to the city itself, Swedenborg had wished to visit it in 1712 with the object of seeing Leibnitz, but unfortunately Leibnitz was away at the time. He can hardly have made his present visit without visiting the Leibnitz house, though he does not mention it in his Journal. (ANC phot. 11-12)

He is greatly interested in the water works by which the city was furnished with water through pipes; also a Jewish Synagogue.

Over the entrance to the Synagogue is the inscription in

Hebrew "This is the entrance gate to Jehovah." "The city,"

he says, "is tolerably large; it consists of two old cities,

the new city being called Neustadt. It is tolerably well

fortified." (Resebeskr. p. 68)

On Sunday, August 8th, Swedenborg visited different churches, of which

there were 5 in the city, including a reformed and a

Catholic. "They all have their burying places," he observes,

"outside the city where are the large church gardens."

(Ibid.)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 455

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This is still the case in Hannover, but the churches insert grave stones in their walls. St. Asgidius has stone in memory of 185 soldiers killed in the first World War.

The next day, Monday, August 9th, Swedenborg inspected the King's stables

"which are provided with some 100 horses chosen both for

their size and their color. There are also many mules of

good size." (Resebeskr. p. 68)

These stables still stand, being now used partly as stables

and partly as a rag shop.

Swedenborg also went to the so-called Mummel Garden, a popular name given

to the smaller garden attached to Herrenhauser (now called

Berggarten), which, he writes, "is very pretty with hedges

and trees clipped into different shapes, an orangery, 5 water

works and a row of small brooks." (Ibid.)

These last works refer to the artificial irrigation. One of

the mills for lifting up and pumping water for the garden was

made in England and presented by the King of England to

replace an earlier machine.

On the 10th and 11th of August, Swedenborg studied the

Ontology and also saw "the situation of the city, its walls,

and all that might be called curious." (Ibid.)

On Tuesday, the 12th, he left Hannover on his way to Paris via Holland. His way lay through Wunsdorf to Leese where he passed the night. Over the Weser to Stoltzenau, Diepenau, and Bohmte where he arrived Friday evening, August 13th, but went on to Osnabrck where he seems to have made a stay though not over night. He writes of it:

"Osnabrck belongs to the Kurfurst of Cologne. There are 3

Catholic churches and 2 Evangelical; Jesuit Schools; 4

cloisters, including Gertrude Cloister for noble ladies, in a

castle; the garden outside is called Petersburg. The

Catholic and Evangelical Kurfursts are alternated. (Ibid., p. 69)

From Osnabrck he went on Sunday, August 15th, through Ibbenburen, Rheine, and Bentheim. The latter (Swedenborg notes) lies on a hill and is of little

importance - an old castle on top. It belongs to the Count

of Bentheim and is a Cologne garrison. (Ibid.)

On Monday, August 16th, a few miles beyond Bentheim, Swedenborg passed into the Netherlands. There, via Delden and Deventer to Naerden, which he describes as the best fortress in the seven Provinces, besides being a fine city. Here he stayed over Monday night, lodging Aright over the Posthouse."

"On the way," he writes, "I observed Ammersfort is a fine

large city; surrounding it are plantings of tobacco in great

abundance; for the most part, it goes to Norway and Sweden.

Except for this, I observed that nothing else had been

planted but buckwheat. In many places were groves of oak.

For the rest, up to Ammersfort there are many uninhabited

heaths which are preserved partly for peat." (Ibid.)

As Naerden he took a treckschout over the Zuyder Zee to Amsterdam where he lodged in the Vergoude leuwen (Gilded Lion), not far from the Bourse. Here he remained from Tuesday, August 17th to Friday the 20th, doubtless revisiting the sights he had seen during his former visit in 1721 when he published his Chemistry, and calling an old acquaintances. He mentions being Awith H. Clifford & Son, and many others." The Cliffords, however, were probably Bankers. Swedenborg certainly got the atmosphere of Amsterdam, for he writes:

"The whole city breathed nothing but lucre." (Ibid.)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 456

[1736
August

This is all we read about Swedenborg's stay in Amsterdam. Yet there is good reason to suppose that this stay was marked by the first of a series of events which was to culminate in Swedenborg's being admitted to the spiritual world.

Before giving this reason, we will note:

1. That Swedenborg is now well launched on the study of the human body, his work on the Brain, written prior to his journey, giving evidence not only of a good anatomical knowledge but also of a far-reaching insight into the operations of the soul.

2. That Swedenborg's sole object in these studies was the study of man as a microcosm, answering to the macrocosm of which he had treated in his Principia.

3. That, running through all his work, was the thought of demonstrating to the rational mind the existence and operation of God, and His Divine Laws for the salvation of man.

4. He had embarked on his present journey with the sole purpose of devoting his whole time and attention to the pursuit of studies which, as he himself says, demand Along and deep reflection." (See Lm. p. 479.

Naturally, during his journey Swedenborg did not have opportunities for study; we note, however, that now and again he spends some time studying Wolff's Ontologia, and it is not difficult, in view of the object of Swedenborg's journey, to suppose that this led him into deep thought.

However this may be, we have the following statement made by Swedenborg in his Journal for October 27, 1744:

"In the morning, when I awoke, there came again upon me such

a swoon as I experienced six or seven years ago in Amsterdam

when I began the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, but much more

subtle.... It signifies, as at the former time, that my head

is being put in order and is actually being cleansed of that

which might obstruct these thoughts; as also happened at the

former time, because it gave me penetration, especially with

the pen." See Introduction to W. E., p. 27.

Six or seven years from October 1744 would be 1737 or 1738. Swedenborg was in Amsterdam in August 1736, which would be eight years; and he was again in Amsterdam from the summer of 1739, which would be five years. There is no doubt but that Swedenborg commenced the Economy of the Animal Kingdom in Paris, for at the commencement of his stay there, he writes under date of September 6 and 7, 1736, that he is making a commencement of his Transaction, i.e., the EAK. That work, in very different form than was first planned, was finished at Amsterdam on December 29th, 1739. Presumably that he then finished was the copy he had commenced when he arrived in Amsterdam in the summer.

I am inclined to think, however, that the "six or seven years ago in Amsterdam when I began the Economy" refers to 1736. Though the matter must remain in some doubt, yet there is some confirmation of the conclusion that it was in 1736 that Swedenborg had his first manifestation of those phenomena which afterwards became so familiar to him. For in the Heirs' Catalogue of Swedenborg's MSS., it is said that Codex 88 - the Codex containing the Journal for 1736, and to which we have so often referred - contained

"descriptions of several of Swedenborg's dreams during the

years 1736, 1737, 1738, 1739, 1740, pp. 730-33 and again pp.

741-45,"
but that these pages "were removed from the volume and are in the safekeeping of the family." From which it would appear that Swedenborg's significant dreams began during the same year when he started his EAK. (Doc. 3:784)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 457

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In view of the above, it seems probable that the swoon at the commencement of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom occurred in Amsterdam during Swedenborg's stay there, August 17th to 20th, 1736.

For the rest, Swedenborg must have welcomed the stay in Amsterdam after his arduous travels.

He left Amsterdam in the afternoon of August 20th, by treckschout for Rotterdam, taking the route via [Utrecht and] Gouda, which latter, he writes,

"is a fine city." (Resebeskrifn. 69)

This was a pleasant journey of fourteen hours. At Gouda, he probably stayed overnight; for there, one must leave the Canal. (A Descr. Of Holland, p. 350)

On the next day, Sunday, August 21st, he took the stage from Gouda to Rotterdam, a journey of three hours; to use his own words:

"In Gouda I sat me in the carriage wherein there was room for

about 6 persons, done easily and in a polite manner. The

road to Rotterdam," he continues, "and all around Rotterdam,

is completely laid with Holland blocks of stone set on end.

Along the way are found many brickworks, collections of peat

from the dykes and ditches which is a kind of massed mud,

which is dried in the sun like bricks, and during wet weather

is covered with mats made of reeds of which there is great

abundance growing. There are no farms but only meadows for

cattle feeding, from which comes the plentiful supply of

cheese. And so we came to Rotterdam where I had to remain

for a day." (Resebeskrifn. p. 69)

This day was a Saturday, and there was a fair in the city

"at which I admired a number of fine paintings which were

auctioned off. To pass the time, as it was evening, I

visited a public show, a balancing act on a strong stretched

rope on which a man walked; he walked also up an erect

ladder, and at the top made a number of turns and also stood

on his head upside down, and then turned down by the latter,

during which time the ladder was always balanced. I saw also

the marionettes, wherein was the curious novelty that they

changed in a moment from a woman to a statue, so that above,

where the head had been, there was shown a basket with little

persons in it, a seat to sit on; from a woman to a man; also

to a windmill with sails which went round. In this I noted

special skill and practice." (Ibid., p. 70)

Touring the city, he continues:

"The Bourse is the finest I have seen, but it is not adorned

by such a multitude of people as in Amsterdam, who yet are

the chief ornaments of an exchange." (Ibid.)

"For the rest," he continues, "I came to reflect how it was

that our Lord has been pleased to bless so gross and heedless

a people with so fine a land; has protected them for so long

a time from all misfortunes; has given them command in trade

and commerce over all other nations; has made their country

an emporium gathering to itself the greatest wealth from

other lands, both in Europe and elsewhere. Yet, it occurred

to me that the main reason is probably that it is a republic,

wherein our Lord seems to have greater pleasure than for the

monarchial country, as also is seen from the case of Rome.

From which it follows that no individual finds

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 458

[1736
August

himself obliged or in duty bound to give honor or veneration

to any person, but thinks the lesser folk as well as the

higher to be equally worthy and good as kings and emperors.

This can be gathered from the mind and disposition of every

one in Holland. The only one for whom they can then have

veneration is our Lord, setting no flesh whatever as their

strength; and when the Most High is venerated above all, and

no human beings set in His peace, this is pleasing to our

Lord.

"As to the other reason, each individual has a free will, and

from this comes their Divine worship. They are all their own

kings and regents, as it were, under the government of the

most High. From which it follows, that they do not lose

their courage or free rational thoughts, because of free or

fright or providence, but with full freedom, free from an

oppressed mind, they can set or elevate their soul to the

honor of the most High, who will not tolerate divided worship

from any one.

"At any rate, under monarchies such men become oppressed in

mind, trained to flatteries and falsehoods, to speak and act

other than they think; and when by custom this becomes

enrooted, it puts on a kind of nature, and causes one to

speak, even in Divine worship, differently than they think,

and to extend to our Lord their flattering manner which

surely must displease Him.

"This seems to be the reason that they enjoy a perfect

blessing above all other nations. As to the fact that they

worship Mammon as their god, and strive after nothing

whatever save money, this is a matter that does not seem

fitting for the receiving of a continual blessing; but yet

there are likely 10 among 1,000 or among 10,000 who turn

aside the punishment and make the others to partake with them

in temporal blessings." (Resebeskrifningar pp. 70-71)

Swedenborg may well have been impressed by the prosperous state of Holland. There was absolute freedom of religion, the Demonstrants, the Anabaptists and the Quakers as well as the Roman Catholics enjoying equal freedom of worship as the Reformed. (Guide d'Amsterdam, p. 19)
In addition, to quote the words of a contemporary author:

"All languages are spoke, and all the different Modes of

Religion are exercised in the Province of Holland.* The Roman

Catholic, Mahometan, Persain, Chinese and other Heathans are

here to be seen at their worship, with their Habits, Customs

and daily Intelligence from the remotest corners of the

globe. Here also is ... a well constituted government, wise

Laws, and an excellent Ministry, with clear Heads and clean

Hands, for the Imitation of Statesmen; an unparallaled

decency, order and regularity in all things, for Magistrates;

Fleets, a boundless Commerce, with inexhaustible methods and

secrets of trade, for the improvement of merchants; well

disciplined Troops and regular Fortifications for the

Soldier; Universities, Libraries, and a thousand Curiosities

for the entertainment of the Learned; Works of amazing art

for the ingenious and mechanical; Manufactures of all sorts

carried to the highest perfection, for the imitation of

Tradesmen; Florists cannot fail of being most agreeably

amused here, where flowers are of such exquisite beauty ...;

Cattle and Country Affairs for the Farmer; in a word, objects

for the admiration, imitation and improvement of Strangers of

all ranks and conditions." (Descript. of Holland pp. 346-47)

* Swedenborg was now in this Province, the most cultured part of the Netherlands.

458

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 459

[1736
August

Swedenborg left Rotterdam on Sunday, August 22nd, going by canal to Dort which he found to be a fine city with an abundance of well built windmills

around it. A great many cement mills were seen which are

provided with cement stones from a distance, being taken from

ruins and stones that have lain in the earth for many years.

There is also a salt refinery. (Resebeskrifn. p. 71)

From Dort, Swedenborg sailed a narrow branch of the Mass into the Hollandsch Diep, which is a part of the inside sea route to Antwerp, a distance of over 50 miles by water. This route is still in use for vessels.

Swedenborg mentions the fortifications of Willemstad, on the Hollandsch Diep, from which place they went on to Bergen op Zoom, a town on the eastern branch of the Scheldt river.

The Zeeland Province, he notes, with its islands, was seen

all the time on the right. It lies well below the water, and

must always be protected by walls to prevent any flooding.

On the [left] side were seen gardens, flat and level, and

groves. (Ibid.)

On Tuesday, August 24th, his boat arrived at Lillo, a small town on the Scheldt proper, some 10 miles below Antwerp, and so on to Antwerp where he arrived at 4.0 o'clock in the afternoon. The voyage had not proved a pleasant one.

"On this sea journey," he writes, "the only thing which made

it unpleasant was the skipper was morose, and that at night

one could rest only with great discomfort among so many in

the cabin. The tides hindered our arriving as soon as was

due." (Ibid.)

If the wind is favorable, the journey should take 24 hours.

(Descript. of Holland, p. 405)

Swedenborg - who thus had left the United Netherlands and was in the Austrian Netherlands - remained at Antwerp only till 11.0 o'clock at night when he took another ship; but during these 7 hours, he seems to have made good use of his time to see something of the city:

"I saw the beautiful Notre Dame church wherein were 2 rows

with altars, 12 in number, besides those on the sides and

around the choir; a nice painting was shown at one of the

altars by the high door, where Christ was represented as

being taken from the cross [Ruben's masterpiece]. This is

very seldom opened and shown. The tower is pierced through,

and one saw in the church far up in the tower a roof which

represented the ascension of Christ." (Resebeskrifn. p. 71)

On the night of August 25th, he boarded a large vessel which carried him some 12 miles up the Scheldt to Boom not far from Malines. There he boarded a

"large treckschut, 40 ells long and 6 broad with fine rooms,

namely, deckhouse, cook's galley, etc., and in front a roof

under which the people could sit. The treckschuyts were

changed 5 times; they were drawn by 2 horses. It was a

glorious and beautiful journey. On both sides of the whole

way were plantations of trees. Moreover, the people were

more civilized, and one could now visibly notice the Dutch

clownishness and coarseness when compared with such

politeness."

From a contemporary author we learn that "these treckschuyts

go at the rate of 4 miles an hour, stopping only about half

or a quarter of an hour at certain villages to give the

passenger an opportunity of stretching himself and taking a

little refreshment in the inns. The fare is about 3

farthings a mile.... The boat is drawn by a horse,

459

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 460

[1736
August

and contains 25 or 20 passengers. It is very clean, with a

deck over it which covers them from rain, etc., so that they

are as much at their ease as in their own houses. They talk,

read, sew, knit, as each one likes best; and do not know they

are going by water, except they look out and see they are

moving, the motion is so insensible. The canals are deep but

not above 30 or 40 feet broad; and there is no more danger

upon them, nor indeed less pleasure, than upon canals in

gardens. The boat has windows on the side to let in the air;

from which also the passenger may see the country a they

travel.... Strangers are equally surprised and charmed with

this way of travelling, as it is indeed the most commodious,

best regulated and the cheapest in Europe."

(Descr. Of Holland p. 349n)

The journey from Boom to Brussels, bout 25 miles, was by canal via Malines and Vilvorde, though Swedenborg mentions only the latter place, which

"had a very ancient fortress" - in fact, Vilvorde is the most

ancient city in Brabant. "The land on either side," writes

Swedenborg, "was noticeably lower than the water; yet, as it

rose, booms or sluice gates must be provided and one must

walk from one schout to the other." (Resebeskrifn. p. 71)

One thing Swedenborg noted during the course of this voyage leads him to some reflections on prayer. There were two Capuchin monks on the schout,

"one of whom stood in one place on the deck for about 4 hours

and was engaged in prayer with steady devotion - probably the

prayer was for the travellers. This does not seem to be

other than pleasing to God so long as they are made from a

faithful and true heart, and the devotion is genuine and not

like the Pharisees; for prayer avails much, as it availed for

Moses when the people were slain [Exod. 32:25-35], and there

are many other examples. Paul desired that others should

pray for him"

[I Thess. 5:25, II 3:1, Hab. 13:18]. (Ibid., p. 72)

Swedenborg arrived at Brussels at 11.0 in the morning. There he took lodgings with a man named Cauter in the Runsefall, back of the Council Chamber, where he remained from Wednesday to Saturday (Aug. 25th to 28th), during which time he viewed the sights of the city.

First he visited the Cathedral "called the Golden Church" [? St. Gudolphs]

where the greatest adornment was provided by 14 pillars, each

covered with leafwork, and at each a statute and an altar."

Swedenborg also visited other churches, but he specially

notices the main room in the Council House or Hotel de Ville,

"wherein one could admire the tapestries which were made in

Brussels and which excel the Coblentz' tapestry in Paris. It

was of life-size, and not painter could have made it more

beautiful. Even today they practice their workmanship."

Now, however, all the ancient craftsmen have disappeared.

"The house on the Place [de Ville] and many others in the

city are richly gilded, most of them containing many windows

and being of ancient architecture."

(Lands & Peoples pp. 211-12; Resebeskr. p. 72)

Swedenborg also notes the weapons and other war materials he saw in the Arsenal; most of these were the gift of the Emperor of Austria, the ruler of Belgium. He describes "a shield of iron inlaid with gold of very beautiful

workmanship; another iron shield of very great value where

the figures were damascened; and lastly, we were stirred by

the Kaiser's sword." (Resebeskrifn. p. 72)

460

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 461

[1736
August

On Thursday, August 26th, he again visited the Cathedral, where he noted

in the Choir on the left side, an altar with an altarpiece of

silver and also many silver lamps, large and small. He seems

this time to have been present when mass was being said, for

he notes that "the only thing that seems worth reflecting on

is that all is carried so as to take hold of and fill the

senses, by an outward way, leading to higher and higher

thoughts on religion or on the Most High; for everything is

instituted with so much devotion from bowing, bending,

kneeling. What takes the eye is all that is thought to be

magnificent and high; what fills the ears is the beautiful

music, both instrumental and vocal. For the nose is the

sweet-smelling incense. In addition, many holy objects are

put forward, all to charm the senses, and by an outward way

to lead to devotion - which with mankind seems to be the

means to the uplifting of the mind, since their external mind

usually leads them to reflection." (Resebeskrifn. p. 72)

Swedenborg left Brussels at 8.0 a.m. Saturday, August 28th en route for Paris. His road lay through Tubize, Braire and Casteau, all of which, he writes

"are villages as fine as towns." "In the afternoon," he

continues, "we came to Mons, a well built city with an

uncommon fortress provided with many outworks, almost

impregnable. A large garrison, a multitude of people, many

churches, a large market place. The whole of the road [from

Brussels, 38 miles] was paved with stones beaten level, with

trees planted on both sides like a garden."

(Ibid., pp. 72-73)

Swedenborg stayed at Mons over night, and resumed his journey on Sunday morning, August 29th, when at Quievrain he crossed the border to France and proceeded to Valenciennes, which, he observes,

"is a city of fine houses, yet not specially large. The

fortress is mediocre but, on the side toward Cambrai, was a

height from which the city could easily be bombarded; so it

seems that it could not defend itself for long." Swedenborg

saw something of the town, for he stayed there over Sunday

night. "Was in the church of Notre Dame," he writes.

"Because there was then a fair and a church festival, the

larger part of the church's silver was on exhibition. It

consisted for the most part of coffers wherein lay the bones

of saints and martyrs. The coffers were all of pure silver

and of considerable size, especially two in the Choir. The

silver coffers were 45 in all. In addition, there were 45

other silver ornaments scattered over the church, besides

candlesticks, etc., all of which were of such a size and

antiquity that one can suppose that more of the smaller and

newer ornaments were concealed. A tolerably rich

collection." (Ibid., p. 73)

From Valenciennes he went, on Monday, August 30th, to Cambrai, where he arrived at 4.0 o'clock in the afternoon and stayed over night.

"It is a town of old houses," he observes, "two market

places, large churches, an extraordinary fortification with

many outworks. The whole road was country with cultivated

farms as far as one could see." (Ibid.)

The next day, August 31st, he left Cambrai and, entering France travelled to Peronne in Picardy.

"The whole road was again all country with towns of little

value, yet with many large and beautiful churches and some

forts. The villages were miserable, the cloisters

magnificent, the people poor and wretched. (Ibid.)

461

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 462

[1736
September

At Peronne he passed the night, and on the next day, September 1st, resumed his journey, going via Omiecourt to Roy, "which is a miserable town," where, however, he passed the night. His experiences in France, which he had not visited now for twenty-three years, led him here to write down the following observations:

"In general, the cloisters, churches and monks are the

richest, and occupy most of the country; the monks are fat,

overfed, well paunched, and a whole army of them could be

taken away without being missed. Most of them give

themselves a jolly life, seek to secure for themselves ever

more and more, give nothing to the poor save a word and a

blessing, and yet always wish to get from the poor something

for nothing, for which purpose the Capuchin* monks are

useful. The rest of them again are slender, lean, and

active; readily walk instead of driving or riding, readily

give away what they have, indifferent as to good living, have

wit, etc." (Resebeskrifn. p. 73)

* The austere branch of the Francescan Order.

From Roy, Swedenborg went to Pont Ste Naxence,

"which is a town where a bridge crosses over a branch of the

Seine [the Oise], which latter now divides into four

branches, Paris lying in the middle of them." (Ibid.)

The next day, September 3rd, was the last of his long journey, when he went via Senlis to Paris, where he arrived at 6.0 o'clock in the evening, and so concluded a journey which had lasted eight weeks and which had brought him to five different countries.

Swedenborg reached Paris via the rue Saint Martin, crossing the Ile de la Cit by the Pont de Notre Dame, thus passing the stately Cathedral of Notre Dame. The surroundings, however, were very different from what they now are. (Paris p. 226; Force 3:34, 412 = picture, 1:329)

He took a room in the Hotel d'Hamburg on the rue Jacob, about where the Ecole des Beaux Arts now stands, in the Quartier St. Germain, better known now as the Latin Quarter, but then the most fashionable quarter of Paris. This hotel was almost next door to the Academy of the Sorbonne, being separated from it only by the width of a street. There were eight other hotels in the same short street, all well recommended. (Plan Topogr. p. 100, 87; Force 7:1; Alam. p. 2:135)

On Saturday, September 4th, he took his first walk in the great French Metropolis.

"I visited the city on this [the southern] side of the Seine

or the Faubourg d'Germain. Was in Notre Dame, the Jardin de

Luxemburg and the Comedy, which in Paris is brought to such a

height that I would not deem it possible for it to mount

higher." (Resebe. p. 73; Les Cur. de. p. 2:423)

The Comedy here referred to is the "Hostel des Comediens du

Roy." This hotel was a building erected at great cost by

Louis XIV on the east side of the rue Mazarin, a little north

of the present Boulevard St. Germain, and very near

Swedenborg's hotel. It was under the patronage of the King,

and its actors were of the finest to be procured. Indeed, so

perfect was their pronunciation, that attendance at this

theatre was recommended to all who would perfect themselves

in French pronunciation. (Force 6:257-59, map = p. 214)

462

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 463

[1736
September

On the next day, which was Sunday, September 5th, Swedenborg crossed to the north side of the river and visited the Tuilleries and the Louvre. He notes

in the Tuilleries "all the splendid things, large marble

statues; and along side the building, a park which goes all

the way to Versailles" [now part of the Bois de Bologne].

Only "gentlemen" were allowed in these gardens, which were

guarded by soldiers from the Invalides. (Resebeskrifn. p.

74) (Force 2:149 = Louvre, 78, 215 = maps; Alman. p. 2:456)

In the afternoon he visited the "Hotel Royal des invalides" on his own side of the river.

"It is a palace of marvellous construction," he writes; "the

beautiful church is most to be admired, and also the many

costly palaces seen on the way there." (Ibid.)
This sufficiently indicates the route he followed, namely, west along the rue de l'Universit, which is a continuation of the rue Jacob, returning along the rue Dominique or Grenelle or Varenne, all of which streets contained the palaces of the nobility. (Force 7:120-21)

The church to which Swedenborg refers is l'Eglise St. Louis des Invalides near the tomb of Napoleon. (Ibid. 7:120, 121)

On Monday, September 6th, Swedenborg was busy working, but on Tuesday, September 7th, in the morning - probably via left bank of the Seine and Port Neuf - he visited the old Royal Palace on the Ile de la Cit. The royal family no

longer resided here, but the palaces was used for the

residence of the President of Parliament and for the meetings

of the Parliament itself. All these buildings are now torn

down, and their place taken by the Palace of Justice, except

la Chapelle and one or two towers. (Ibid. 1:328 = map)

Swedenborg notes seeing the shops, probably on the Pont Neuf, and the bookstalls, which are still to be seen on the banks of the Seine. He also saw the beautiful La Chapelle, and afterwards the Hotel de Ville on the north side of the river near Pont de Notre Dame. This building was destroyed by the

Communistes in 1871, and the present Hotel de Ville,

occupying the whole space between the rue de Rivoli and the

Quai, was erected in its place.

(Les Cur. de p., p. 60; Force 5:452, 445 = map)

On Wednesday, September 8th, he visited a church near the Luxemburg Gardens, called Les Carmes des Chausses, founded in 1613 by Marie de Medici. It was a

small church but in extensive grounds, situated on ground

bounded by the rue Vaugirard and the rue Bonaparte, which

latter street and also the barracks run over or near the site

of the old church. (Force 6:214 = picture)

He also walked along the south bank of the Seine, and saw all the bookstalls stationed there, "which (he observes) are of no special value." Crossing over to the Cit, he then visited Notre Dame and its hospital, the Hotel

Dieu, probably the oldest hospital in Europe, having been

founded in the Seventh Century. They are now demolished, and

a new hospital was built on the north side of the island.

Swedenborg notes that "there are many beds" in this hospital.

He also saw the entrance to the near-by Hospital des enfans

trouvs, and he adds that he saw also the Queen of Spain -

who was the granddaughter-in-law of Louis XIV. (Resebeskr. p.

74; Force 1:370, 329; Baed. p. p. 215)

The next day he again visited Notre Dame, and crossing to the north bank also visited the church of St. Paul on the rue St. Antoine. In the afternoon, he visited St. Sulpice, a short distance from his hotel, and one of the richest

463

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 464

[1736
September

churches on the southern bank of the Seine.

Saturday he spent with his old friend Gedda. When Swedenborg as in Paris in 1714, Gedda was Secretary of the Swedish Embassy. Now and since 1730, he was the Swedish Envoy. See above, p. 61.

On Sunday, September 12th, he walked over the north bank of the Seine and along this to the rue St. Paul, and so to the rue St. Antoine to the Place Royale (now Places des Vosges), a public square surrounded with houses built

on one side by Henri IV for workers in cloth of silk, gold

and silver, and on the other two sides, by the workmen

themselves. Swedenborg notes the statue of Louis XIII in the

center. (Resebe. p. 74) This was destroyed in 1792, but many

years later another statue was erected in its place.

(Force 4:269, pict. = 310; Baed. p. p. 202)

On Monday, September 13th, he went to the Comedie d'Italiens,

situated on the rue Mon Conseil. This quarter is now much

changed; still, the location can be identified as on the

north side of the first street to the right on the rue

Montorgeuil north of its juncture with the rue Montmartre or

the street south of rue St. Marcelle on north side. It was

used by a troup of Italian comedians under the patronage of

Louis XV. Swedenborg also again visited the bookstalls.

(Plan Topogr. p. 48)

The next day he viewed the Opera House, which he describes as

magnificent. The Opera House was then a part of the Royal

Palace on the rue St. Honore. It would hold 3,000 auditors,

and was designed by Cardinal Richeliue for operas.

(Force 2:15 = map. 248)

Swedenborg also visited the Royal Printing House in the

Louvre,* or, as he calls it, "the Chamber of the Printers";

likewise the Library in the same building. This was the

Library of Charles V, one of the greatest libraries of its

time, comprising about 900 volumes in MS. of course, and

filling three rooms. See Memoires litteraires, article by

Bowin. He notes also that this day, he went to the Comedy -

probably in the evening. (Ibid. 139)

* In the Louvre (Room of the Gladiators) is to be seen the Borghese Gladiator which Swedenborg saw and admired at Rome.

The next day, he had the pleasure of welcoming to his hotel

General Stenflycht who, for some months, had been an officer

in the French army.

On Saturday, September 18th, Swedenborg continued his wanderings in Paris when he visited the Royal Palace and particularly the Royal gardens. From there he proceeded along the rue St. Honore to the Place de Louis le Grand (its

name was changed by Napoleon to Place Vendome). In its

center was a statue of Louis XIV, "a collosus of brass," 22

feet high, as Lister informs us - but this was removed during

the revolution, and subsequently by Napoleon's order the

Column de Vendome took its place. (Les Cur. de p. I:p. 135,

155, 2:400; Baed. Paris p. 84)

Swedenborg also visited the Capuchin Church facing the Place de Louis le Grand, and also the Church of the feuillantes (an austere order found in the latter

half of the 16th century and welcomed to Paris by Henry III).

464

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 465

[1736
September

This monastery, though smaller than the Capuchina, was yet of

considerable size. All these buildings have now disappeared,

and the rue Castiglions marks the passage that ran between

them. (Force 2:414, 364)

Swedenborg probably went through this passage, for after viewing the churches, he again visited the Tuilleries.

It was probably in one of these churches that he

"discoursed with an Abb concerning the adoration of the

saints. He denied in totum that there was any adoration; but

worship and adoration belonged to God alone."

(Resebeskrifn. p. 74)

Swedenborg adds to the notes of this day, that he also went

to the Italian Comedy, which indicates that he probably

attended a performance there.

On the next day, Sunday, September 19th, Swedenborg went into the famous Ste. Chapelle, the ancient Palace Chapel of the French kings which is still preserved in its entirety. It was erected in the thirteenth century for the reception

of the sacred reliques bought by St. Louis from

Constantinpole, being a part of the crown of thorns, a piece

of the true cross, the largest known; the head of the lance

by which Jesus was pierced, part of the sponge, etc., etc.

It would seem that Swedenborg went to see the reliques, for

he writes that he was "in the St. Chapell to see la

suspection - [? The exhibition] of the reliques of our

redemption." This is one of the most beautiful stained

glass. This is noticed by Swedenborg who writes: "All the

painted windows made a beautiful appearance."

(Resebeskr. p. 74; Singleton p. 59; Fam. 21:71c; Force

1:551)

On the following day, Monday, September 20th, Swedenborg visited the Place des Victories near the Royal Garden, and notes there the gilded statue of

"Louis XIV on a pedestal, with four statues at the sides.

The Place itself," he adds, "is round with houses all alike"

- in one of which lived Swedenborg's Bankers. (Resebe. p.

74)

This monument was destroyed during the Revolution, and after

many years an equestrian statue of Louis XIV was erected.

(Force 2:475 = pict.; Baed. p. p. 165)

From here, he walked a little east to the Church of St. Eustache at the end of the rue Montmartre. (Paris p. 353)

For four days he then remained in his hotel, studying; but on Saturday, September 25th, he took a "tour in the city, which can well be reckoned as about one Swedish mile."

First he went to the Luxemburg, then along the rue de l'Infer

(now the Boulevard S. Michel) to the Observatory, returning

by the rue St. Jacques which went straight through the city

across the Pont Notre Dame on through the Porte St. Martin.

The walk was a very delightful one for, some distance beyond

the Observatory, the road was planted with trees. The way

led past the Capuchine Monastery (now destroyed) and the Val

de Grace Church (a copy of St. Peter's). Arrived at Porte St.

Martin, Swedenborg, who was not alone on this walk, walked

west along the city wall, from which he saw the Hospital de

Louis which he was told, "had 10,000 bed mostly for the

plague." It had been built outside the city walls in 1607 on

account of the great plague of 1606. The present hospital is

on about the same site. (Rese. pp. 74-75; Force 5:397 =

pict., p. 1, 364, 3:304, 427; Les Cur. 1:375)

465

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 466

[1736
September

Arrived at the rue du Temple, they turned south and saw the

ruins of the vast establishment of the Knights Templars

which, when the Templars were disbanded, was taken possession

of by Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, but afterwards was

occupied by various sorts of private persons. Here they saw

the Gothic Chapel modelled after that of St. John of

Jerusalem, and also the garden of the Hotel de Grand Prieur

"which in tolerably beautiful. Just opposite is the Eglise

d'Elizabeth." The original Temple buildings have now

entirely disappeared, but the Church of St. Elizabeth still

stands, though it was enlarged a century later.

(Resebeskrif p. 75; Force 4:223, 219 = pict.)

So they went down the rue du Temple to l'Egliste S. Jacques

de la Boucherie (now represented by the Tower of S. Jacques)

on rue de S. Martin "and so home." The walk must have been

well over eight miles, though Swedenborg writes, "it can well

be counted fully a Swedish mile."

(Paris p. 266; Fam. 21:71 = pict.)

On the following Tuesday, September 28th, he went to the Opera at the Royal Palace, where he saw L'Europe galante."*

"A fine representation," he says, and then gives the names of

some of the actors and dancers. Doctor Martin Idster tells

of having heard this same Opera in the same place in 1698, 38

years previously. He says: "I was several times at the

performance of L'Europe gallants which is considered one of

the very best. The scenery is very fine, an the music and

singing are admirable. The stage is large and magnificent

and well filled with actors; the scenes are well suited to

the subject and as quick in the removal as can be imagined.

The dancing is exquisite, and by the best masters of that

profession in the city. The dresses are rich, proper, and of

great variety. It is surprising that these operas are so

well frequented; even great numbers of the nobility, many of

whom can sing them all, attend daily."

(Acc. Of Paris p. 137)

* "La Europe Gallante was an opera or ballet first produced in Paris, October 24, 1697. Words by M. de la Mottu and music by M. Camp. It is simply a series of episodes on the subject of love. The Prologue shows forgers and smiths who are addressed by Venus to the effect that her chains are more powerful than Vulcan's. Then follow the episodes, Love Scene in France; ditto in Spain, in Italy, in Turkey.

On Thursday, September 30th, he writes:

"At my bankers, Tourton and Baur, and also at Lavalle and

David; the former lives on the Place de Victoire, and the

latter on the rue Honor; they deal in galoons* and

porcelain." (Reseb. p. 75) (Alamn. p. 2:29)

* Galonterie. The dealers in gold and silver galoons were on the rue St. Honore and rue Roule, etc. (Alamn. p. 2:121)

Saturday, October 2nd, he changed his quarters to a more permanent lodging on "the rue de l'Observance, vis-a-vis des Cordeliers."

It is impossible to identify the exact location of this spot

since the monastery of the Cordeliers has been torn down and

many streets have disappeared. It can be located with

sufficient exactness as on rue Racine between the Boulevard

S. Michel and the rue de Mons. Le Prince. But the

significant thing in Swedenborg's removal is that he thereby

came within a stone's throw of the School of Chirurgy.

(Force 5:419)

466

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 467

[1736
October

On Sunday, October 3rd, the day following his change of residence, he visited the Church of the Cordeliers, the beautiful portal of which almost faced his lodging.

The church "is double. I went also into their convent which

is a magnificent palace." (Resebeskrifn. p. 75)

The church in question was one of the finest in Paris. The

same applies to the cloisters of the monastery.

(Force 6:76, 49, 77)

On Monday, October 4th, he took a long walk

"along the avenue des Tuilleries to a little village called

Chaillot where are two convents; farther on was the Palace of

Madrid which is very old." (Resebeskrifn. p. 75) (Plan Topo.

p. 27; Force 2:215 = pict.; Mead p. 222)

This village with its two convents has long disappeared.

Where Swedenborg walked is now the Champs Elyses to the

Place d'Etoile and along the Avenue de la Grand Arme; the

village of Chaillot was to the left of the road and is now

part of the Bois de Bologne. On the other side of the Seine,

Swedenborg saw "the Hotel de la Duchesse, which is

magnificent. It is a fine walk," he adds, "and I speculated

on the forms of the parts in the atmosphere." (Rese. Ibid.)

On Sunday, October 10th, he writes some political item, probably from some book together with some of his own reflections:

"I see that the great treasure of France, which is

called the tithe, amounts yearly to 32 million [livres] or,

with us, 192 'tunnor' of gold, and that Paris, in respect to

rents, contributes 2/3rds of this. In the most distance

places, it is not imposed very justly since the return is

given less than it is, and comes to hardly 3 per cent; also

that the ecclesiastical state possesses 1/5th of the property

in the kingdom; and that will ruin the kingdom if this long

continues." (Ibid.)

The reason for the discrepancy between the taxes paid and the

money turned in was, of course, the farming of the taxes

which was then so common." (Idster p. 43)

Hitherto Swedenborg had been viewing Paris, whether alone or with some friends, without a guidebook. But this week he purchased Description de Paris from which he makes some notes on the Royal Library and the Royal Collection of Medals.

The Library did not open until October 11th, and on the following Saturday, October 16th, Swedenborg paid a visit to the Palais Royale.

"Therein," he writes, "is a fine palace [to the left of the

central court], with ships in the niches [of the columns],

built by Cardinal Richeliue,* when it was called the Palace

of Richelieu and afterwards the Palace of the Cardinal, and

was willed to the King that it might not be alienated. It

was given to King Louis XIII, to his wife during her life,

when it was called the Palais Royale. [The palace first

referred to] was the Audience Room where the Duke of Orleans,

[acting as Regent for Louis XV] directed the government.

There are found fine paintings; also a chemical laboratory

which is separated from the great garden by a little one

wherein is an Orangerie, where balls are held during Carnival

time." (Resebeskrifn. p. 76) (Les Cur. de p. p. 135; Force

2:223; Baed. p. p. 56)

* To commemorate the fact that he had been Minister of Navigation. (Force 2:223)

467

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 468

[1736
October

On the following day, Sunday, October 17th, he went to the Royal Library on the rue de Richelieu behind the Palace gardens, and on the site where the present National Library is built.

"It is a fine building," he observes. Previously he had

noted that the Royal Library contains 70,000 volumes besides

15,000 manuscripts. At the head of this Library, and,

indeed, of all the King's libraries as well as his extensive

collection of medals, was Swedenborg's old acquaintance Abb

Bignon, but whether Swedenborg met him on this occasion is

not known. (Force 2:593)

After his visit he went to the Opera House "where Genies was acted; fine representations." (Resebeskrifn. p. 76)

This refers to Les Genies, a ballot which had been "presented

for the first time at the Royal Academy of Music on Thursday,

October 18th (O. S. Oct. 7th) 1736." This opera or ballet

was composed by Fleuri, music by Mlle. Duval. Its full title

is Les Genies ou les Caracteres de l'Amour. It can hardly be

called a plot but rather a series of talks on l'Amour by

Daius, Gnomes, Elves, Salamanders, Genies and Plaisirs. Mlle.

Pellicier sang the part of Azire, and Melles Autier and Fell

were also "Actors Chansants." The four scenes of the opera

were: L'mour Indiscrete, l'Amour Ambitieuse, l'Amour

Violent, and l'Amour Leger. Swedenborg then gives the names

of the dancers and of the actors.

(See letter from Lib. of Congress to AA)

A day or two later he attended the Sorbonne near his residence, and

"heard their disputes in theological matters, which went

tolerably well. Each opponent had a lined cloak. But all

was done by syllogism. The Sorbonne is a fine house. It was

first presented as a gymnasium by a certain Sorbon in 1260,

who exchanged lands with St. Louis and got additional land.

By Richelieu it was built up to what it is now. His tomb is

in the church. 6 professors deliver lectures daily. It has

a valuable library."

(Resebeskrifn. p. 76) (Force 5:526, 499, 515, 529)

On Monday of the next week, October 25th, Swedenborg visited the cloister of St. Victor (on the site of which, now stands the Zoological Garden). Here, he writes:

"is a great cloister which is built up with passages in the

old style; there is also a tolerably big and fine garden.

The cloister consists of a church which is small, and a

cloister built in 1115. The Abb has 35,000 livres per year.

The cloister consists of Augustines. The Abb must be a man

of quality. It has a fine library with 3,000 manuscripts

gathered by many persons. It is open three times a week,

Monday, Wednesday and Saturday.

"The Royal Garden, or Garden of the King, is next to it.

It is of great extent, with many foreign plants to the number

of 4,000. It contains also a grove of wild trees and a tower

of a height so that from it one can see a great part of the

city. The garden was begun in the time of the great Henry.

The chief Physician to the King has superintendence of it.

Every week public lectures are held in botany, chemistry and

anatomy. At the entrance are two apartments; here is found

Pitton Tournefort's cabinet of rarities and also an herbarium

of 6,000 plants." (Resebeskrifn. p. 76; Force 4:640)

The garden here referred to was the King's "Medicinal

Garden." The present Botanical Garden is now on its site.

The lectures were free to the public and were given in June

and July in one of the buildings referred to in which was a

chemical laboratory. (Force 4:439)

468

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 469

[1736
October

Swedenborg does not omit to note the existence of the great neighboring wood yard between the Royal Garden and the Seine. (Force 4:524)

Immediately south of the Garden, on the other side of the

street, is the "Hopital de la Pitie, an old building where

boys and girls were supported by work, and leaving there to

go into service or to be married; they are also sent to the

colonies. It is under the jurisdiction of the General

Hospital, of which it is a branch." (Resebeskrifn. p. 77;

Force 4:642-3)

This hospital, which was part of the General Hospital, is

still in existence on the same site.

On the way he passed the Cloister and Church of St. Genevieve, the Patron Saint of Paris.

The church fell into decay and was pulled down and replaced

by the Pantheon. (Force 1:102)

Swedenborg notes that the "Abbey is from the Fifth or Sixth

century and consists of Augustines. The Abbey receives

70,000 livres a year. The Abbot has great power. When the

procession takes place with [the relics of] St. Genevieve, he

goes with mitre and cross [borne before him] and gives

benediction on the streets, over the Archbishop of Paris.*

This church is greatly renowned," continues Swedenborg. "It

has a beautiful garden and also a fine library. St. Genevieve

is there by the Choir of the altar, richly adorned; her

procession is magnificent with its richness. In the Church

Cardinal Rochefoucauld is buried, and also Des Cartes."

* The privilege of having the mitre and cross in this procession was a special privilege granted to the abbots of St. Genevieve in 226. In the procession, the Archbishop walks on the left, and the Abbot on the right - thus taking precedence - each preceded by his mitre and cross; and along the course to Notre Dame, the Archbishop gives the blessing to the people on the left, and the Abbot to those on the right (see Sevigny's Letters, no. 64). It may be added that the relics of St. Genevieve were scatted to the winds by the revolutionaries of Paris, and the gold chest containing them was melted into money. (Force 5:102-3, 239)

The tomb of Des Cartes was adorned with a bust of the

philosopher. (Force 5:244)

On the following Saturday, October 30th, Swedenborg went to the Pont Royal, the only bridge then in Paris which crosses the whole river. It is a solid structure of stone, and still stands as built in 1685. (Plan Topo. p. 44)

Here, on the south side of the Seine, he visited the Church of St. Theatins (an austere religious Order of Monks). It is now entirely destroyed.

He then crossed the pont Royal and, passing the Tuilleries, visited the Convent of the bare-footed Augustines, just northwest of the Place des Victoires.

In their church he heard a sermon by Guillaume, one of the

Royal Chaplains. "He acted as a Comedian at the theatre, but

much better." (Rese. Ibid.)

A few days later, on Wednesday, November 3rd,* he attended the solemn opening of Parliament, which sits at the old Royal Palais on l'Ile de la Cit.

* Swedenborg has probably erred in entering this date, as the opening of Parliament was on November 12th (Force 1:149).

469

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 470

[1736-1737
Nov.-Jan.

"In the great hall on one side," Swedenborg notes, "where is

an altar with a beautiful altar cloth, a sermon is preached.

There are lights lit and music. The members are in their red

robes. A bishop gave the potential mass."

(Resesbeskrifn. p. 77)

Later in the day he again visited the beautiful St. Chapelle which, as he notes:

"was built by St. Louis in 1245. There was shown two

enamelled pictures, the one representing Christ on the Cross,

and the other His resurrection. They were in oval form,

three-quarters of an ell; around them were 4 small round

pictures, and between them still others, all of great value.

The original was also shown, where the Emperor Broudowin

[Baldwin] presents to St. Louis a quantity of relics

consisting of [a piece of] the cross, [of] the crown of

thorns, the lance head, clothing, sponge, etc. [see p. 464

above] all of which are hidden away here. They were secured

in Constantinople, and were bought at a very high price."

(Ibid.)

These relics are now at Notre Dame. A case enclosing a piece

of the true cross was exposed every Friday.

(Force 1:557, 554; Baed. Paris p. 210)

Swedenborg makes no note in his Journal from November 3rd [? 12th] till January 1737, when he writes:

"I was in St. Genevieve's, who is the Patroness of Paris.

There here tomb is set in the front of the church, resting on

a high altar, with a multitude of genuine diamonds,

surrounded by light." (Rese. Ibid.)

The tomb of St. Genevieve behind the grand altar is truly

magnificent, and is supported by four great ionic pillars,

two of marble, and two of jasper, on which stand four virgins

over life size, who seem to support the tomb; each of them

holds a candelabrum in her hand. There was also a priceless

crown of diamonds. (Force 1:238-39)

The above brief journal entry is followed by some notes, copied perhaps from the Description de Paris, but certainly indicating Swedenborg's desire to know something of the constitution of the country where he was going to live for more than a year.

He notes the names of the great officers who constitute the Council of State, namely, the King, the Prince of Orleans, the Cardinal Premier, the Keeper of the Seals, the Marshal of the Army, the Secretary of State and the Treasurer. (Resesbeskrifn. p. 77)

In notes further, that there are 14,777 convents in France, and from 3 to

400,000 devotees. The churches possess 9,000 palaces, 1,356

abbeys, 567 abbeys for women, 13,000 priories, 15,000

chapels, 140,000 parishes and curs, 18 archbishops, 112

bishops, 776 abbs and 280 abbesses, all being nominated by

the King. Some notes follow enumerating the members of the

Royal family. (Ibid. p. 78)

Then comes the last entry of his movements in Paris. It is dated January 23rd, 24th (Sunday and Monday) and reads:

"I was in St. Denis and saw the King's vaults and the

treasurer there found, of which more below." (Ibid.)

The St. Denis here referred to is the Basilica of St. Denis,

some two miles north of the Port St. Denis, and some six

miles from Swedenborg's lodgings. The Basilica was completely

destroyed during the Revolution, as being the burial place of

the French kings. The treasures here referred to are

preserved in the Abbey St. Denis,

470

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 471

[1737
January

which was at the side of the church. They included sacred

relics, and were kept in five closets or cupboards. (Baed.

p. 306; Force 8:17)

This visit was perhaps inspired by Swedenborg's reading concerning the Royal family. At any rate, the note concerning it is immediately followed by a list of the reigning Royal families.

On his way to St. Denis, Swedenborg describes the "pyramids in memory of

Philippe Hardy, St. Louis' son, who carried his father's

bones in 1271." (Resesbeskrifn. p. 79)

These "7 pyramids are of stone, and on each of them were the

statues of three kings, and over all a crucifix." They were

planted at equal distances between the Port St. Denis and the

Basilica, in memory of Philippe's carrying on his shoulders

the bones of St. Louis to be buried at St. Denis.

(Force 8:18)

He then continues:

"In St. Denis many curiosities were to be seen: 1) A clock

which showed the sufferings of Christ and much else merely by

weights, the one after the other."

Coming to the church itself, Swedenborg notes: "The church is

an ancient one, having been brought to perfection mainly by

Dagobert. Inside were windows curious from their paintings

and figures. The chapels there are all said to be rich. Saw

a cross of solid gold." This cross was 2-1/2 feet long and 2

feet across, and it enclosed a piece of the true cross. It

was a most beautiful piece of work, and was set in with

rubies, sapphires, emeralds and pearls. It had been

presented to Philippe Augustus by Baldwin, Emperor of

Constantinople. (Rese. Ibid.; Force 8;18)

Swedenborg then speaks of the tombs:

"The first to be buried there, so far as one knows, was

Dagobert, the son of Chilperic in 580.* St. Louis caused a

great number of epitaphs to be set up for his ancestors.

Charles VIII's tomb is of black marble and bronze. Louis

XII's is the finest in architecture." This was the first tomb

to be carved in France in the style of the old architecture.

The King and his consort are represented on their knees and

in life size. (Force 8:10, 13)

* He was buried in St. Denis in 638. His tomb was, however, destroyed by the Mormans but was restored when the church was rebuilt in the thirteenth century.

Louis XIV's tomb is still covered over; for, so long as the

successor is living, the Royal tomb is not uncovered. In the

Vallois' grave are buried Catharine de Medici and her Consort

Henri II, together with many others" [being their eight

children]. This tomb had been in the Chapelle des Valois

built by Catharine de Medici, but owing to decay it was

removed to the body of the church in 1719. (Ibid. 14-15)

"In addition to kings," Swedenborg continues, "there are

buried there Vicomte de Turenne who has a fine epitaph."

This was the last tomb to be erected prior to Swedenborg's

visit, and was justly esteemed as a great work of art.

Swedenborg also mentions some other no-royal names, and he

adds:

"Yet these tombs have been injured in part by domestic wars.

The Emperor [Charles] le Chauve [the Bald] is the only

Emperor one knows of to be buried there. He is in his

imperial robes." (Rese. p. 79) (Force 8:11)

471

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 472

[1737

"In the Treasury des armoires [of the closets] is much that

is remarkable, including genuine stones, diamonds, solid

gold, agate, crowns, crucifixes, monstrants. Here was the

largest diamond I have ever seen, which was in the coronation

crown of the present king; also a great number of reliquaries

which are said to be enclosed [in various articles] there,

for instance, in a large ruby; [this was a ruby of rare value

in which was inserted at horn from the crown of thorns];

besides other works of gold [containing relics] such as

Christ's cross, and various things belonging to St. Denis. I

was shown a vase of porphyry of great size which is said to

be the most beautiful porphyry ever seen; it was brought here

from Poitiers by Dagobert. What it was used for is doubtful.

(Resesbeskrifn. p. 79) (Force 8:33, 29, 22, 35)

This sightseeing evidently took up the whole day, for

Swedenborg adds that he stayed over night at the Hotel Au

Mouton.

He concludes this part of his Journal by a list of the Royal

personages in England and of the Provinces in France.

Then follows the last note of trips while in Paris, namely,

"1737 July 30 [a Saturday] I journeyed to Passy and saw

the Passy Springs. There are two of them, both quite deep in

the ground as though in a cellar. In each of them are two

streams, there being thus 4 streams in all. In the new

spring, however, there are 3 streams. The waters are

feruginous or vitriolic, as with us. For the rest, they

usually take the iron from these waters by pumping them into

clay pots which are covered with slate and left standing for

a month when all the ochre settles to the bottom. The water

is then almost sweet. It is then put in earthen bottles and

so is sold. It sells for 5 stywers a pint."

(Resesbeskrifn. p. 80)

These walls are still in existence. Their location is about

on the inside of the angle formed by rue Victor Herbert and

the rue Henri Martin. (Baed. Paris p. 161)

From Passy, Swedenborg continued his walk through Chaillot and the Bois de Bologne, crossing the Seine at Neuilly. Here he turned left and visited the monastery Calvaire near the village of Suresnes. This would make a walk of some nine miles one way only. Calvaire, he writes,

"is on a high mountain near Suresnes. There are 7 chapels

where the pictures are tolerably well done, which represent

the holy passion. In the church is the sepulchre of Christ

in the same form as found at mount Calvary. Here is a large

and beautiful garden from which one can see the country on

all sides and many small towns." (Rese. Ibid.)

The mountain in question is called Mount Valerien; the

monastery has long been destroyed, and it is now occupied by

one of the most important defensive forts around Paris. The

place is noted for its fine panorama. Swedenborg probably

stayed in the village over night and returned on Sunday. See

Mead. p. 223.

This is the end of Swedenborg's sightseeing in Paris so far as his journal is concerned. This sightseeing indicates that he had a vigorous constitution and a healthy interest in his surroundings and in the government of the country in which he was. Doubtless he took many excursions during the intervals of his studies; but as those studies more fully occupied his time, he omits to enter any account of his walks and other experiences. The quotations on the Brain are practical evidence of Swedenborg's studies. See above, p. 436.

472

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 473

[1737
July

What was the nature of those studies? It seems certain that from the beginning he had had the determination to come to Paris, nor merely to consult books in a library, but to take a definite course of study; and, from the fact of his moving to the neighborhood of the Ecole de Chirurgie as well as from more conclusive indications, there can hardly be a question but that his object was the study of anatomy, and especially dissection - for Swedenborg was already well read in anatomy. The school of Dissection was but a stone's throw from his new lodgings.

That Swedenborg practiced dissections is well known from his own statement in the Preface to the Economy:

"When I was stretching my sight and my mind in deeply

searching into the recesses of the human body, I found that

as soon as I came across anything not previously observed, I

began (perhaps from self-love) to be blind to the most sharp-

sighted investigations and examinations of others, so that I

wished to lead the whole series of rational inductions in

this direction, and, consequently, could no longer sincerely

look to an comprehend the idea of universals in individuals,

and of individuals under universals, in the way the subject

demanded. Nay, when from my observations I formed

principles, I seemed to myself to see in the former much to

confirm them, when yet such was not the real case, as I saw.

Wherefore, laying aside my instruments, and restraining my

desire, I chose rather to accept the investigations of

skilled men than to rely on myself." (Econ. 1: n. 18)

Later he returns to this theme when, after speaking of the necessity in these studies of a thorough knowledge of anatomy, he says:

"I admit that I have made use of the vigilant labors and the

ocular evidences elaborated with great care by men

preeminently worthy of credit, and have not drawn from my own

store save in a few cases; but I have preferred to learn by

sight rather than by touch, for I have found that those who

are furnished with particular and private experience are more

readily carried off to the wrong side and to perverse notions

than those who are furnished with general experience common

to all; for, besides giving greater study and favor to

external sensation than to the mind within the sensation, and

prejudging concerning all things from their own little store,

there is also this, that in all that has been discovered,

conceived and hatched out by themselves, they are smitten

with love, contemplating, as it were, an image of themselves

as a father does in his offspring. This is the reason why so

often they look down with royal disdain on those who do not

honor and worship what they themselves so desperately love."

(Ibid. N. 214)

See The Cerebrum nos. 99, 339 (on the brain of a sheep), 562,

1023 (as observed by Dr. Petit.)

In the Economy, Swedenborg gives specific instances of his dissections. In no. 403, he speaks of the result of his dissection of a sheep's heart. Later he says:

"Sometimes, following the directions of the muscular planes,

by carefully picking them out, I found little ducts which

finally applied themselves to the coronary vessels of both

kinds" (no. 409).
Again, speaking of the difficulty of tracing the course of the par vagum, he writes:

"Yet, when I was occupied in exploring this nerve, I followed

it up to many regions, and did not see a single region into

which it turned for the sake of receiving sensation or

producing voluntary motion," etc. (no. 485)

He seems even to have done some vivisection; at any rate, this is suggested by a passage in his Economy where he gives the results of his dissection of a

473

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 474

[1737
July

drake. He instituted his investigation by taking a drake because he was especially interested in the question of the animation of the brain. This animation, he observes,

"flows into the respiration of the lungs by natural

necessity; and there are amphibia which alternately live

under water and in the air, or which alternately draw the

breath of their lungs and retain it. Hence the desire came

to me to examine the brains of such animals; but though I

opened many, I wish to set forth only those of the drake,

this being an aquatic bird, as well know, which immerses into

the water sometimes his whole body, sometimes his neck and

head, and so for some time holds the breath, if not of his

brain, still of his lungs. Certainly a remarkable spectacle

presents itself, and one well worth seeing, if after the

cranium has been removed their brain is laid bare, either

while they are living or when they have been put to death by

twisting their neck; for in either case the arteries of their

brain come to view being plainly see through the dura

maninx." He then continues with a long description of what

he has observed, and he illustrates it by a figure "drawn

with an unskilled pen." (EAK 2:n. 43)

He speaks elsewhere of dissecting brains, and suggests that he has had in mind the study of comparative anatomy. In this connection, he makes the remarkable observation:

"From the brains which I have examined, I am persuaded that

there is as much difference between the animal fluid and the

human spirituous fluid, as there is between an inferior

degree and a superior" (n. 340).

That before writing the Economy of the Animal Kingdom Swedenborg's studies in anatomy had been thorough and comprehensive, is attested to by himself when writing on the cortex of the brain:

"Here examination of the cortex brings little light;

examination of the whole brain brings more, and examination

of the nerves of the body still more. Hence I ought to

follow the cortical substance even to the nerves, and

afterwards it will easily be seen whether the things

discovered are truth; for every following Transaction on the

brain and body, with their infinitude of particulars, will

then surely range themselves on their side. From a careful

scrutiny of these nerves - for I have run through the whole

of the animal system, as here I have done with the cortical

and afterwards with the medullary substance - I finally

acquired for myself this universal idea concerning the

circulation of the animal spirits" (n. 117)

Again, when speaking of the soul and the impossibility of studying it unless certain doctrines are formulated, and unless there is a good knowledge of anatomy, pathology, and psychology, he writes:

"This and no other was the reason why I have diligently

examined the anatomy of the body, especially the human body,

with assiduous researchings and intense study of mind, so far

as experience has laid it bare, examining its several parts

with the same industry as I have used here in the examination

of the cortical substance." (n. 214)

When we consider the immense detailed and comprehensive knowledge of anatomy displayed in Swedenborg's first physiological work, The Cerebrum, we can come to no other conclusion than that Swedenborg's object in visiting France was the study of anatomy.

If we look back upon Swedenborg's life, we shall see that his visit to France was the first opportunity he had of making a special study of anatomy.

474

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 475

[1736

True, he gives evidence of a good knowledge of the nerves, but this is due to his reading of Baglivi's De Fibra Motrice, and also to what anatomy he had learned in Upsala.

After then his mind was taken up with chemistry and mineralogy. It was when the Principia was finished that Swedenborg first turned to anatomy as a special subject, and it was at this time that he wrote from a German work his notes on the human body, and also made long excerpts from Schurig's works which he came across in Dresden. In the Infinite he promises to write more specifically on the commerce of soul and body, and, as we have seen, he contemplated fulfilling this promise by a work to be entitled "The Animal Kingdom concerning the Soul and Body" and to deal with the Brain and Nerves. See above, pp. 436, 438-39.

In the early months of 1735, he actually wrote "an extensive work on the soul and its commerce with the body." But besides the fact that this work was lost at the Censors (se above p. 439), Swedenborg probably felt the need of more special anatomical knowledge, and it was this in view that in 1735-36 he made those copious extracts on the brain that fill one hundred and thirty closely written pages of Codex 88 prior to the Journal of his French journey. It was in writing these that Swedenborg was still more impressed with the need of special anatomical studies. As a consequence, very early in 1736 he laid his plans accordingly. He seems, however, to have abandoned them for a time (see above, pp. 444-45, Unge's letter), but early in April he reached his final determination.

And now we must go back to the time of Swedenborg's arrival in Paris, on September 3, 1736, to note so far as possible the nature of his studies in the intervals of sightseeing. And here we would point out that the Paris journal goes from September 1, 1736 to November 3rd, with a few entries for June 1737 and one for July. While he saw much of Paris, yet most of his time was given to study.

On September 6th he writes:

"Drafted my entrance to the Transactions that the soul of

wisdom is the acknowledgment and cognition of the Deity."

(Resesbeskrifn. p. 74)

On the following day, after a visit to the city, he writes:

"Drafted the first Transaction that the time is at hand that

we must search into nature from effects." (Ibid.)

On the 10th and 11th he writes:

"Worked on the plan of my work concerning the auras in

general." (Ibid.)

This is the last note concerning any actual writing.

On October 2nd he moves to his new lodgings near the Anatomical School, and two days later, after speaking of a long walk through the Bois de Bologne, he writes:

"A pleasant promenade, and I speculated on the forms of the

parts in the atmospheres"; (Ibid. p. 75)
and then complete silence so far as studies are concerned.

Examining the dates in the Journal when Swedenborg took trips, these would indicate that his serious studies commenced early in November; that he made a holiday in the early days of January and again in July; and after this there are no Paris entries.

The brief notes of his study which we have cited from the Journal indicate that Swedenborg, in his contemplated work on the Soul and Body had in mind the

475

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 476

[1737-38

application to this work of the doctrine of the atmospheres (see above, p. 437), which he had established in Principia; and this is confirmed by the published Economy, where many references to the Principia are made with this object.

In the second volume of his Economy of the Animal Kingdom, Swedenborg gives us some idea of his thoughts when thinking of the plan of this work, and also a suggestion as to why he decided not to commence with the Brain.

"When contemplating a treatment on the Brain," he writes, "I

was long swayed in doubt from what point to commence, whether

from the dura mater which first meets the eye of him who

opens the head, or from the arteries proper to the brain.

But whithersoever I turned, I could not but see in the brain

a knot more intricate than the Gordian, and that the several

parts were so concatenated that the one was to be sought in

the other. Thus, unless I would unravel the whole brain, I

could never set out to unravel any part. Therefore, a

special Transaction concerning one part of it only would do

nothing more perhaps than to put off the desires of the

reader and refer him to connections yet to come.... What

then was to be done? Commencement must be made from some

part of it. Therefore I deemed it best to commence

specifically from its cortical and cineritious substance, the

reason being that this substance is proximately the principal

cause of the operations not only of the brain but also of the

body." (No. 69)

Originally the work was to have treated of the cerebellum and the two medullas, but the time when Swedenborg finished the Cerebrum is probably the time when he commenced to think of altering his plan.

He also decided to continue his anatomical studies in Italy where, at that time, were many famous schools of anatomy.

Swedenborg left Paris for Italy by diligence on Wednesday, March 12th (N. S.), at the early hour of 3.0 a.m. He arrived at Chalon sur Saone some 200 hundred miles southeast of Paris on the 15th, going via Auxeree. From Chalon he went down the river Saone by treckschuyt, "so-called diligence, per eau," via Macon to Lyons where the Saone joins the Rhone. Describing this journey, he says:

"We passed through [Champagne,] France de Comt, and the

whole of Burgundy and so [to] Doub [Dauphine 7], past

different chateaux, one a magnificent one which belongs to

the Comte de Clermont where is found the best wine, 1500 en

qusue. The wine of Macon is tolerably good. The diligence

par eau passes the Rhone which flows through Lyons and takes

its source from many streams in the Alps. Lyons* or the

ancient Lugdunum is a tolerably large and seemly city,

containing many large houses and palaces, especially on the

Place Royal." (Resesbeskrifn. p. 80)

* Swedenborg spells it Lion, which is a spelling used at that time as well as Lyon. See Force, Description de Paris 2:1.

Lyons was then the second city in France with a flourishing

trade and a large population - 90,000 with about 4,000

houses. But Hazlitt writes of it in 1824: "Lyons is a fine

dirty town. The streets are good but so high and narrow that

they look like sinks of filth and gloom. The shops are mere

dungeons." (Hazlitt p. 182; Force, Descr. De France 1:57)

Lyons is about a hundred miles south of Chalons, and Swedenborg arrived there on Monday, the 17th, and stayed four to five days, during which he visited the sights of the city, not forgetting a visit to the library. This library was one of the richest in France, having about 40,000 volumes. One unique book in this library was a General History of China in 30 volumes, 14 x 7 inches, printed in Pekin on fine paper and with beautiful print. As this book had only been in

476

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 477

[1738
March

the library since 1730, its fame would doubtless lead Swedenborg to see it. (Force, Ibid. 1:61)

Swedenborg notes on the "Place Royal" "the statue of Louis

XIV on a horse with two fountains at the sides." The statue

had been erected in 1713 in the Place Belle Cour which from

that time was called Le Place de Louis le Grand. The

pedestal of the statue is ornamented with two beautiful

bronze figures representing the Rhone and the Saone. On one

its other faces were the arms of the Governor of Lyonnais,

Marechal Duo de Villeroy. This statue was destroyed, but in

1825 was replaced by the present statue. (Ibid. 2:68; Baed.

S. Fr. p. 236)

Swedenborg writes of Lyons: "The city abounds in manufactures

of galoons, gold and silver laces, cloth of gold and silver

gros de tour, silk wares. Most of the gold thread is sold

unworked, being 7/8 as against what is sold worked. Here

there is consumed annually in gold thread from 3 to 400,000

marks of silver which comes to Lyons via Genoa; thus it

amounts to 70 to 80 tuns of yellow silver.

"The Archbishop is the primate of the clergy in France; has

his jurisdiction from the Pope. Villeroy is the Governor of

the Province. He has survivance and the governorship is

hereditary. The Jesuits have here a great convent. They

make opium; they have a fine library which I visited."

(Resesbeskrifn. p. 80) (Force, Descr. De Fr. 11:16)

One thing Swedenborg must have experienced with pleasure, though he says nothing about it, namely, his first view of the snow-clad Alps. Mount Blanc presents a fine picture from the quays of the Rhone.

Swedenborg left Lyons for Turin on Saturday, March 22nd, apparently in company with other diligences, for he writes: (Resesbeskrifn. p. 80)

"We were in company with 12 persons together with 6 carmelite

monks," - but these may have joined later. The diligence did

not travel at night. Even as late as 1824, Hazlitt writes:

"There was a diligence for Turin over Mount Cenis which sent

only twice a week (stopping at night)." The fare was 70

francs at seat. It seems also that it was the custom to

start "three hours before daybreak ... and stop two or three

hours about noon in order to arrive early in the evening."

(Hazlitt pp. 183, 188)

Excerpts for a single incident, Swedenborg gives no further particulars of this journey than the names of the towns he passed. But from a diary of a traveller who passed the same route some fifty years later, we gather a good account of what must have been Swedenborg's experiences.

The road from Lyons passes from the Place Bellecourt over the

Rhone by the old bridge - the only one on that side in

Swedenborg's day - almost in a straight line through a "flat

and sombre" country to Bourgoin which was a town of some size

some 25 miles from Lyons, where doubtless Swedenborg passed

the night. The road lay through Brom, now a suburb of Lyons,

St. Laurent du Mure and La Verpiliere. (Young, p. 282)

From Bourgoin the scenery becomes interesting with hill and

dale well planted and with numerous chateaux and farms and

abundance

477

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 478

[1738
March

of beautiful mulberry trees, but the peasants' houses present

a miserable appearance, being "ugly, thatched, mud cabins,

without chimneys, the smoke issuing at a hole in the roof or

at the windows. Glass seems unknown, and there is an air of

poverty and misery about them quite dissonal to the general

aspect of the country." (Young, p. 281)

The road passes La Tour du Pin to Pont Beauvoisin, some fifty

miles from Lyons. Here, as Swedenborg notes, "France ended

and Savoy began. Here the King of Savoy met his last

Queen";* and here, of course, came the showing of passports

and the examination for customs. Savoy, which is now a

Department of France, was at that time a part of the Kingdom

of Sardinia whose King was also Duke of Savoy and Piedmont.

Here Swedenborg spent Sunday night, his last night in France.

We can imagine something of his experience in the Custom

House (for undoubtedly he carried books with him) from

Hazlitt's account in 1824:

* This was Charles Emmanuel's third wife, Elizabeth of Lorraine, whom he married in 1731 before the trouble with his father was even threatening. The marriage took place at Chamberg.

"It was striking to have to pass and repass the piquets

of soldiers stationed as a guard on bridges across narrow

mountain streams that a child might leap over. After some

slight dalliance with our great coat pockets, and significant

gestures as if we might or might not have things of value

about us that we should not, we proceeded to the Custom

House. I had two trunks. One contained books. When it was

unlocked ... there could not have been a more sudden start or

expression of surprise had it been filled with cartridge

paper or gunpowder. Books were the corresive sublimate that

cast out despotism and priestcraft.... A box full of them

was a contempt of the constituted authority; and the names of

mine were taken down with great care and secrecy."

(Hazlitt pp. 186-87)

His box was sealed but he could not have possession of it; it

would be forwarded to him (at his own expense) to any place

in Italy outside the King of Sardinia's domains. "However,

the showing of a royal passport relieved one from Customs'

examination" (Mead, p. 152)

To compensate for these inconveniences, the traveller had at

Pont Beauvoisin got a full view of the Alps, "a magnificent

sight" and "a new sensation." Although at a considerable

distance, "they appeared to be over our heads."

(Hazlitt p. 188)

On the following a.m., March 24th, he entered Savoy, riding

through a country that was becoming wildly mountainous yet

with culture that made it beautiful. Owing to the

obstructing mountain ranges, the travellers must make a

journey of twenty-five miles to reach Chembery, their

objective, which in a straight line was but fourteen miles

off. (Young, p. 281)

The road went through magnificent scenery, a precipice of

rocks rising up abruptly on the left, hanging threateningly

over the road. "It was a scene dazzling, enchanting."

(Hazlitt, pp. 188-89)

It turns south to Echelles, where they crossed the mountain

by a tunnel cut in the rocks some sixty years previously, to

avoid a road that was exceedingly dangerous, "a noble and

stupendous work." This road is now impassable to carriages,

its place being taken by a long gallery cut in the rock by

Napoleon. (G. E. 15:303)

478

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 479

[1738
March

Having crossed the mountain, the road then turned

northeast to Chambery. "The descent into Chambery (writes

Hazlitt in 1824) was the most dangerous part of the road ...

which was narrow and slippery." (Hazlitt p. 190)

At Chambery, Swedenborg passed the night, and which he

describes as a fine town. This city was the capital of Savoy

and the winter residence of the Savoy nobility.

Swedenborg left the capital on March 25th, the road again turned, after a few miles, northwest and passed through a wide valley between high mountains via Montmellan to Aiguebelle, a distance of 27 miles. Here probably was the night's lodging. This town was near the commencement of the course south, which runs in a narrow valley between ever higher mountains following the river Aro to Mount Cenis.

The mulberry trees now become scarcer, and the villages are

"rather shapeless heaps of inhabited stones than of houses.

The people are in general mortally ugly and dwarfish."

(Young p. 278)

"A scene of desolation," writes Hazlitt, "... Lofty mountains

reared themselves in front of us - horrid abysses were

scooped out under our feet." (Hazlitt pp. 190-91)

Passing La Chambre, the road follows the river to St. Michel, 130 miles from Lyons. Another stop for the night, leaving there March 27th.

They are now in the midst of the high Alps with forests of pine harboring wolves and bears, and here they journeyed to Lans le Bourg where the final ascent of Mount Cenis begins. Their way turned north a little west of Modane where the present Mount Cenis tunnel commences.

There the mountain is over 11,000 feet high, whereas on the

road via Lans-le-Bourge, the highest point is 7,000 feet.

The night's stay was at Lanslebourg where, sixty years later, Young

got a dinner "that had we been in England we should have

consigned very readily to the dog kennel."

The present Mount Cenis road from Lanslebourg was built by

Napoleon, doubtless following the route of the old road. The

latter, however, was rather a mere beaten path in the snow

than a road, just wide enough for a mule and sled, and often

there was mishap and danger when travellers tried to pass.

(Young p. 277)

Swedenborg commenced the ascent on March 28th, the conveyance used being perhaps the diligence and perhaps the same sort of sled which is described by Young, namely,

"a machine on four sticks dignified with the name traineau; a

mule draws it, and a conductor who walks between the machine

and the animal serves chiefly to kick the snow into the face

of the rider." (Ibid.)

In this crossing, Swedenborg had a mishap, and whatever his conveyance he had to walk.

"We had the greatest trouble and were in danger of losing our

life because of the snow which had fallen the night before,

so that the mules had almost to swim in snow and we must

walk. It was fortunate that we were in a chain of 12 persons

with 6 Carmelite monks, and so, including the porters, a

company of from 50 to 60 persons who trampled the road.

Slept at night on the mountain the 'grand croix'" [175 miles

from Lyons, and 70 from Turin]. (Resesbeskrifn. p. 80-1)

479

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 480

[1738
March

This Grand Croix is probably the old Hospice on the shore of

Lac du Mont Cenis, 9 miles from Lanslebourg and just within

the Piedmontess border. But the journey must have been a

hard one; for, in addition to the deep snow, the wind here

(La Lombarde) is often of extreme violence. As a

consequence, Napoleon built 25 shelter huts which are still

in use. (Baed. S. France p. 358)

Swedenborg writes:

"Pass mount Cenis. Then, in front of one, goes the Grand

Cross, from where one has a wide outlook over Farrara and

Novara." (Resesbeskrifn. p. 81)

On Saturday, March 29th, Swedenborg left the Grand Croix down hill to Susa, "with its fine old drawbridge and castellate walls." (Hazlitt p. 195)
From Susa, through an ever widening valley, following the river Dora through Ambroglio and Rivoli, and for 30 miles "of the straightest, flattest and dullest road in the world" to the broad plain on which stands Turin.

Of Susa, a very ancient Roman town, Swedenborg notes that it has three fortresses.

These fortresses were destroyed by the French in 1798

(Baed. Italy p. 26).

Swedenborg arrived in Turin on Monday, March 31st, having been nine days on the road from Lyons - a distance of over 240 miles. He notes that prior to entering the city, he saw

"a fine large cloister which belongs to the Carthusians."
He also notes, apparently at the west entrance gate - which no longer exists-

"a metal bull of natural size, standing on top of a tower.

It represents Turin." (Rese., ibid.)
He stayed in Turin for a week. This was the first Italian city he had ever visited, and he must have walked its streets and viewed its new scenes with great interest.

Turin, the capital of Pedimont, was then a city of over

50,000 inhabitants. (Mead. p. 284)
This was Swedenborg's first visit, but it must have been some satisfaction to him to find that French was widely spoken here.

Swedenborg entered Turin via what he describes as an "allee of 6 miles or 3 French leagues."

This is now called the Strade di Rivoli, and it leads via

what is now Piazza dello Statuto to the via Garibaldi, ending

at the Piazzo dello Castello.

Swedenborg's lodging must have been somewhere in the

neighborhood of the Piazzo dello Castello, which is Turin's

only mediaeval structure; for the first place he visited was

the Palazzo Rale. Externally, this palace is a plain brick

edifice.

"The body of the Palace," Swedenborg notes, "is not large,

but it is handsome. The houses at the sides are large."

(Rese. Ibid.) (C. E., 15:94 = pict.)

It was probably from the Palace garden that Swedenborg got a view of the Superga, situated on some mountain about four miles east of the town.

The Superga was a Royal burial church, a beautiful domes

building, very conspicuous from the town because of its

position. It had been built in 1718 by Victor Amadeus II,

the father of King Charles Emanuel, who was reigning in 1738,

as a thank offering for the relief of Turin in 1708 by Prince

Eugene. (Baed. Italy p. 70)

480

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 481

[1738
Mar.-April

The great beauty of the building misled Swedenborg to thinking it a Royal pleasure castle.

"One sees also," he writes, "a pleasure house superbe

[Superga, Italian = Soperga], built by King Victor, the

present King's father who [in 1730] gave the government over

to his son in order, with decency, to marry his mistress.

Afterwards, [in 1731,] he desired to take it back but was

anticipated by his son who arrested him in Rivoli and held

him prisoner for 6 or 8 months when he died" [in 1732.]*

(Resesbeskrifn. p. 81)

* From Rivoli he was later taken to Moncalieri, and he died there in piety and peace.

Summarizing what he had seen in Turin, Swedenborg writes:

"Observations made in Turin 1) that the King, who is 37-1/2

years old, seems to be fifty.* 2) The houses in Turin are

magnificent; because 10 to 12 together make a single house,

the magnificence is seen. 3) All who have possessions, even

merchants, are called Counts or Comtes. 4) The streets are

not named but only the corners which are marked with some

saint's name."

* This was owing to the grief suffered by Charles Emanuel in being compelled to imprison his father who had been spurred on by an ambitious wife. The father subsequently slightly lost his reason and became ultra pious. It was then that it was considered safe to release him from Rivoli and return him to his own home in Moncalieri. Still, even here precautions were taken against any further attempt on his part. Charles Emanuel was greatly stricken by this affair and never afterwards, up to his death in 1773, was the matter ever alluded to in his presence. See G. E. 29: 590-93 (Histoire de la Savoie II:354, 371). The queen dowager retired to a nunnery in Turin after Victor Amadeus' death. (Chambery, H. de la S. 1884, 3 vols.)

Here we may remark that then, as now, the streets of Turin are arranged

into squares or blocks with almost mathematical precision

like a modern American city. (Baed. Italy p. 59)

"5) The room are not numbered but are called by the name of

some saint. 6) The magnificence consists in this, that a

sedan chair accompanies them. 7) The Duke de Carignano's is a

large one this is now the Natural History Museum on the via

La Grance and the via Principe. 8) M. d'Ormea is the Prime

Minister; he is a man of great intellect and has obtained

from the Pope all that he desired.* 9) Of the convents, the

Carmelites Cloister is the largest; the church is of the

finest taste I have seen. In the Cloister are only 25, but

it is large enough fro from 1 to 200. Then there is the

Jesuit Cloister now the Academy of Sciences. The Capuchin is

outside the city. This was situated on the other side of the

Po near the Ponte di Po. It is no longer in existence but on

its site was built, in 1818, the present Gran Madre di Dio.

(C. E. 15:93) Philippi, a monk, is the one who designed the

building of the Carmelite church. The church of Lorraine

near the castle; the castle of S. Lorenzo; it has a peculiar

dome and is destitute of facade. It is in the northwest

corner of the Piazza Castello; see Baed. Ib. p. 59 is

magnificent but small. 10) The rooms in the castle are

superbly

481

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 482

[1738
April

furnished with gold and silver and mirrors and paintings,

among which 4 by Albano [Fr. Albani] excel. They represent

the 4 elements [now in Room XI of the Picture Gallery in the

Academy of Sciences]; also some small miniatures newly

purchased from Rome, 48 for 18,00 florins. Among them is

Luther and his wife. Luther and Calvin are there, Luther

being one-eyed. The paintings on the ceiling are

magnificent." (Resesbeskrifn. p. 81-82)

* From 1713-27 Turin had had difficulties with the Pope, and in consequence, the See had been vacant. The difficulties arose from Victor Amadeus having ascended the throne of Sardinia without papal investitutre; he also claimed and exercised the rights over clerical benefices in his own country. Charles Emmanuel continued the same policy, but he sent Marquis d'Ormea to the Pope (Benedict XIII) who proved not so imperious as his predecessor Clement XII (C. M. H. 6:589; see H. de Savoie II:372).

April 3rd was Maundy Thursday, and Swedenborg had a unique opportunity of seeing some of the many religious processions.

"On Sheerthursday I saw their magnificent processions,"

he writes. "I counted them up to nine; there were seen 20 to

30 with many large wax candles. 6 whipped themselves so that

much blood ran; others carried crosses of considerable

weight; others stretched out their arms; others bore insignia

of the crucifixion. Afterwards was borne a kind of

contrivance* with a large number of light candles, among

which Christ was represented in large size in different

positions, and also Mary. On this same day, their Majesties

went all round the city." (Resesbeskrifn. p. 82)

* This contrivance (machina) consists in a large heavy scaffold borne by strong men "who are always willing to sweat under the enormous weight, having a notion that the carrying it about does a deal of good to their souls" (Baretti. 1:117-18).

Of the next day, April 4th, he writes:

"On the evening of Good Friday there is also a great

procession with a contrivance which is carried where Christ

lies in a shroud; also the head of John the Baptist; and Mary

with a sword in her heart. All the men are masked or have

their faces covered; their dresses are white, red, black, and

blue." (Ibid.)

The following Sunday, which was Easter, he writes:

"I was in the Royal Chapelle and heard some fine music. A

Eunuch sang. Saw the King and Queen." (Ibid.)

On Easter Monday, April 7th, Swedenborg left Turin for Milan, going via Chivasso, Vercelli and Novara. Such a journey now would be an easy matter, but in Swedenborg's time it meant the passing from one kingdom to another, from Piedmont, belonging to the Duke of Savoy and King of Sardinia, to Lombardy then in the possession of Austria. This, with consequent passports and customs examination, involved trouble, delay, annoyance, and most probably more or less of mild bribery of custom officials, which was then the customary thing for all travellers to do if they wished a modicum of trouble.

It involved also passing from one language to another, and from one kind of people with its own peculiar food, customs and manners to another.

From Turin to Milan is about 9 miles over a flat and easy country. Swedenborg evidently hired his own Vetturino (as was perhaps the case in his journey from Lyons). He seems to have made the journey without any overnight stay, simply changing horses. At Novara, the last town of Piedmont, he had a mild adventure. Novara had been ceded by Austria to Piedmont only three years previously, and this, together with the constant battles that had been going on for the past thirty years, was probably evidenced in a certain unrest among the people.

"In Novara," writes Swedenborg, "my vetturino left me and I

had to journey alone and with a vetturino who was not to be

trusted. To prepare his tool, he often had his dagger out.

But I took precautions and made him think that I had no money

with me." (Ibid.)

482

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 483

[1738
April

It would seem that the Turin Vetturino had no desire to travel outside his native Piedmont:

"The Provinces of Novara and Tortona," Swedenborg adds, "are

fallen to the King of Sardinia." (Resesbeskrifn. p. 82)

Swedenborg arrived in Milan on Wednesday, April 9th, and stayed there till Sunday, April 13th, when he left for Venice which was his first immediate objective in visiting Italy.

Milan now preserves the same general plan and layout of

streets as it had in 1738. The inner walls and the outer

fortifications are plainly marked, and some of the ancient

gates are still standing; but the Piazza in front of the

cathedral has been considerably enlarged, necessitating the

doing away of many streets.

Swedenborg's entrance into the town was pretty much along the route taken by the modern traveller in going from the railway station to the Duomo. The Citadel which Swedenborg passed at the very entrance to the town is still preserved, being situated near the railway station.

This was one of the largest cities Swedenborg had ever seen, and in point of density of population, probably the greatest; and he speaks fittingly of it as "a very large and populous city." Its population at this time was over 300,000.

It was also a city giving more patent evidences of the Roman

Catholic faith than any other city Swedenborg had hitherto

visited. It contained 230 churches, 40 monasteries, 50

nunneries, and 100 fraternities. Moreover, in the center of

a great number of the street intersections were placed stone

crosses. (Rogissart, p. 714)

Swedenborg enumerates what he saw during his four days' stay in Milan under 21 headings, which we shall transcribe: (Resesbeskrifn. p. 82-84)

"1) In the Cathedral church, which [from the entrance] up to

the choir is 200 ells long and proportionately high, there

are 4 [parallel] rows of pillars of pure marble. On the

outside, it is covered with marble. There are a great number

of marble statues with decorations. The roof is of marble.

The building is going on every year. It will be almost never

finished."

This Cathedral was commenced in 1386, and in Swedenborg's

time, the dome was not built; the facade was finished, and

the tower over the dome together with the rest of the facade

was not done until 1805, and the work is still being done.

Swedenborg notes that among the marble statutes within the

church, that of St. Bartholomeo

"is thought to be the most striking; all the muscles being

shown, though to me it did not seem quite correct."

This is a statute of Bartholomeo flayed, holding his skin on

his shoulder.

"There are many silver lamps," he continues, "which are ever

burning. Under the choir are the graves of many saints, and

in particular that of Archbishop St. Charles [Borromeo; in

his chapel] there is much that is made of silver. His

miracle is represented. He is celebrated at an altar on

which coins are thrown." (See Addison, pp. 26-27)

"2) Was in the Great Hospital, one of the most beautiful and

largest in existence. All the portraits of those who have

contributed to it, painted by masters, are shown in a room.

(Milan 1:326 = pict.)

483

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 484

[1738
April

It is served altogether by bastards, for enfans trouves are

received in great number in a drawer. The sick are well

served, each being in his own bed, the women and the men.

There are rooms for the wounded, of which there are many, for

there are many assassinations. Visited also the kitchen, the

cellar and the wash-house, which are magnificent." This

building, the Ospedale Maggiore, is a remarkably fine old

brick structured covered with terra cotta. It is now still

one of the largest hospitals in existence.

(Rogis. p. 702 = pict.; Baed. p. 143)

"3) A smaller hospital for persons of condition; very well

served but only by fathers of the Convent."

This seems to have been on the east side of the via Durini,

nor far from the ospedale Maggiori; see Milan 2:26s.

"4) Visited the Palace where lives the Archbishop who has

lately been made Cardinal. It is called Stampa."*

This Palace then contained many valuable pictures by the

great masters. (Milan 2:64 = pict., 66s)

* Swedenborg seems here to be in error. The Stamperia (Printing Office) was in the neighboring Royal Palace.

"5) The Governor's palace is also large and lies opposite the

former." (Ibid. p. 131).

"6) There is the Opera House. The theater is said to be the

largest, yet it is not so large as it is cried to be. In the

opera house there are places for from 1500 to 2,000 persons;

there are 5 floors." This opera house had been erected in

1717 in the court of the Royal palace. All these have now

been torn down and the present Royal palace built in 1722.

(Milan 2:138; Baed. p. 131)

"7) Visited the principal convents. One belonging to the

Ambrosians is magnificent with paintings. One work which is

called the chef d'oeuvre is over the entrance. At 12 or 15

paces distant, it is impossible to see other than that he

figure stands out from the wall. In the garden is seen a fig

tree where it is said that Augustine became converted. It

has been kept for 1400 years ever since that time. Every

father has his own servant and a valet de chambre, for they

are all men of family.

"8) Another cloister, St. Victor or the Benedictines, yields

nothing to the former. The Duke of Noailles* lodged there.

It has a tolerably large garden. In the church, the roof

contains Roman work like St. Peter in Rome,** with a great

number of beautiful paintings." This monastery was situated

between the city wall and the outer fortifications, not far

from St. Ambrose. (Milan 4:353 = pict.)

* Marechal Adrien Maurici Noailles, who in cooperation with the Spaniards and Sardinians defeated the Austrians, as a consequence of which, part of the Province of Milan was ceded to Piedmont. Peace as made in October 1735.

** The reference is to the paintings on the ceiling which are very fine.

"9) I then visited the inquisition building and church.

"10) Was then in a large convent for ladies, and in the

parlor I talked with two nuns. Saw their procession; bought

their flowers. I young nun was also brought into the parlor.

484

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 485

[1738
April

"11) Visited the citadel on the two sides on which it was

besieged. There are two towers on the city side; on the

opposite side is an immense plain." (Milan 4:445)

"12) Visited the Library [this is the Bibleoteca

Ambrosianna.] Here are a great number of MSS. and old books

by monks. Saw the genealogical table of the French Kings.

The Library itself is of little value. All the books are

old. (Ibid. pp. 95-96)

"There is also an Academy of paintings and sculptures. Went

into a room where were statutes, and another containing

paintings." The statutes are no longer kept in this library,

but it now has six rooms of paintings. In this library, the

books were arranged not according to subjects but according

to sizes. (Ib. p. 99)

It was open in the afternoon only. (Ibid. p. 101)

The whole was on one floor, constituting a building with

narrow front and great depth. In front was the great library

of printed books. Then came a cloister or court with

entrance into the Meeting Room of the Ambrosoni Order. Then

a smaller library of MS books, behind which was a large

garden, and lastly two long narrow rooms, side by side, being

the rooms visited by Swedenborg. (Ibid. p. 107)

"13) In a convent of the Order of St. Franis de Patrum

[Conventualium]. They are clothed as capuchins. There are

150 monks there. It is said to be the biggest convent in

Milan. It lodged a whole regiment of cavalry. Their chapter

used to be there, but now it is transferred to Rome."

This convent no longer exists, and on its site are now the

barracks opposite St. Ambrosio.

"14) Was afterwards in different churches and convents, and

saw their paintings.

"15) In the Bernardine church, which is the most magnificent

possible in view of the paintings which make its decorations

in the ceiling and on the walls."

This is St. Alessandra which, in the inside is a copy of St.

Peter's in Rome. (Ibid., 3:100 = pict.)

"It is the most sumptuously decorated church in Milan, but

destitute of works of art." (Baed., Italy p. 142)

The pictures on the ceilings are two stories from the Old

Testament history, and two parables from the New Testament.

(Milan., 3:103)

Later, in n. 18, Swedenborg notes the marble altar of this

church and the pulpit and confessionals which were of

selected stones. We may add that the high altar is decorated

with precious stones. (Baed., Italy p. 142)

"16) Visited the place where those are buried who die in the

hospital. It has been newly built by a private person at one

side of the city. It has a portico and columns."

This is now the Cemetery of St. Gregory.

"17) Attended the burial of a Canon. He was carried into the

church by the whole of his fraternity. The church both

within and without was magnificently decorated. The corpse

was carried in uncovered; it was clad in white with golden

silk, and a cross in his hands.

485

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 486

[1738
April

The head was bare; incense was spread around, and there were

large wax candles. There was singing and reading round the

corpse. In the middle of the church is raised up a mausoleum

of four stories, tolerably high and decorated on the outside.

He was then lifted up. On the day following, high mass is said.

[There is no number 18.]

"19) Women of condition, when they go out, have one or two

lackeys, one in front and one or two behind. One must not

fix his eyes on them.

"20) Men go about with six goats, and sell fresh goat milk.

"21) Was afterwards in some convents for religieuse, and also

in their churches and gardens. Was also in the L'Eglise

d'Alsach or des Chanoines, where is a marble statue of Mary

with 4 silver columns and other silver and diamonds; 25 large

silver lamps, great silver candlesticks. A pillar in the

choir of jasper and inset with beautiful stones; many

paintings."

Swedenborg left Milan for Venice on Sunday, April 13th. Here again his journey meant passing into a foreign state, namely, from Austrian Lombardy to the Republic of Venice. The distance was about 170 miles over level and easy road, and as the journey took six and a half days, an average of 26 miles a day, he must have stopped over every night. He seems also to have spent some time in Verona, Vincenza and Padua.

He made the journey in company with five Carmelite monks who wished to see Venice on their way to Rome. The road lay some miles south of Bergamo, and Swedenborg notes

"it is said that the best harlequins come from that place."

It may be noted that the name arlequin originated in Bergamo,

to designate the impersonation of a Bergamese manservant who

acts as a clown. (Addison pp. 101-2)
Passing via Treviglio, they came to Bresse or Brescia, "a fine manufacturing city containing some beautiful palaces." Brescia was then a great center for the Iron trade. (Ibid., p. 53)

This town was the first town in Venice, and like all towns was walled and strongly fortified. Swedenborg's road lay through the Porta Milano through what is now the Corso Garibaldi past the ancient and highly ornamented municipal building (La Loggia) on the Piazza Vecchio, where also is the quaint clock tower and the fine, though then unfinished, cathedral with its massive dome, and so on to the Porta Venetzia. But he stopped in the town for the night. (Rogissart 670 = pict.)

"From Brescia to Peschiera through which we passed. Here is a

strong fortress, and the walls of the city are very high.

From there to Verona, which is a tolerably large and

widespread town." (Resebeskrifn. p. 84)

Swedenborg stayed over night at Verona which was then one of the largest and most beautiful cities in Italy. (Rogissart, ibid.)

He entered Verona by the beautiful Porta del Pallio, passed the Castel Vecchio along what is now the Corso Cavour (now a barracks), through the Porta de Borsari to the ancient forum, now a fruit market called the Piazza Erbe, with its marble column bearing the Lion of St. Mark (a modern copy). All along this route were and still are fine palaces. (Baed. Italy p. 202; pict. 1, 2)

486

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 487

[1738
April

Swedenborg probably stayed near this Piazza, and must have viewed with admiration the magnificent tomb of the Scaligers which is near by. He was also near the most beautiful in Verona, the Palazzo del Signori or Loggia which was then the town hall. This building was restored in 1873 and is one of the finest buildings in northern Italy. (Baed. Italy p. 203)

"I was in only a few of the churches," writes Swedenborg,

"and then I viewed the great amphitheatre which, with the

exception of the two highest stories, is entirely built by

Augustus. It has a capacity for 50 to 60,000 persons. It

has 70 gates and 70 openings above, with a vault and vaulted

rooms underneath for the beasts and slaves. I reckoned it to

be 600 ells in circumference on the outside."

(Resebeskrifn. p. 84; Rogissart 67 lb = pict.)

This theory that this arena was built by Augustus was then

held by a savant of Verona, but later research shows that,

instead of being built by Augustus who died in 14 A. D., it

was erected under Diocletiam about 290 A. D.

"There is found," continues Swedenborg, "an ancient

foundation which is said to have been built by Scipio

Africanus [d. 184 B. C.] but repaired by a member of his

family. In the rooms underneath the amphitheatre are shops"

- these are no longer there. (Rese. Ibid.)

(Rogissart p. 672; Baed. Italy p. 206)

"Afterwards I was at the Opera. There is a new theatre with

140 loges. In respect to the scenery, the changing of the

scenes, together with the decorations - all of which

represent magnificent palaces or other superb prospects - and

also in respect to the songs and dances, it so far surpasses

the French Opera that the latter seems in comparison mere

child's play." (Rese. Ibid.)

This theatre is the Teatro Filharmonico, west of the Arena.

It was built in 1716. (Rogissart p. 671a = pict.)

Swedenborg left Verona on Wednesday, April 16th, by the Ponte Navi (which was destroyed by a flood and restored in 1757), over the road leading to Vicenza, some 30 miles east. His road passed through pleasant country planted thick with rows of mulberry trees with vines hanging like ropes from tree to tree. His entrance to Vicenza was via the present Borga de San Felice e Fortunata through the Porta Castello and along what is now the Corso Umberto, passing close by the cathedral at the center of the town, near which he probably lodged over night, so that he had time to go sightseeing. (Baed., Italy p. 209; Addison p. 60)

"I was in many churches which are all magnificent with their

paintings and marble statutes and their inlaid work of stone;

also remarkable for their architecture, especially the more

modern. The cathedral was magnificent. It was there the

Council of Trent would have betaken itself in case the plague

had continued.

"Saw a theatre built like the ancient theatre with an

amphitheatre for spectators where are statutes, a facade with

columns and statues. On the inside is represented a palace.

They went down from there and acted, by three ways."

(Resebeskrifn. p. 84)

The theatre here referred to is the Teatro Olympico where the

perspective of the stage is curiously deceptive. It was

built in 1584. (Baed., Italy p. 220)

It was past this theatre that Swedenborg's way lay in his leaving for Padua, 19 miles distant. Here he arrived on April 17th and stayed overnight, to take a boat to Venice. Meanwhile he viewed the town.

487

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 488

[1738
April

"Padua," he observes, "is a large city with ancient and not

specially noteworthy palaces and a university. The most

noteworthy thing was the Church of St. Justin whose like I

have never seen before. The whole roof was laid in white,

red and black marble; 20 altars, each and every one provided

with marble statues and marble columns of different sorts;

and the approach to the altar was made of inlaid stones with

some representations like a painting. I reckoned there 80 to

90 large marble statues and as many small. The Cloister is

quite large." (Resebeskrifn. p. 84)

This Benedictine monastery was one of the most beautiful,

ample, and richest in all Italy, having a revenue of more

than 100,000 ecus. (Rogissart p. 107 = pict., 108)

"Afterwards I went to St. Antony's church, where are

enormously beautiful paintings and marble statues. In

particular, however, is its chapel wherein were from 70 to 80

very large silver lamps and great candlesticks; also one

large one of pure gold; with many pictures showing Antony's

miracles." (Resebe., pp. 84-85)

These paintings are sculptured in the spaces between six of

the twelve beautiful columns of the chapel of St. Antony.

(Rogissart p. 104a = pict.)

"The Hotel de Ville," Swedenborg adds, "and other public

buildings were ancient."

The Hotel de Ville is called Loggia del Consiglio; in front

of it is an ancient column with the Lion of St. Mark. Among

the old houses in Dante's (no. 3359 Ponte s. Lorenzo).

Swedenborg left Padua in the afternoon of Friday, April 17th, when he went by a barque down the river Brenta to the Adriatic and over the sea to Venice - a distance of 25 miles. This sail down the Brenta was a widely celebrated journey. (Addison p. 79)

"On both sides of the stream rose the palaces of the Venetian

nobility 'built with so great a variety of architecture that

there is not one of them alike' (Burnet, Travels p. 105)."

(Meade pp. 35-36)

Of these, "tourists could not say enough, for the Eighteenth

Century traveler was a devoted admirer of closely kept hedges

and formal gardens laid out in geometrical lines."

The trip lasted eight hours "in a burchie or burcello which,

with its mirrors and carpets and glass doors was a

sufficiently luxurious conveyance. 'The burcello is a large

handsome boat; the middle part of which is a pretty room

generally adorned with carving, gilding and painting. It is

drawn down the Brenta with one horse to Fusino, the entrance

into the Lagune, and from thence to Venice it is hauled along

by another boat which they call a remulcio with four or six

rowers' (Wright, Some Observations, 1764)." (Ibid.)

On Saturday, April 19th, Swedenborg probably landed at the Molos in front of the Ducal Palace. He made his home with a Swedish friend named Firenzrantz, near the Rialto Bridge.* (Ibid. pp. 46, 51 = pict.)

* Lodged by the Rialto, he says, "in company with Firenzrantz i ..." (? in his house). This suggests that his lodging place was in the building on the Grand Canal called Fondaco de Tedeschi, which is now the Custom House. But when Swedenborg was in the city, and long before, it was "the House of German merchants wherein they did all their business, and where, as in an inn, they lived and ate in common (Mead, p. 50).

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 489

[1738
April-May

Though Venice had long declined from her former position of

power, it was still a center for art and pleasure. We may

add that it remained independent until 1797 when Napoleon

ceded her to Austria. At the time of which we speak, the

city was renowned as one of the gayest and also the most

immoral city in Europe.*

* It was the resort of persons from all nations, and its crowds, with the fine clothing of the Venetians, presented a most attractive sight (Rogissart p. 75).

Swedenborg stayed in Venice nearly four months, but he appears to have given little time to sightseeing.

"There are two large piazzas," he writes "where parliament is

held, and the Court of Justice. There also live the

Procurators." (Resebe., p. 85)

He is here referring to the Piazza San Marco and the

Piazzetto lying at right angles to it. North and south of

the Piazzo were the palaces where lived the nine procurators

or alternates (procura) of the doge. These nine, with the

doge, constituted the Council of Ten which was the supreme

power in Venice beyond whose decisions there was no appeal.

These palaces are now, on the north side, private dwellings,

and on the south, the Royal Palace. On the west of the Piazza

was the Church of S. Geminiano, now destroyed. The Piazzo

itself was paved with brick. (Rogissart p. 53 = picti.)

The piazzeta is at right angles to the Piazza and faces the

sea. Here, on the pier, are two columns with the Lion of St.

Mark and the statute of Theodore. On the east of the

Piazzeto was the doge's palace where was the seat of the

"parliament" and of the administration of justice. On the

west side was the library - now a part of the Royal Palace.

Doubtless Swedenborg spent some of his time in this library.

(Ibid., pp. 52, 60)

Continuing, Swedenborg writes:

"Was in the mint,* in St. Mark's Church, in the Jesuit

Church which is of later style [it was commenced in 1715],

and in Madonna de Salute." (Resebe. p. 85)

(Rogissart p. 87 = pict.)

* Between the Library and the garden.

On the following day, April 20th, Swedenborg

"saw the entrance of the Venetian Ambassador, when most of

the people were in masks. The Ambassador was received in the

Capuchin church far out of the city,* by Senators in red

capes to the number of 40 or 50, and in their company the

previous Venetian Ambassador. Guns were fired, an

illumination on the water was presented, and a ball was

held." (Resebe. p. 85) (Rogissart p 88)

* The Capuchin Church was on the Island of Giudeca near the mainland.

No further entry is made in Swedenborg's Journal till a month later, namely, Thursday, May 15th (Ascension Day):

"I saw the festival which it is customary to hold at

Ascension. Also went out with them and saw how the sea is

espoused." (Ibid.) (Ibid. p. 73 = pict.)

This espousal of the sea had been celebrated every year since

1000. The Doge then mounts his gala gondola, il Bucentauro,

and is rowed out to the Lido when he throws a ring into the

sea and espouses it

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 490

[1738

with the words spoken in Latin: "We espouse thee, O our sea,

in witness of true and perpetual dominion." The patriarch

then gives the blessing, then to the music of salutes from

cannons and guns, the whole company attends mass at the

church in Lido. After the return to the Doge's palace, the

Doge exhorts the Senators and Procurateurs not to forget the

ceremony of the marriage. (Encyl. Brit.; Spon 1:58-9)

"The

masks continued for 14 days. I was also at the Opera.* Every

Saturday there is music in the Cloister of the Incurabile and

Pieta." (Resebeskrifn. p. 85)

* Visiting strangers at the Opera were warned not to sit in the pit, for the gilded youth of Venice were in the habit of throwing rinds, etc., from their boxes, and even of spitting on the humbler people below (Mead p. 293).

Swedenborg says nothing more of his first and only visit to Venice, his next entry being

"August 9th [Saturday], after I had completed my work,

journeyed to Padua." (Ibid.)
What was this work? There was no school of anatomy in Venice, the chief seat for that study being Padua, 22 miles to the west.

We are led to the conclusion that Swedenborg retired to Venice in order to write his first work on the Brain. In confirmation of this, it may be noted that in no. 680 (Latin = II:295) of that work, he quotes for the first time from an Italian Anatomy, namely, Considerazioni ed Esperienza intorno al Creduto Cervello Inpietrito by Vallisnieri, published in Padua in 1710.

It was in Venice then that Swedenborg commenced the writing of what he afterwards called his "First Project" on the Brain.

This work is contained in Codex 65. Originally it contained 1,484 pages. Of these, 386 are now lost but about 120 of them can be restored from anatomical authors.

The work itself excites our amazement. It exhibits so intimate a knowledge of the anatomy not only of the brain proper but also of the nerves and, indeed, of the whole body and even of the embryo, that one cannot but wonder where Swedenborg, not a medical man, acquired such an extensive knowledge of anatomy. So far as we know, this knowledge was acquired merely by reading, yet one cannot avoid the thought that Swedenborg must have given some study to anatomy in his university days, and that his reading must have been far more extensive than is indicated by the excerpts which he copied out. The work on Tremulation which Swedenborg wrote in 1719 gives evidence of a detailed knowledge of the nervous system - derived partly from reading Baglivi; the Principia and the Infinite also give evidence of their author's knowledge of the anatomy of the body, - derived, at any rate in part, from Heister. We know also that Swedenborg made extensive studies of Schurig's works. Then there are the hundreds of pages of anatomical excerpts on the Brain which Swedenborg made in 1734 or the early part of 1735. But, with all this, one must yet be amazed at Swedenborg's knowledge. He seems to have had a remarkable memory, quick insight, and, above all, the ability to visualize every part of the brain, and to see at a glance all the neighboring parts, and what is more, to see them in living operation.

Without doubt, this ability is one of the means which enabled Swedenborg to see the uses of the different parts of the brain. Not that he was entirely unaided. Suggestions were received from the different anatomists here and there, particularly from the English anatomist and philosopher Thomas Willis. But with

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 491

[1738

Swedenborg, the brain was a machine in motion, the living tabernacle of the soul. In his imagination he saw that machine in active operation, and with his keen rational sight he saw the end and purpose of its operations governed by the soul and carried on in accordance with the laws of mechanism.

It was this manner of looking at the brain that enabled Swedenborg to see many things which as yet he could not demonstrate by anatomical experience. This first work on the Brain contains many bold conjectures.

In the absence of anatomical testimony, says Swedenborg,

many of my inductions concerning parts which escape the sight

"will perhaps be classed as among conjectures. This I cannot

escape. But what then? Let it seem so! And yet, for the

most part truth is searched out from just such forerunners.

For the desire of searching out truth is aroused by the

desire of refuting conjectures. Let who will, take the upper

place in he sciences, and even in conjectures, and aspire to

behold others as inferior to himself. For myself, I desire

to remain lowly if only truth shall obtain the supreme

place." (The Cerebrum I:n. 672)

Note the contrast between the matured and mellowed Swedenborg at forty-six, and the aspiring and ambitious man of fifteen or sixteen years earlier. Now he is willing that others shall excel him even in conjectures; then (1718), he is eager to excel in "novelties," and speaks with impatience of "those who go in the beaten tracks" (see above, p. 165); then (1720), he longed to write something worthy of a place in the Acta Eruditorum (see above, p. 222); now, when he is already famous as a man of learning and fine genius, he is willing to remain lowly if only truth shall obtain the supreme place.

This first work on the Brain (Codex 65) is divided into three Parts or Transactions, as follows:

1. The Cortical or Medullary Substances of the Brain.

2. The Coverings of the Brain and its Blood Vessels.

3. The Parts of the Cerebrum.

Of the first Part, on the Cortical and Medullary Substances,

more than half the pages are now lost, having been used in

the writing of volume 2 of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom.

From what is preserved, however, it is clear that here - and

also in the second Part - Swedenborg establishes his doctrine

of degrees in connection with the cortex; this he maintains

is in three distinct degrees which constitute the mind and

soul.

The second Part deals with the motion of the brain, its

bones, meninges and blood vessels. Here also nearly half the

pages are lost,* their contents having been incorporated in

the second volume of the Economy.

* From Parts 1 and 2, a total of 250 pages are missing; 95 of these, however, consist of extracts and have been restored in the translation.

In this Part, Swedenborg brings out his doctrine that each organ of the body selects from the blood stream the blood it requires. Applying this doctrine to the brain, he accounts in a peculiarly satisfying way for the remarkable curvings of the carotids and vertebrals before entering the region of the brain, where they leave the dominion of the heart and enter as subjects into a superior kingdom. It may also be noted that this second Part evidences that Swedenborg

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 492

[1738

has already formulated his doctrine of the composition of the blood (see Cer. N. 613). Moreover, he gives an intimation of the doctrine concerning the corporeal fibre which he elaborates in later works, the doctrine, namely, of the circulation of the animal spirits through the nerves, and their return by the nervous coat of the arteries (see Cer. N. 611 seq.)

In this second Part he also demonstrates the motion of the brain, showing how it is synchronous with that of the lungs. In this connection, he shows the reason for the existence of the vena azygos, that remarkable supplementary vena cava which at first sight seems a somewhat unnecessary addition to the venous system inasmuch as its uses as a mere carrier might have been filled by an enlarged vena cava. But, in a finely reasoned argument, Swedenborg shows that it has an independent existence because it receives the blood of the lungs and the brain; and the synchronous motion of these two organs must first be tempered before that blood can be poured into the blood stream governed by the heart.

Here also he treats of the cerebrum as the organ of sensation and the source of motion. The modifications from the external senses come to the cortical glands of the brain, and there they ascend by discrete degrees. In the first degree they are revolved within the sphere of the organ of that degree, and then determined into act or motions; the latter, he maintains, are effected by means of the expansion and contraction of the cortical glands.

It is this hypothesis of degrees that first leads Swedenborg to the conception of a universal mathesis; which is now mentioned for the first time, and this in connection with a doctrine of degrees. In an earlier work, Swedenborg had quoted a passage from Wolff's Psychologia Empirica as to the memory being a hieroglyphic writing; and Swedenborg himself suggested a sort of hieroglyphic in the mind (Psychologica nos. 99, 148); but until the present work, he nowhere makes mention of a universal mathesis. See NP 1932:6.

The idea is first advanced in the present work. There he shows that no distinct eight is possible without that universal tremor of the ether which is caused by the sun and is called light. "The corresponding universal must be present if an inferior universal is to be distinctly perceived." He then continues:

"From this we have a glimpse, as through a lattice work, of

the use that will be served by a philosophy of universals, of

degrees, of things mathematically indefinite. For universal

perception lies in the soul herself, on whose organs must be

impressed by degrees those things which come under her

universal light for distinct examination. If we once strive

in this direction, to the end that we may be allowed to speak

from causes and true principles, then an easy passage will be

granted us to all singulars" (Cer. N. 229)
Later on he speaks more definitely. He is inquiring as to the relation between the "analogue of will" in the soul which determines the will to action, and the wills of the body which determine actions without any consultation with the soul.

"Of this," he says, Awe can have no conception, in the

absence of a peculiar mode of philosophizing, that is to say,

of a universal mathematical philosophy or philosophy of

degrees, whereby we are led more profoundly into all other

sciences and into causes themselves and things invisible. But

this science is as yet unknown to the world, nor can it be

established without the aid of all the sciences. By such a

philosophy it will be possible to see things and successions

of things in almost the same way that geometry by its

algebraic analysis sees all that is concealed in a figure or

an object; to express which by words, numbers, or lines would

fill pages.... We attempt in vain the way to a knowledge of

the mind and soul, unless we distinguish

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 493

[1738

the animal kingdom into degrees, and regard these degrees as

one above the other; just as we regard the indefinite as

above the finite, or differentials as above integers, or in

somewhat the same way as we regard roots as above their

powers. Remaining in one degree only, and this a degree

suited to the external organs; and setting no bounds between

inferior degrees and superior, nor entertaining nay distinct

idea of each; we wander in obscurities and make confusion

between things themselves and the terms of things. For, as

soon as nature ascends from one degree to another, she slips,

as it were, into things which to our senses are indefinite;

that is to say, from the sphere of effects into causes, and

from things posterior into things prior; so that at last, in

these latter we know not how to express essences, modes,

attributes, qualities and quantities except by means of mere

analogies and eminences which become indeterminable as

compared with the determinate things that lie within the

sphere of the activity of the external senses. In changing

the face of things, nature changes also their terms; for she

never allows of being adequately expressed in one degree by

the same signs of speech whereby she is expressed in another;

but if the same words are retained, there is something

understood which is not expressed. When elevated to the

sphere of another degree, nature seems as though elevated to

another world, and there we almost fail to recognize her. We

are exceedingly rich in words whereby to signify the things

that fall within the sphere of the body, the external senses

and the ultimate world; but we become poorer and poorer in

proportion as we strive to a higher sphere; and poor indeed

when we strive to a sphere still higher - the sphere of the

soul herself. Here every usage of speech is lost, as it

were, and we know not how to express specifically a single

one of the soul's faculties by any adequate word, or

designated idea.

"What then shall we do? There is nothing else but to

found an entirely new ontology and philosophy applicable to

the degrees of which we have spoken - a philosophy which may

be called a UNIVERSAL or PHILOSOPHICAL MATHESIS; a true

rational analysis; a mathematical and analytical philosophy

of universals, degrees, indefinites; the significative or

technical speech or art of the soul; or the basis or science

of sciences. But to reach thus far, we must first remain in

the sphere of the ultimate degree where are found effects and

phenomena, and words with meanings adequate for the

expression of things. Nor must we depart therefrom until one

thing shall have been so well fitted in with another and

clearly set forth, that the mutual respect and relation of

all shall become evident - that is to say, of all that is in

that sphere. This effect, moreover, can be arrived at by a

kind of philosophical calculation which in general is not

unlike the geometrical, though in special and particular it

does not coincide with geometrical rules. With these things

thus made clear, we may then advance to the second degree,

and from the effects and phenomena there existing may make

exploration in like manner, as to the analogy between the

things existing in that degree and those in the inferior

degree mentioned above; and as to what words have been found

entirely corresponding to the determinate things in the other

degree. When such words are lacking, or when they do not

fully express the matter, the lack must be supplied by signs

from which we may see what a like thing signifies in its own

degree - but signs elevated to a higher power. We may then

pass on to a further degree; but here, though phenomena do

exist, yet it is hardly permitted to consider reasons except

by mere signs - signs which express the matter more fully

than would be the case were we to adopt a thousand modes more

fully than would be the case were we to adopt a thousand

modes of enunciation in accordance with every actual

representation of the most highly exact mind. As soon as the

form of the subordination of degrees is known, we may then be

allowed analytically to reduce one thing into another merely

by substituting corresponding things, and by reflecting on

what is thus learned. In this way things indefinite will

appear just as

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plainly in their numbers and products as do things finite in

theirs. There will be no need to reduce indefinites into

their integers, as in differential and integral analysis, if

only we progress according to the method of the operation of

our own mind, going from a universal to things specific and

individual, in the opposite way to that in which they were

[first] explored; nor shall we end our course until we have

come to mere determinates, finites, integers and things

known. Thus, as I think, and thus only, does a pathway open

to psychology and a true knowledge of the essence of our soul

and mind. Such knowledges, though they seem to require ages

for their attainment, can yet, within a short time, be so

brought forth before the understanding that there will be a

reception of what is true, and a distinguishing of what is

false" (Cer. Nos. 603-4).

It must not be inferred from this that Swedenborg here has a conception of correspondences as a key to spiritual mysteries. What is in his mind is not an excursion into theology but an ascent into the interior mechanism of nature. It was in the stream of this thought that he was led to see and formulate those doctrines of forms, series, and degrees which constitute the key that opened for him the door to the inner shrine of nature. Later, this led him to consider the representation of spiritual things in natural, and so prepared him for his final mission. Now, however, in 1738, he is thinking of the interiors of nature and not of the development of a theology.

"A philosophical analysis of this kind," he says,

"cannot be extended to theology. For theology regards

principally the union of the soul with God by means of love

and the Mediator - a union which is the last and the first

end of the whole of creation. But the limit of the analysis

of which we now speak lies within nature. From it, however,

we can infer that human reason will never be able to

penetrate into the Divine essence, since by its own modes of

speech and thought, it is not able to penetrate into the

essence of its own soul; but that if it dares to go so far,

it will return always duller in its intellect, and will

afterwards become blind also in all other matters; not unlike

the sight when it fixes its gaze on the sun. God alone is

infinite; and Him the soul could not express even if it were

able to speak in a manner most highly abstracted from the

modes of the inferior senses, and by means of enunciative

signs, a single one of which would not be exhausted by

myriads of our words. Ah! happy then are we! in that we

enjoy revealed truths so far as we have need of them. Only

let our faith be in these, apart from a reason which seeks to

penetrate beyond the limits and circle of its own nature.

May God, who operates upon us, grant this" (Cer. N. 605).

The above thoughts, it may be noted, are further elaborated in the chapter of the published Economy, entitled "An Introduction to Rational Psychology."

In this second Part, Swedenborg also sets forth this doctrine of the cerebro-spinal fluid - its origin from the pia mater; its course between the pia and the arachnoid and then downward between the medullar fibres; its subsequent use in lubricating the muscles; and its return to the head by way of the spinal column where its last forces of nutrition are expended on the cranium and the hair.

Here likewise he announces his doctrine respecting the sympathetic system of nerves, as the universal regulator of the body emitted from the spinal column as the viceregent of the cerebellum, to keep all things in order, and for that purpose makes, in passing, the striking observation that the fifth nerve is to the cerebral nerves what the sympathetic system is to the body. (Cer. N. 463)

His doctrine concerning the sympathetic nerve and the par vagum is brought out incidentally in support of what he says as to the cerebral blood being ruled by

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the brain and not by the heart, but the very fact of the argument being incidental illustrates the amazing knowledge of anatomy possessed by Swedenborg. It illustrates also his wonderful power of rational imagination, whereby when a subject is being considered, those things at once come to the memory which pertain to that particular subject, and there are formed into a rational analysis. But first there must be a well stocked memory; and this Swedenborg must have possessed par excellence.

One cannot but be surprised at Swedenborg's ready visualization of the nerves, blood vessels and muscles of the body, calling them up before his mind's eye in connection with every part of the body to which he may happen to refer. No man could do this unless he were thoroughly familiar with anatomical details. But where in Swedenborg's busy life as mineralogist, philosopher, traveler, did he find the time to pursue such extensive and exact studies?

Part 2 ends with two chapters on Monstrous Brains and the Brains of Birds and Fishes. The first of these chapters is of peculiar interest as affording a sort of test of Swedenborg's theory concerning the functions of the cerebrum and cerebellum, etc. For here Swedenborg applies his doctrines to the explanation of such curious cases as a living adult animal with a petrified brain, a girl born without a brain, coalesced twins, etc., and one cannot but be amazed at the simplicity of the explanations which these doctrines offer.

The brains of birds and fishes are studied because, as Swedenborg observes,

"being of a simpler character, they reveal many things to the

eyes which throw much light on the anatomy of perfect brains"

(Cer. N. 714).
What he principally brings out, however, is the testimony which these brains bear to the nature of the difference between men and animals.

Very early in this work, Swedenborg for the first time adopts the style of treatment used in the Economy of the Animal Kingdom; and this he continues through the rest of the work; to wit, he first quotes his anatomical authors, and follows this with a summarized "Induction" which he then takes up sentence by sentence.

Parts 1 and 2 having treated of the Cerebrum as the organ of sensation and motion, Swedenborg now takes up in Part 3 the Cerebrum as a chemical laboratory for the elaboration of the animal spirit. Of this Part, not more than 16 pages are missing.

Swedenborg commences with a treatise on the Animal Spirit itself. This is his first exposition on this subject. It is specially notable in that he omits all mention of any fluid higher than the Animal Spirits which flow within the medullary fibre. Yet he does not absolutely exclude what he later called the spirituous fluid. He is simply unable to admit that the soul can have a circulation like the bloods in which it is born and reborn, or perfected and purified.

"Therefore," he says, "I would have you conceive of the soul

as being distinct, and in no way confound it with its organs

and substantiates.... It is probable, therefore, that no

fibrils are put forth by these purest organs of the first

universality, but that when formed they at once flow down

within the surface of a somewhat larger compound. For if

they produced fibrils from themselves, they would not be

deciduous every moment, and man, being thus woven of them,

would live as the most perfect of beings. Hence, since they

are at once received within their own little channels, they

do not fly off into the auras but are straightway determined

to their goal" (Cer. Nos. 725-26).
This, as I have said, does not exclude the spirituous fluid of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom. There, that fluid is defined as "the spirit and soul of the body" (EAK 2:232-34); "the other self of the soul" (ibid. 246); "determined by the

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first aura" (ibid. 36, 180); "the formative substance of the body" (ibid. 37); "generated from anything in the animal, vegetable or mineral kingdoms" (ibid. 180), and "communicating with the body only mediately through organic substances" (ibid. 47); time and space, therefore, can be predicated of it only analogically (ibid. 348).

Clearly, Swedenborg had not as yet developed a doctrine of a distinct spirituous fluid in its own fibrils; but he does see that composition and dissolution, purification and rebuilding - in a word, the predicates of the animal spirit and the red blood - cannot be predicated of the soul; nor can any fibre be ascribed to it which partakes in the least degree of the corporeal; otherwise, as he observes, such fibre would be immortal and man would be perfect.

"Therefore," he says, "it is probable that no fibrils are put

forth by these purest organs of the first universality, but

that when formed they at once flow down within the surface of

a somewhat larger compound"

(Cer. N. 726; see also nos. 83-84).
It is this that he has in mind, and not any intrinsic opposition to the existence of a spirituous fluid as later described in the Economy of the Animal Kingdom. In fact, even in this first work, he recognizes the existence of an "animal spirit conceived within the organs of the second degree," the degree next above the cortical gland; but he maintains that it is consociated with the animal spirits because otherwise it would fly off (no. 84); and in speaking of these inner parts of the animal spirits, he uses definitions very similar to those given by the Economy of the Animal Kingdom to the spirituous fluid;* see nos. 731-32.

* We may here note that until we come to the last chapter on "The Introduction to Rational Psychology," the first volume of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom makes no mention of a spirituous fluid. In Swedenborg's own index to that volume, he has the entry: "Animal Spirit or Spirituous Fluid," but all the references except those in the last chapter clearly treat of the animal spirits. On the other hand, in his unpublished index to the second volume (Codex 38), the entry is "Spirituous Fluid" - but most of the references clearly treat of the animal spirit. It would appear that even here Swedenborg did not have a distinct conception of a separate spirituous fluid in its own fibril, but considered it only as the inner constituent or soul of the animal spirit. It is not until The Fibre, which was written soon after the publication of the Economy, that Swedenborg first taught that the animal spirit and the spirituous fluid were two distinct fluids in distinct fibres.

In this chapter on the Animal Spirits, we have a re-echo of thoughts previously expressed in the Psychologica and the Infinite with respect to the common ideas entertained concerning "spirits."

"Tell me what spirit is," Swedenborg asks. "From the

unknown," he continues, "can anything come that is better

known? If substances enter into matter ... then, with

substances unknown, tell me what matter is, or what part ...

which gives the three dimensions. If it be merely force, if

bare thought, tell me what Sensation is, Perception, Idea,

[etc.] ... without organs, substances, a brain, [etc.]

Separated from these, is such an abstract entity possible?"

He confesses that formulas are lacking whereby to describe

the substance of the animal spirit, "and unless by means of

an analytical philosophy of degrees, known qualities be

substituted for formulas, we surely embrace qualities that

are occult, like the dog in Aesop's fable which took the

shadow for the substance" (Cer. N. 730).

Part 3 itself, as we have said, is devoted to a description of uses of the chemical laboratory. We may note, however, that in the course of this treatment, Swedenborg puts forth a striking hypothesis which was unknown until comparatively recent times; the doctrine, namely, that the corpora striata and optic thalami

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are viceregents of the cerebrum which, being taught by the latter to receive sensations and perform motions, take up this office for themselves, and so leave the rational cerebrum free for higher concerns, whenever it chooses so to be free.

The work ends with the following fine passages:

"But, O my reader, be not desirous of questioning miracles

and calling their possibility into doubt, when we ourselves

are full of miracles. All things are utterly obsequious to

the Infinite Willing; nor can anything be conceived of as

existing, whether according to the order of that nature which

is represented before us, or contrary thereto, that does not

in an instant present itself in the effect in a way utterly

comfortable to His rule. In Him is nothing limited, He being

power without limit. But in us everything is limited in

accordance with formed determinations.

"In her leasts and purests, Nature is, as it were whole;

nor is she bound by any laws save those of her universe,

which are laws inscribed by the Supreme Creator. The purer

she is in her substance, the more universal is she, and with

added force of acting and of providing; but the more

compounded she is, the more is she in particulars. In the

former case she has regard to the whole, in the latter, to

some one thing. When she compounds herself, she circumscribes

herself with limits, and forms the limits into the

relationship of neighbors. Nevertheless, in compounds, or

thus compoundedly in limits, it is from her leasts that she

regards the universal state of all. Hence she is greatest in

her least, and the least is the only thing in the greatest.

Thus, in the animal the kingdom is a kingdom of the part, if

I may so express it, and the whole is subject to the

universality of its parts. In the substance of the cerebral

cortex is the natal soil of organic parts. What is released

therefrom flows done through fibres into the nerves and the

blood, and is called spirit. By the nerves and blood it

flows into the provinces of the body where it forms its

integers and its whole, which, as was said, it circumscribes

with limits, and composes into the relationship of neighbors,

and by their connection inscribes on them a mutual concord,

in order that they may be in obedience under their brain.

To this end is the highly equipped chemical laboratory of the

brain furnished with its alembics, vials, recipients and

retorts; a laboratory which seals the spirit in vesicles and

membranes, and surrounds it with bathing humors, that the

temperature may be fitting and the effect assured.

Therefore, in the brains and their kingdoms, nature, the work

of omnipotent God out of nothing, immensely excelling art in

ingenuity, instructs us how spirits are to be extracted, how

to be distilled, dissolved, rectified, filtered and exalted

to their final use. Thus all science and natural art resides

in our own selves, and when we cull aught of it, this is but

a drop from an immense lake.

"Whether what has now been brought forward is in harmony

with the nature of things, this I pray you to search into.

Not the glory of the finding but the truth found is what

gladdens me, and it is to the friends of truth alone that I

appeal. All others, a later age, if not the present, will

laugh at. 'A lie is thin; it will show forth if you

diligently look into it.' 'He is born to few things who

thinks of the people of his own age. Many thousands of years

and of peoples are yet to come. Look to these, even though

some cause has imposed silence on thy contemporaries. Those

will come who shall judge without enmity and without favor'

[Seneca, Epistola, 79]." (Cer. Nos. 1201-3)

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August

The fact that Swedenborg had completed this great work - over 1,480 pages - the result of such prodigious labor; that he had written it out in neat form; that he had the means to publish it and yet did not publish it, but later completely rewrote it, is eloquent testimony to his love of truth over self glory.

The manuscript book containing the treatise on the Cerebrum above outlined, contained also 22 pages headed: "VIII Concerning Muscles in general," and paged 1913-34. As to the time when these pages were written, of this we shall speak later when we consider Swedenborg's stay in Rome. Transaction IV of the Cerebrum was to have ended with a treatment on Muscular Motion (Codex 65: p. 522).

It was probably just before or after writing this work that Swedenborg wrote - perhaps in Rome - the first of the title-pages which indicate that his physiological works were to commence with a Transaction on the Brain. This was the title-page: "The Animal Economy ... concerning the Cerebrum," etc. (see above, p. 438).

After completing the Cerebrum, Swedenborg left Venice and returned via Padua to Vicenza and Verona where he arrived on August 11th. Here he stayed three days, during which he "again viewed the great amphitheatre where is now played comedy." He also again visited the "Theatrum Operae," namely, the new theatre. Here he notes that there are 9 exists and 32 rooms. He also viewed "all the antiquities round about." (Resebe. p. 85; Rogis. p. 671a = pict.)

From Verona he turned south to Mantua, 25 miles away. Here again he entered into a new governmental territory.* He arrived on Thursday, August 14th. On that date he writes:

* Mantua belonged to Austria.

"To Mantua where was a sparse population* and very little to

see, only the fortification works. The town was strengthened

all around by nature, with a morass 1200 paces broad. There

are 2 or 3 stone bridges. The water on the one side was

higher than on the other." (Ibid.; Rogis. p. 658a = pict.)

* In 1706, the population was 50,000, but war may have decreased this by 1738.

Swedenborg stayed in Mantua from Thursday the 14th until Thursday the 21st when he engaged passage in a barque and sailed down the Po to Ferrara, some 50 miles to the southeast. Here again Swedenborg entered into a new dominion, for Ferrara was the first town in the Papa States or, as Swedenborg puts it, "It belongs to the Papal throne." Like Mantua, it has wide streets, but also like Mantua it was an almost deserted town for many years before and after Swedenborg's visit. (Rogis. p. 114 = pict.; Addison p. 116; Baretti 2:156; Spon 1:54)

He describes the city as

"a fine city with wide streets. The cathedral church is

beautiful. In St. Marie de Vale are many beautiful

paintings. The other churches are passable. Later I was in

Baron Cervello's Palace which is superb and well kept; the

rooms contain mirrors, and other rooms are enriched with

pictures, etc., and silver service. In Ferrara the Pope has

a Cardinal and an Abbe over the military, etc."

(Resebe. p. 85)

Here and also at Genoa, Swedenborg was obliged to report at the town house before he could get admission at any inn. (Mead, p. 152)

Swedenborg stayed in Ferrara the whole of Friday, August 22nd. On the 23rd he journeyed on to Bologna, some 40 miles to the southwest. He probably went by

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August

water, for the road was a very bad one and with poor accommodations for travelers.

In 1706 "it was almost impossible for walkers and very

difficult for a horse; for the whole distance there was only

one poor inn. The journey by a boat drawn by horses down the

river Rheno with its slow and even current was, on the other

hand, a pleasant experience." The river has many cataracts,

but these are avoided by nine canal locks which doubtless

Swedenborg saw with interest.

(Rogis. pp. 120-21; Mead p. 35)

He arrived at Bologna on Saturday, August 23rd, and stayed there two days during which he enjoyed the sights of this city of over 80,000 inhabitants, made famous by its University when Malpighi had been Professor, and its art collections. (Rogis. p. 135)

"On August 23rd," writes Swedenborg, "came to Bologna.

Was in the Cathedral; in the Dominicans Monastery and church

where St. Dominic died; saw his grave [a magnificent tomb in

the Chapel of St. Dominic]; there were paintings by the best

masters." (Resebe. p. 85)

This church was one of the finest in Bologna, and St.

Dominic's Chapel contains beautiful paintings representing

the life of the saint. The Monastery was no less magnificent

than the church, and the monks lived "splendidly."

(Rogis. p. 121 = pict., 126-28)

"In the city," Swedenborg continues, "are many beautiful

palaces. On the 24th [St. Bartholomew's Day, which this year

fell on a Sunday] was the annual feast. It was celebrated in

the form of a festival. Afterwards was thrown to the people

a great quantity of hens, doves, geese, turkeys' and

afterward lambs; then were distributed, by Cardinal Spinola

[the Governor of Bologna] and two other persons, peacocks as

well as coins, and finally purses." (Resebe. pp. 85-86)

(Rogis. p. 129a = pict., 129)

Of the art gallery, he writes: "In the art rooms all is in complete

good order, and there is a complete collection of all the

sciences, sculptures, pictures, chemistry, physics,

astronomy. In the city," he continues, "there are 2

cardinals and 50 governors who are chosen by lot every 2

months.* I saw the Bologna stone [a stone found near Bologna

which has phosphorescent qualities] which is quarried 2 or 3

miles from the city, in a mountain. Was outside the city in

the monastery of the white Benedictines; it is large and

costly." (Rese. p. 86)

* The city has two governors - an archbishop with a bishop as vice-legate. The senate consists of 50 noblemen chosen by the Pope.

This was a church and convent of the Olivet Fathers,

about 1-1/2 miles south of the city, the Church St. Michal in

Bosco. It is of marvelous beauty both by nature and by art,

and contained many rare paintings. The monastery is now on

orthopedic hospital. (Baed. Italy pp. 329-30)

Swedenborg left Bologna on Tuesday, August 26th. The road on which he traveled is no longer in use, but while difficult, it was some ten miles shorter than the road via Pistoia. He tells us nothing of his journey, but this omission is supplied by travelers who went on the same road thirty years earlier or later.

Bologna was left by the Porta Saragozza, after which the

road led along the sides of the Apennines through a rolling,

fertile country

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August

and with a gentle rise to Piamore, some 10 miles distant,

where he stopped over night as the whole of the next day

would be required for the passage of the mountains.

The next day he journeyed to Loiano which "is nearly on

top of the Alps." From here the road led through forests of

chestnut trees to a village called Pietra Mala where was the

entrance to Tuscany. Here customs must be passed and

passports shown. After Pietra Mala came the crossing of

Pietra Mala itself, "which is very difficult to cross, but

which, nevertheless it is necessary to pass over." The road

was a winding one with numerous ascents and risings, a part

that one has passed being often seen far below. (Rogissart p.137)

This part of the journey constitutes "the longest and

steepest ascent of the Apennines...On our right," says

Hazlitt, "were high ledges of frowning rock 'cloud clapt' and

the summits impervious to the sight; on our farthest left, an

opening was made which showed a milder sky;... between and in

the valley below there was nothing to be seen but mist and

crag and grim desolation." (Hazlitt p. 209)

After a few miles of descent, the village Fiorenzola is

reached, "a very delightful place and situated at the bottom

of a valley which is surrounded on all sides by high

mountains from which one often sees fires coming forth."

Here the river Sauterne is passed, after which "one ascends

to the top of the mountain, having continually at the left

hand a frightful precipice causing one to close one's eyes

with fright...The road is narrow and troublesome; for it is

necessary to climb for three hours without seeing either

plains or a proper place to rest in before arriving at the

top where a very bad hostelry is found." Either here or at

the preceding village Swedenborg again passed the night.

"From here the mountain goes by an easy and agreeable slope

to the very foot of the walls of Florence." The approach to

Florence presented a beautiful picture. When viewed from the

brow of the last hill, it comes to view "as a scene of

enchantment, a city planted in a garden and resembling a rich

and varying suburb. The whole presented a brilliant

amphitheatre of hill and vale, of buildings, groves and

terraces. The circling heights were crowned with sparkling

villas; the varying landscape, over or below, waved in an

endless succession of olive grounds."

(Rogis. p. 135, 142a = pict.; Hazlitt p. 211)

All this journey, Swedenborg comprises in the words:

"The road between [Bologna and Florence] consisted of

mountains." (Resebe. p. 86)

Until a year previous to Swedenborg's visit, Tuscany,

with Florence as its capital, had been the Grand Duchy of the

Medicis; but when the last of that family died in 1737, the

Emperor of Austria annexed the whole of Tuscany as a vacant

fief, and gave it to Francis, Duke of Lorraine, his

son-in-law. When some years later, Francis became Emperor of

Austria, Tuscany became an Austrian possession.

Swedenborg arrived in Florence -- then a city of about 70,000 inhabitants - on Thursday, August 28th. He entered the city by what is now called the Porta S. Gallo, passing through the triumphal are which was completed the year of Swedenborg's arrival. From here, the way would lie almost directly to the Piazza di Signoria via the via di San Gallo past the Bapitstry, the Mercato Vecchio to the Ponte Vecchio. (Rogis. pp. 1,143 = pict.; Baed. Italy p. 458)

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August

"One of the most beautiful cities," Swedenborg writes, "with

many and beautiful palaces, and magnificent pictures,

sculptures, and other rarities." (Resebeskrifn. p. 86)

He may well write so, for Florence had long been famed for

its art, its language, its beauty, and the richness of the

surrounding country.

"Venice the rich," was the saying: "Milan the great, Genoa

the superb, Bologna the fat, Ravenna the old, Naples the

noble, Rome the holy," but "Florence the beautiful."

(Rogis. p. 146)

Florence was also one of the most important cities of Italy,

having a population of over 100,000; the streets large and

well paved with flagstones, magnificent palaces, superb

churches, and all the houses of a pleasant appearance.

(Ibid. p. 169)

During this his first visit, Swedenborg stayed in Florence only four days when he took an excursion for a few days to Leghorn and Pisa, after which he returned to Florence for a stay of two weeks, his time probably being fully occupied with sightseeing.

"The Cathedral is of marble on the outside. It cost 18

million. It is called Maria del fiore," this being the name

of the cathedral. This building was without a facade, the

present facade, dating from 1887, having been begun in 1860.

Swedenborg must have admired the wonderful with its fine

ceiling picture of the Last Judgment; the altar with its

marvelous marble statues of the twelve Apostles. One wonders

whether he mounted the four hundred and six steps in the

adjoining campanile, whence a fine view of the city is

obtained. (ANC pict. 2)

(Rogis. p. 156 = pict.; Baed. Italy p. 406)

Opposite the cathedral, continues Swedenborg, "is St.

Giovanni wherein are sculptures of marble and statues of

bronze." This building is more commonly known as the

Baptistry. It was the original cathedral, and its true name

is the church of St. John the Baptist, and it is here that

every child born in the city is baptized.

It is hardly probable that Swedenborg failed to witness one or more of these baptisms. By his reference to "statues in bronze," he seems to have meant the three famous bronze doors of the Baptistry with their remarkable reliefs. (ANC pict. 3, 4)

On his second visit to Florence, a week later, he again visited the beautiful Baptistry. He then notes that it is "an octagonal building" with a "costly work of bronze in the doors, the like of which is not to be found, according to Michel Angelo, who said that they were conceived for paradise." Michel Angelo referred particularly to the third door representing scenes from the Old Testament. Of this door, which is truly a surpassing piece of work both in design and execution, it was said to be worthy of forming the entrance to paradise. Swedenborg repeats the common tradition when he writes that this church "was in former times the temple of Mars." Modern researchers ascribe it to the seven or eighth century. (Baed. Italy p. 405; Rogissart)

Swedenborg also notes that he saw

"fine pictures in St. Giovanni degli Scolopi, St. Spirito,

St. Felice in the Piazza, and many other churches."

The S. Spirito and the St. Felice are on the south bank of

the Arno, quite near both to each other and to the Pitti

Palace. Swedenborg visited S. Spirito later on Sunday

afternoon, when on his way home from a walk outside the city

he again visited "the magnificent cloister of San Spirito."

This cloister has some notable frescoes.

(Rese. p. 86) (ANC pict. 6; Baed. Italy p. 441)

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August

His visit to the Gallery d'Uffizi impressed him greatly.

"There," he writes, "are the most magnificent things in

Europe; rarities old and new, noble stones, inlaid work which

cannot be described. There were the principal statues of

Venus and others." The fingers in the Venus as now preserved

are modern. On the lower floor of the Uffizi Gallery was the

great Magliabechi Library of 30,000 volumes.

"It was large," writes Swedenborg, "but arranged according to

the alphabet."

Here is now the Natural Library which was founded by the

addition of the ducal library in the Pitti Palace.

(Resebe. p. 86; Baed. Italy p. 392; ANC pict. 6a, 7)

Swedenborg also visited the Jesuit church of San Lorenzo which is one of the oldest churches in Italy, having been founded in 390, though it was re-erected by the Medicis in the fifteenth century. It is here in the chapel of the Princes that the Medici family have their tombs. Swedenborg describes this chapel as
"a magnificent work of all kinds of stones and mausoleum. It is not yet finished." (Resebe. p. 86)

It was begun at the private cost of the Medici in 1604,

having been designed by Giovanni de Medici, but has never

been wholly finished. When Swedenborg visited it, work was

still being done on it for the Medicis. The chapel is

entirely of marble and is justly renowned for its beauty due

to its noble architecture and to its many magnificent

adornments. It contains six high oriental porphery

sarcophagi, though the sixth for the grand duke who had died

in 1737 was not yet completed when Swedenborg made his visit.

In a niche above each sarcophagus is a statute of the grand

duke in his robes of state. The lower part of the walls is

lined with a great variety of rare and richly colored marbles

and decorated with coats of arms of Tuscan towns in a kind of

mosaic of inlaid marbles and precious stones such as lapis

lasuli, chalcedony, agate, mother of pearl, amber, etc. The

dome was to have been lined with lapis lazuli, but this was

never done on account of the enormous expense. The present

painting of the dome ceiling was done in 1830. Indeed, the

walls of this chapel constitute "the richest crust of

ornament that was ever lavished on so large a surface."

(ANC pict. 7a, 8)

Swedenborg also visited the famous Laurentian Library founded by Cosimo di Medici and designed by Michel Angelo. This library is famous for its collection

of more than 5,000 rare Hebrew, Greek and Latin MSS.

Swedenborg, whose interests were mainly in the latest

scientific works, writes of it that it "consisted only of old

books of 200 years old."

(Rogis. p. 162; Baed. Italy p. 432; ANC pict. 9)

Of course Swedenborg visited the Pitti Palace, now the Royal residence, but during Swedenborg's time the residence of the Grand Duke.

It is conspicuously situated on a hill south of the Arno.

The two projecting wings of this palace are a modern

addition. (Baed. ib. p. 442)

"In the Palazzo de Pitti or the palace where the prince

lives," writes Swedenborg, "there were most beautiful

paintings by the best masters."

Well might he write thus, for there is no collection in Italy

that can boast so many masterpieces. (Baed. ib. p. 442; ANC

pict. 10)

"Below," continues Swedenborg, "is a magnetic stone, 2 ells

long, 2 broad, and 1-1/2 high."

This stone, together with a companion stone, was in the

gallery of the palace court. The palace garden, the famous

Boboli, is a magnificent piece of work extending up the hill

in terraces and commanding a fine

502

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 503

[1738
Aug.-Sept.

view of the city. It contains fountains and bronze and

marble statutes by notable masters.

"In the garden also," writes Swedenborg, "were many statues.

Everywhere are cypresses. It is called giardino de doboli.

There also was a theatre." (Resebe. p. 86)

The fine walks lined with evergreens still beautify this

noble garden. In the center is the amphitheatre which is

what Swedenborg refers to as the "theatre" because in his

time it was employed for court festivals. (Rogis. p. 148;

Wharton pp. 45, 30, 17 = pict.; Baed. Italy p. 451;

ANC pict. 11)

Swedenborg also notes his visit to the Monastery of San Marco with its beautiful cloisters where are found frescoes unrivalled for their deep piety. Savonarola once lived here. It is now used as a museum. (Baed. ib. p. 424)

"In San Marco," write Swedenborg, "a cloister with beautiful

inlaid stones and enamelled work; also a chemical

laboratory." (Resebe. ib.)

The latter was doubtless due to the labors of one or more of

the Dominican monks. (ANC pict. 12)

As in so many other cities, Swedenborg also visited the Duke's Arsensal near the Palezzo Vecchia. He remains that "it was not large."

On Sunday, August 31st, Swedenborg, with some friends, took a walk to the Porta Romagna, and from there along a mile-long avenue of lofty cypresses to the Villa Poggio Imperiale. It is now used as a girls' school and is not open to the public. Its art treasures have been removed. Of this Villa, Swedenborg writes:

"On August 31st we were outside the city in the Villa

Imperiale. Here there is a beautiful Allee of cypresses and

laurels, and a gallery of great magnificence with paintings

by the best masters, inlaid stone work, statues, especially

Greek. It was very beautiful, etc., etc. There was also an

orangerie and a grotto with fountain." On their way home

they again visited the Church of San Spirito. (Rese. ib.)

Later in the day, Swedenborg visited the Church of San Croce on the great Piazza San Croce, where lies the tomb of Michel Angelo. At that time the church was without its present facade. Swedenborg there notes (ANC pict. 13).

"a chapel wherein are the most beautiful paintings and

statues. In the roof the paintings were as lifelike as

though they were statues." (Resebe. ibid.)

The chapel referred to is probably the Capella Bardi with

paintings by Giotti. Ruskin calls this chapel "the most

interesting and perfect gothic chapel in all history." The

paintings in the roof are also by Giotti, represent Poverty,

Chastity and Obedience, the cardinal virtues of the

Franciscans.

This Sunday must have been a busy day, for Swedenborg and his friends later on "walked in the common park outside the city," probably the small park near the Porta Zeccayecchia about half a mile from San Croce.

"In the evening," he continues, Awe saw an illumination on

the roof of a church, the [S. S.] Annunziata, which had been

sacredly made for some days; and it was [in celebration of] a

Florentine, when also the streets were illuminated, and on

the roof of the church was a very fine fireworks."

Resebe. ibid. )

Swedenborg left Florence on Monday, September 1st, for a short sightseeing trip. He first went to Livorno (Leghorn), some 60 miles west of Florence. The first 35 miles of this journey lay along the banks of the Arno, "a beautiful road," as Swedenborg describes it, "but mountains on the sides."

503

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 504

[1738
September

He arrived in Livorno on Wednesday morning, September 3rd:

"The city is a small one," he says, "yet handsome, well

populated. It has the finest harbor for some 1000 ships. On

3 sides it is surrounded by walls with a bastion and small

forts. For a part of the 4th side it has cliffs, and only

from above can storms strike in. At the time there were from

60 to 70 ships there. The city has 2 forts, the old and the

new, and is well fortified. In 3 fine galleys one saw the

men doomed to the galleys tied together in couples with

chains. I was then on a ship." (Resebeskrifn. pp. 86-87)

There were great numbers of galley slaves in Livorno at this

time, being mostly Turks. (Rogis. p. 604)

Swedenborg stayed in Livorno till Friday, September 5th, when he journeyed to Pisa, some 15 miles to the northwest, where he arrived on Friday morning. Pisa is near the quarries, whence comes the famous carrara marble, and Swedenborg is truck with the abundance of marble buildings. He writes: (Rogis. p. 605 = map. 610 = pict.)

"Sept. 5th, to Pisa wherein is a university. A fine

city. The river Arno flows through it. There are many marble

buildings. Its chapels, churches, and some of the houses are

of marble. Their church [the cathedral] is completely

covered about with marble, and in it are many beautiful

paintings, sculptures and adornments. The church of St. John

[the Cathedral] in front and within and without. The

[baptistry of] St. John nearby is a round building of marble

within and without. [Swedenborg does not mention the

marvelous pulpit in this building, but its beauty must have

arrested his attention and commanded his admiration.] The

belfry tower [campanile] is of marble with 7 stories of

pillars; but it now stands leaning. Nearby was the Campo

Santo wherein are many graves and also bones of the saints;

[the earth in this cemetery was conveyed from the holy land

in 53 shiploads, that the dead might rest in holy ground;] a

great number of bacchanalian urns." This probably refers,

among others, to a marble vase on a broken column, with fine

Bacchanalian representation. There are here also many

Etruscan vases, besides several Roman (Baed. Italy p. 356).

Sarcophagi with Bacchanalian scenes (ibid.)

Swedenborg ends his notes on Pisa with the words:

"Oblong [tombstones], the length, breadth and thickness

according to the Holy Scripture." (Ressebeskrifn. p. 87)

Swedenborg stayed in Pisa over night, and the next day, Saturday, September 6th, he returned to Florence, some 50 miles away.

On the following Sunday, September 7th, he again visited San Croce where he had been the preceding Sunday. There he again notes

"the most beautiful chapel, with beautiful pictures [perhaps

the Peruzzi Chapel which rivals the Bardi, and where also are

masterpieces by Giotto]. Gallileo Galilei and Michael Angelo

are buried here," he adds, and undoubtedly he saw and admired

their tombs. (Rese. ib.; ANC pict. 14, 15)

It was doubtless during this visit to San Croce that he

witnessed on the same Sunday "the ceremonies at the

initiation of 7 Nuns. They were clothed in white from head to

foot. The Archbishop officiated, and he changed his caps

five times. He questioned them and they answered him with

chanting. They lay for a long time on the ground, under a

black cover; after which they received rings and also crowns,

etc., and then the sacrament. They then went out in

procession, with their crowns. There were many women present

clothed in bridal array. There was also fine music."

(Resebe. ibid.)

504

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 505

[1738
September

Two days later, September 9th, Swedenborg visited the Palazzo Ricchardi, the original home of the Medici where Lorenzo the Magnificent was born. (ANC pict. 16, 17)

"It is the largest palace in Florence, Swedenborg remarks,

"and there is a great collection of antiquities, and also a

collection of pictures and inscriptions. I was also in the

Ricchardi garden where is a large orangery."

(Ressebeskrifn. p. 87)

This garden is no longer in existence.

During this two day's stay in Florence, Swedenborg doubtless occupied himself with other sightseeing, but he notes only a visit to the Baptistry and the fact that he "3 times witnessed the initiation of nuns in the cloister. The ceremonies differed," he adds.

On Sunday, September 21st, Swedenborg left Florence for Rome - a distance of 193 miles which took five days. He left Florence by the Porta Romana and, passing through Casciano Castellino, arrived at Siena, some 35 miles away, at the end of the first day. Of Siena, where he stopped over night, Swedenborg notes that there "they talk the best Italian."

Swedenborg left Siena by the Porta Romagna, through the noble arch of which gate he got an exquisitely romantic and picturesque view of the country he was to traverse. The road he took is now little used except locally. But

then it was the old military highway, and the peculiarity of

the highway was that "instead of creeping along the valleys,

it passes along the ridges of hills to prevent surprise or

watch the movements of an enemy, and thus generally commands

an extensive view of the country." (Hazlitt p. 230)

His road passed through the old Etruscan country, of which he was reminded by seeing to the right and left the stately remains of ancient Etruscan cities cresting the heights; and here and there, perched on the top of a cliff, the ruins of some robber chief's castle.

Swedenborg passed through San Quirico, Aquapendanto, past Lake Bolsena to Montefrasconi, a high-lying town which commands a magnificent view, where Swedenborg probably stayed on the night of September 23rd. Thence to Viterbo where, let us hope, he passed the following night, probably with considerable pleasure at the fine accommodations as compared with the miserable inns he had had the two preceding nights. (See Hazlitt p. 231)

"A beautiful little town," he writes, "with two fine

fountains." Viterbo, which lies 1200 feet above sea level,

is surrounded by ancient lombard walls and towers, and in

olden times was a town of ecclesiastical importance. It is

in the very center of the old Etruscan ruins. It was called

by the ancient writers the "city of handsome fountains and

beautiful women." There are many ancient fountains in the

town, but the two to which Swedenborg refers are probably the

fountains near the Porta Fiorentina through which Swedenborg

entered Viterbo, and the Fontena Grande in the Market Place.

(Baed. Italy p. 70)

From Viterbo to Rome was some 50 miles, the last part of the journey being over "the pestilential and dreaded Campagna. To spend the night on this vast unwholesome plain was thought to be hazardous for strangers." The towns hitherto passed were all situated at high altitudes, and at this Swedenborg seems to have felt some satisfaction as he neared Rome, for he writes:

505

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 506

[1738
September

"Around Rome, mostly in the lower places, the air is

poisonous in the months of July, August and September, so

that a traveler does not get sleep. So likewise in Rome, but

not in high situations. It is also dangerous to change

lodgings at that time." (Resebeskrifn. p. 87)

This perhaps was among his reasons for prolonging his stay in

Florence.

To give an insight of Swedenborg's experiences on this journey, we will quote from a traveler who made the same journey three years later:

"Viterbo, Montefrasione, Ronciglione, and the rest of the

towns we passed through," he writes, "are all in the same

miserable condition, though in a pleasant and fruitful

country. We saw ruinous houses and poor people with fine

churches, rich clergy and fat convents"

(quoted in Mead, Grand Tour, p. 20).

Swedenborg entered Rome - then a city of about 110,000 inhabitants - on Thursday, September 25th, by the Via Flamminia, which his road joined near the Ponte Molle or Milvius, a Roman bridge of four arches (the Triumphal Arch at one end of the bridge was added in 1805). Over this bridge, in a straight line, lies the road to the Porto del Populo near which, on the left hand, Swedenborg got his first view of the beautiful gardens of the Vila Borghese. He writes:

"I lodged first at the Tre Re [near the Piazza Venezia],

afterwards in the Piazza [d'Espagne] itself* right under

where Queen Christina had lodged on the hill above, so that

from my lodging I could easily talk with those who were in

her house."** (Resebe. pp. 87-88)

(Descr. Of Hol. p. 362; Baed. It. p. 336 Ros. p. 192)

*? Hot Mont d'Or (Mead, The Grand Tour p. 91)

** Queen Christina first lived in the Palazzo Farnese (Corsini); but on her second visit to Rome, she had temporary lodgings in the Giaconole where the statue of Garibaldi now stands (Mackenzie p. 195).

An hotel is still in existence on the same site. The pia

d'Espagna was then under the jurisdiction of the Ambassador

of Spain, and was therefore considered the quietest and

safest quarter of the city.

(Mead p. 314; Crawford 1:251 = pict.)

"For the first days [i.e., from Saturday to Monday],"

Swedenborg continues, "I took a view of different things en

passant, namely, where the Pope lives in summer on Mount

Cavallo [now the Palace of the Quirinal which is the royal

residence], different piazzas, columns, obelisks, churches,

the Vatican, St. Peter's Church - of which I shall speak more

particularly later on. The Ponte del Angelo or Pons Elius is

the principal bridge in Rome. Just on the far side is the

Castello del Angelo.... The bridge was built by Aelius

Hadrian, but lightly and with wood, which could be taken

apart. In 1450, a jubilee year, 172 persons or foreigners

were drowned here when they were coming from the Vatican, and

it was built of stone with 4 arches. It is 70 paces long,

and from 10 to 12 broad. In 1523, Clement VII adorned it

with two marble statues, Peter and Paul, and in 1669, Clement

IX added 10 angels of marble, the whole representing the

Passion. They are by different masters, the design being by

Barberini. (Fam. 13:955 = pict.; Ros. p. 161)

"From this bridge one sees on the left bank 3 or 4 remains of

the Triumphal Bridge over which drove those who held a

triumph. This first triumph is reckoned to have been made by

Romulus, the last by Probus, there being altogether 322!"

(Resebeskrifn. p. 88)

506

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 507

[1738
September

After this preliminary survey, Swedenborg commenced to view the city more in detail. But first he procured a guidebook which he still had in his library at the time of his death. It is in Italian and is entitled Il Marcurio Errante de Roma by Rossini, Rome 1732. In his Journal, Swedenborg quotes much from this book, a fact which indicates his knowledge of Italian; but several particulars which he gives indicate that he also had another guidebook or other authority; they also indicate a revival of his early studies in Roman History which was made much of in Upsala.

His first visit was to the Pantheon or La Rotunda. He writes: (Ros. p. 174 = pict.)

"This was built by M. Agripa, 14 years after Christ's birth,

for Cybele the mother of the gods, it is said. Others say it

was built for Jupiter, Mars and Venus; some that it was

afterwards for all the gods. An earlier building seems,

however, to have been erected, for it is said that at the

beginning there were two porticos, and that Agrippa built the

one and destroyed the other and set his name on the former.

Agrippa's grave is supposed to be there. The statue of

Hercules was set there, to which the Carthagineans sacrificed

a man every year. Under Hadrian the temple was struck by

lightning, but it was repaired by Aurelius and Septimus

Severus. It was also burned under Commodus. Under the

Emperor Phoca in 607 it was dedicated to the blessed Virgin

and all the saints, 830 of whom were carried there, being 28

cartloads of martyrs bones, and it was called Maria ad

Martyres. It is said that a portrait of Mary was made there

by St. Luke.* It has been repaired and brought to its present

condition mainly by Clement XI in 1707. (Rossini - Notre

dame de la Rotunda - pp. 174-75)

* One of the altars of the Pentheon has an image of the Virgin which is much venerated, but so far as I know there is no painting of the Virgin (Rogis. p. 361). Possibly Swedenborg has confused the Pantheon with the Church S. Francesca Romana (formerly called Maria Nova) which he visited the next day, where, over the high altar, is an ancient Madonna attributed to Luke. Rossini (p. 145) speaks of this portrait being in Maria Nuova at the entrance to the forum (Baed. Italy p. 233; Hare 124).

"The cupola and portico were covered with metal, but this was

removed in 686.* The cross beams were of metal, which was

used [by Pope Urban VIII in the sixteenth century] for the

Grand Altar to Peter in St. Peter's Church.

(Crawford 2:49 = pict.; Rossini p. 175)

* The Pantheon was despoiled of its statues and bronze ornaments and roof by the Emperor Constantine in 657 or 663.

"The church is 154 feet high, and 154 feet in diameter. This

opening gave more light than if there had been many windows,

and an even light everywhere. (Rossini p. 174)

"Sound was magnified there quite strongly. Some weather was

heard at the door. Under the opening [in the vault] water

came in, since it was raining, but not much.

"There are 15 altars; from 4 to 5 beautiful marble pictures;

14 pillars of yellow marble, and 14 niches in the wall

answering to them." (Resebeskrifn. p. 88)

In Swedenborg's time, the marble, porphyry and serpentine decorations of the attica of the facade were visible, but in 1747 they were whitewashed over. (Baed. Italy p. 194)

"The portico is admirable; its 16 great columns are of

oriental granite or greystone, 6-1/2 handbreadths in

diameter, high and all of one piece, being larger than any I

have ever seen. It is to be wondered how they could all have

been transported there. (Rossini p. 174)

507

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 508

[1738
September

"There is a very large door of metal, the frame around

it being of stone of a single piece. The wall is 30

handbreadths thick. A vessel of porphyry and a tomb of

porphyry* are said to be there, but I could not see them.

The portico is 20 paces long and 12 broad." (Ros. p. 175)

(Resebeskrifn. p. 89)

* Agrippa's tomb. It was taken by Clement XII in 1729 for his tomb in the Lateran; see below, p. 515.

"Outside the Pantheon," continues Swedenborg, "is the

Piazza de Rotunda where is an obelisk taken from S.

Bartolomaeus Church, and brought here by Clement XI in 1707.

It has dolphins around it which sprout water. For the rest,

the fountain wherein it stands was made in 1580. The obelisk

is from Egypt and has Egyptian characters." (Ib. p. 194)

(Resebeskrifn. p. 89)

While at the Pantheon, Swedenborg tried to find the Baths of Agrippa situated at the back of the Pantheon, but naturally was not very successful, for a large part of these baths was exhumed in 1781-82 in the via della Palombella. (Baed. Italy p. 195)

"It is said that some ruins of the baths of Marcus

Agrippa are to be seen back of the Pantheon," Swedenborg

writes, "but I could not find them. They must have been

magnificent with an arch beautifully roofed with stone, and

with a glass floor and richly gilded." (Ros. p. 228)

(Resebeskrifn. ibid)

Walking a little east from the Piazza di Rotunda, Swedenborg next visited the Church of S. Ignatius. He notes that

"it is beautiful and contains fine paintings, especially in

the roof. What I most admired was an altar in front on the

right hand; the marble pillars; the altar cloth, both at the

sides and above, was the most beautiful I have ever seen.

Beneath the altar was a sarcophagus of blue oriental stone,

very fine, with silver and statues and also costly columns."

(Ibid.)

The ceiling painting here referred to is especially fine because of the perfect perspective. The chapel is that of St. Lod. Gonzaga. (Baed. Italy p. 156)

"Further to the front," continues Swedenborg, "is the grave

of Ludovisi, of beautiful sculpture in marble and with

pillars. Ludovisi* has contributed most to this temple. The

Piazza di Ignace is built by the Jesuits. It is small but of

conspicuous good taste." (Ibid.)

* Cardinal Ludovisi, a nephew of Pope Gregory XIV.

On the other side of the Piazza, opposite the church, is the old Jesuit Collegio Romano, which Swedenborg next visited.

"It is magnificent and large, and in it all are instructed.

And men of all nations are instructed in the Seminaric Romano

which is not far therefrom.*

* It is on the Piazza Apolinaris.

"Was afterwards in the Gesu Church [on which is now the

Via Nazionale, a little south of the Collegio Romano. This

church is the finest of the Jesuit churches in Rome]. It is

quite magnificent," writes Swedenborg, "with many marble

sculptures and statues, very well placed; also in the

508

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 509

[1738
September

roof, blended with the most costly paintings. I was not able

to see everything as they were having music there. The

Piazza di Gesu lies in front of it." ((Resebeskrifn. p. 89)

This completed Swedenborg's sightseeing for Monday, and it was surely a full day. The following day, September 30th, Swedenborg devoted to the ruins of ancient Rome, the Forum and the Coliseum or, as it was called, the Amphitheatre. (Rossini p. 136 = pict.)

"Sept. 30th," he writes, "visited many ruins, such as the

great amphitheatre, and of the temples, those of Peace, the

Sun and Moon, Faustina,* and the porticoes, and also the

prison of St. Peter and St. Paul; the door through which he

is said to have been led by an angel, the stone pillar to

which he was bound, the well which sprang up near it, the

hole through which food was passed to him, etc." (Rese. ib.)

(Lucas p. 184)

* The Portico of this temple was not excavated until 1807 (Baed. Italy p. 231), and Swedenborg saw merely the pillars with the Church of S. Lorenso behind them.

The "Temple of the Sun and Moon" is referred to by Rossini as follows: "In the place of S. Maria Nuova are seen the ruins of a temple dedicated to the sun and moon, to Rome and to Venus." It is part of what is now known as Basilion Constantani, as was certainly the case with the Temple of Peace (Hare p. 116). See Rogissart p. 376. Rossini p. 142 = pict.; Crawford 1:90; Fam. 655.

This prison is a vault over which is built the Church of S.

Guiseppe de Falegnana. It is the lowest of the two prisons

(the Carcer Mamertinus). Swedenborg had evidently walked

from the Coliseum past the Arch of Constantine, through the

Arch of Titus, and through the Forum and the Arch of Septimus

Serverus, and so to the Church of St. Guiseppe and the Carcer

Mamertinus. He intended to pay a more detailed visit to the

Campo Vacchino, for he notes that he will speak of the

Temples there "in particular." (Crawford 2:294, 1:191 =

pict.; Lanciani N. Tales p. 229)

The Forum was a very different place then that it is today

after many excavations. It was then called the Vacchino from

the cows that were drive there; and, while columns from the

ruins of Rome were indeed in evidence, the via Sacra and the

sites of the buildings at its side were covered with earth.

Indeed, every Thursday and Friday there was held here a

market for cows and oxen which wandered past the column of

Phocas and the half buried arch of Serverus. It was rather a

field than a place, trees being planted in the middle -

though without any other. It contained also a fountain near

the three columns of Castor and Pollux, with a handsome

granite basin (from the Narforio, and now in the Piazza

Quirinal) for watering the cattle. Yet it presented nothing

but ruins (Mead. p. 321). (Lanciani, ib. = pict. of with p.

87, p. 44 w. p. 58; anc. Rome pp. 18, 74; Rossini p. 136;

Crawford 2:94.)

When Swedenborg arrived home, he examined a map of Rome, from which he

"saw that the seven hills or mountains were first at the

Porto del Populo where were the gardens."

The hill of gardens, the Pincio was not regarded as part of

the city. (Baed. It. p. 145)

Thus: A1) Mount Quirinal. 2) Viminal. 3) Esquiline. 4)

Celius. 5) Palatine. 6) Capitoline. 7) Aventini."

(Rese. ib.; Rossini p. 156)

509

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 510

[1738
September

The next day, after visiting the Capitoline, he notes that

"this hill was first called the Hill of Saturn because

Saturn* lived there; also the Tarpeian Hill from the virgin

Tarpeis who was thrown down from there because of her

collusion with the Sabines. Her rock is shown. It is called

the Tarpeian rock. But since a head was found under the

temple of Jupiter [which was situated on this hill], it came

to be called the Capitoline Hill. Here there used to be an

oak grove** for slaves, an asylus provided by Romulus in

order to build up Rome; a place for triumphs which marched

into the temple of Jupiter.

* A mythical king (Hare p. 61).

** According to Hare, p. 61, this was a sacred oak.

"The 60 temples there were called the Cubiculum Deorum.

There was also a Curia Calabra from which the priests

announced the solemnites. There is said to have been a

picture in memory of the goose who woke up the Romans when

the Gauls would mount the cliffs.

"This was the old road to Campo Vacchino where stand so

many ruins." This sentence should be reversed, for formerly

the only way to the Campidoglio was through the Forum - until

approach from the via Flaminia was made by a great flight of

steps and also by a road. (Resebeskrifn. pp. 89-90)

Continuing, Swedenborg notes:

"The Church of Ara Coeli or Ora Primogeniti Dei is said to

have been built on the site of the temple of Jupiter* which

was an extensive building in former times with pillars. But

it was burnt down, etc. The Franciscans have the

administration of this church."

(Rese. p. 90) (Lanciani, Gold. Days p. 8 = pict.)

* This was supposed at the time, but later researches have shown that the temple of Jupiter was on the adjoining site on which now stands the Palazzo Caffarelli. The Ara Coeli stands on the site of the former Citadel (Lanciani, N. Tales, p. 198).

Of the Campidoglio Swedenborg writes: (Ros. p. 2 = pict.; Crawford 2:68 = do.)

"Here are two galleries; also the [palazzo de] Senatore where

our [Ambassador] Bjelke lives." (Resebeskrifn. p. 89)

The three buildings here referred to form three sides of a

square, the "two galleries," namely, Museo Capitolino and the

Palazzo Conservatori being at the right and left on either

side of the Palazzo di Senatore, or, as it is also called,

the Capitoline Palace, now used by the civic administration.

(Rogis. pp. 364 = pict., 366; Craw. 2:189 = pict.)

The court is approached by a flight of steps, at the foot of

which as Swedenborg notes, "are two lions taken from the

temple of Isis and Serapis.* Above are large horses, also

Castor and Pollux, and the

510

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 511

[1738
September

Trophies of Marius. In the middle of the Piazza stands a

[bronze] statue which was recognized and sent thither; it is

said to be the statue of Marcus Aurelius the philosopher."

(Resebeskrifn. p. 90) (Rossini p. 4; CE. 13:170 & pict.)

* These are now replaced by copies, the original statues being kept in the Court of the Capitol Museum (Baed. Italy, p. 216).

This is the only perfect ancient equestrian statue in

existence. It had originally been in the Forum but was moved

to the Piazza di Lateran where from its position in front of

a church it was believed to be the statue of Constantine - a

belief which saved it from destruction. In 1536 Michael

Angelo wished it transferred to the Campidoglio which he was

then designing, and his request was granted by the Lateran

Canons with reluctance and only on condition that the

Senators send them annually a bunch of flowers in

acknowledgment of ownership. Michel Angelo Than made the

base on which it stands. According to Rossini, it was gilded

when Swedenborg saw it, but now only traces of the gilding

can be seen. (Hare p. 68; Rossini p. 4; Rogis. p. 371)

"Further forward," continues Swedenborg, "is the Nile

and Tiber with a fountain." (Rogis. p. 364 = pict.)

This refers to two figures in front of the Palezzo del

Senatore.

"On the left," continues Swedenborg, "is the great

statue of Marforio, so called because it was found in the

[via] Marforio.* There also are many old statues; also the

sarcophagus of Alex. Serverus and his mother Julia [Numea],**

Egyptian idols, etc.

(Lanc. N. Tales p. 43 = pict.; Ros. 4-5)

* Swedenborg wrote "in foro Martis" as though translating Marforio. This colossal statue is that of a river god, and dates from the middle ages. In the via Marforio it was used by the populace as a vehicle to extort answers from a witty tailor named Pasquino. Hence the word Pasquinado. As these pasquinades were usually against the government, the statue was removed about 1703. (Hare p. 70)

** This sarcophagus is now in one of the rooms on the ground floor.

"In the gallery itself [i. e. on the upper floor] are

many beautiful statues such as those of emperors, of

gladiators. Two of the latter are pretieuse, very valuable;

[-- one of these is undoubtedly the Dying Gladiator, and the

other is perhaps the beautiful statue of Marcus Aurelius as a

boy --] philosophers, Plato, two of Cicero, two fine ones of

Agrippa and hundreds of others." (Rese. ibid.) (Lucas, A

Wand. In R. pp. 160-176 = pict.)

The "two of Agrippina" refer to (1) a bust, and (2) a

beautiful seated statue. Both these are in the Room of the

Emperors. It would appear they were in another room at the

time of Swedenborg's visit, for he continues:

"In another room [the room] of the Emperors, two were noticed

with wigs, one which could be taken off,* besides many

others; also the popes, such as Sartus V in bronze; the law

of Titus Vespasian written on a tablet [-- this is a black

tablet of bronze which is seen on one of the entrance walls

(Baed. Italy p. 218) - ]; Clement XI."**

* The statues with wigs are probably those of modern Roman generals which are now in the Conservatoire.

** Swedenborg writes that the Vespasion Law "is written by Clement on a tablet." This is, however, an error caused perhaps by a hasty reading of Rossini's Italian text. Rossini says: "Near by is the statue of Clement XI. The beautiful bronze tablet whereon is written the Lex Regio" (p. 6)

The statues of the popes are now in the Conservatoire. It

may be that Swedenborg saw them there but made a mistake when

later he wrote in his Journal.

511

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 512

[1738
October

"On the other side [of the Court, i. e., in the Palace

of the Conservatoire," continues Swedenborg, "is also found

much that is worth seeing. In the Court is the biggest

statue existing anywhere. It is of the Emperor Commodus, and

a still larger one of Domitian, and another of [Apollo]."

(Resebeskrifn. p. 90)

Swedenborg is here undoubtedly referring, not to a complete

statue, but to heads only. The head of Commodus was of

bronze, being as large as a man,* and near it was a bronze

hand perhaps belonging to the same statue. The colossal head

of Domitian was of Greek marble restored by Clement.

(Rossini p. 9; Rogis. p. 371)

* The length of the human head is one-eighth of that of the body.

"For the rest," continues Swedenborg, "in the gallery

[i. e., in the upper floor] were many remarkable objects.

There was an inscription made for Queen Christina when she

visited the Capitol; it is just opposite an English queen."

(Ibid.)

Of this inscription, Rossini says: "In a corner of this room

is seen the bust of Queen Christina of Sweden with its

inscription in marble which says:

'To Christina, Queen of the Swedes

Preferring by instinct of the

Divinity the Catholic faith to her ancestral Kingdom, after

having adored the thresholds of the holy Apostles, and

exhibiting submissive veneration to Alexander VII, the

supreme head of religion, triumphing over herself, she went

up to the Capitol, and having admired the monument of Roman

majesty in her ancient ruins, greeted with royal honor three

men with consular authority and the Senate in session with

covered heads.'"

This must have been during Christina's first visit to Rome in

1665.

"The most remarkable object," continues Swedenborg, "was

a statue of bronze which represented the wolf which the god

gave to Remus and Romulus, and which was struck by lightning

in the hind leg, all of which is told by Cicero."

(Lanc. N. Tales p. 35 = pict.)

The reference here is to the mention of a little gilt figure

of Romulus and Remus sucking the teats of a wolf which,

Cicero says, was struck by lightning in his day. A fracture

in the present figure has given rise to the supposition that

this is the identical mold. (Hare p. 82; Baed. Italy p. 214;

Lucas p. 177 = pict.)

Swedenborg continues: "There was also the fasti consulares,

being the list of those who had been consuls, which is

preserved in part. There are likewise all the measures,

preserved on a square marble stone; I mean the Roman

measures." (Hare p. 83; Rossini p. 13)

Of the pictures, he remarks: "A great many fine paintings;

their abundance confused me, so that I cannot bring to mind

the principal ones.

"Near by is also the Palazzo of Duke Cafarelli, where,

in the garden, was seen a heap of stones which are said to

have been from the towers," namely, the stones of the

fortress of Campidoglio, or more likely, of the temple of

Jupiter. (Rossini p. 14) (Resebeskrifn. pp. 90-91)

Swedenborg adds to his Journal for this day a forgotten item

he had seen in the Conservatoire at the foot of the

staircase:

"N.B. A Colonna rostrata erected for the first [naval]

victory over the Carthaginians." This column was then

damaged but has since been restored.

(Baed. Italy p. 212; Rogis. p. 368 = pict.)

512

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 513

[1738
October

The following day, Thursday, October 2nd, Swedenborg devoted to seeing churches.

"Saw the church of Gesu and [the chapel of] St.

Ignatius. Here the sculptures and paintings are admirably

arranged on the roof and walls. The principal chapel is that

of St. Ignatius. The saint, who is behind a picture which

can be lowered, is of pure silver, as also are the angels who

are adorned with precious stones. Underneath is his

sarcophagus with fine sculpturing at the sides and pillars

where is lapis lazuli. The church belongs to the Jesuits."

(Resebeskrifn. p. 91)

The silver statue to which Swedenborg here refers is said to

have been removed on the suppression of the Order in the

eighteenth century. (Baed. Italy p. 197)

Later in the day he visited St. Martina opposite the Marmetinus Prison. The lower story of this church is very ancient, but the upper story was added in

the eighteenth century before Swedenborg's visit. As the

latter notes, it is built "on the site of the temple of Mars,

of which some remains are to be seen. Others," Swedenborg

continues, "say that it was the Secretary of the Senate and,

moreover, it is close by. Martina's grave is underneath

where are many adornments and some statues. On the other

side are specimens of the Academie de sculpture and painting

- beautiful pieces. At the altar is St. Luke painted by

Raphael Urbino." (Rese. ibid.)

This church had been given to the charge of the Academy of

Painters, one of whose members had added the upper chapel.

(Hare p. 120)

The following day, Friday, October 3rd, Swedenborg

"visited the theatre of Marcellus, built by Augustus in honor

of Marcellus his nephew* by his sister Octavia. It is large

and will hold 60,000;** it is built as an amphitheatre. It

now belongs to the Orsina family [who bought it in 1712

(Baed. It. p. 203)], and Cardinal Prussoli is said to live

there." (Rese. ibid.)

(Craw. 2:106, 110 = pict.; Rossini p. 190)

* Swedenborg has grandson; perhaps he was misled by the Italian Nipote (Ros. 189).

** This is quoted from Rossini, who gives Pliny as his authority. Modern authorities give it as 20,000.

At the time of Swedenborg's visit to this theatre, its arches

were blocked up and inhabited by scores of poor tenants.

(Mead. p. 321)

Here Swedenborg was at the entrance of the Ghetto, the enclosing walls of which were not removed until the middle of the nineteenth century. Since then when whole Ghetto has been pulled down. (Jew. Encyclop. 10:446, 449 = pict.; hare p. 168)

Swedenborg evidently walked toward the Tiber and crossed over the bridge to the island.

"The Isola Tiberina," he writes, "is 425 feet long and

50 feet broad. On this Island is the church of Bartholomew

the Apostle, wherein he is buried.* It is built over the

ruins of the temple of Esculepius. On the shore are also

seen ruins of the temple of Faunus [-- a hospital is now

built over this site (Hare p. 601) - ]. The island has two

bridges, the one called pons Sestio,** and the other pons

quarto Capi;*** the

513

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 514

[1738
October

former was repaired by the Emperor Valentiniam [-- as shown

by an inscription on the inside of the parapet (Hare p. 602)

- ]. On one side of these is the Ponte Senatorio built by

Fleurus Scipius; the Senate walked over it [-- to Mount

Janiculum on the other side of the Tiber B] when they would

consult the sibylline books. It is now called the Ponte S.

Maria and is now half fallen." (Resebeskrifn. p. 91)

* This church is now modernized, except the facade (Baed. Italy p. 204).

** Now the Pons Bartolemea; rebuilt in 1890.

*** So called from two four-headed busts of Janus which adorn its parapet (Hare p. 598).

The ruins of this bridge are still seen, the bridge itself

being called the Ponte Rotto (Broken bridge) (Crawford 1:67 =

pict.)

"Ruins of other bridges are also seen," Swedenborg continues.

"On the other side [of the Island] is seen the Ponte Cisto,

anciently called the pons Janiculensis; it goes to the Porta

Aurelia; it was rebuilt by Sixtus IV. By this bridge are

those who rebelled against the Neapolitan Recruiting; also

the Jews."* (Ros. p. 188 = pict., 197; Anc. Rome p. 309 =

pict.= Craw. 1:280 = pict.)

* The Jews had been allowed to settle in the Trastevere.

The above sightseeing must have made a full day, and it probably included a visit to the crowded and unsavoury ghetto. (Jew. Ency., pict.; N. Tales p. 255)

The following day, Saturday, October 4th, was used by Swedenborg for a visit to the beautiful Villa Borghese. This Villa lies in a park of extraordinary beauty, and Swedenborg, like all other visitors, must greatly have enjoyed his walk beautified by fine shade trees which extended from the entrance gate near the Porta del Populo to the high ground on which stood the Villa. And here and there were fountains of water splashing into marble basins or rushing from rock to rock; old altars with Roman inscriptions; ancient columns sometimes erect, sometimes lying fallen on the ground - and all arranged with such art that the garden itself seems to be the place of the ruins of Rome. (Hare pp. 635-36; Ros. pp. 79-80)

Of these grounds, Swedenborg writes:

"The garden with its park is so magnificent that it ought to

belong to a king. It was all done by Cardinal Scipio

Borghese* whose statue in marble is found in two places.

There is also a fountain and likewise an orangery. To see

and describe all," he adds, referring also to the Villa, "is

a work of several days." (Resebeskrifn. pp. 91-92)

* Cardinal Scipio Caffarelli Borghese, nephew of Pope Paul V.

The Casino where are the art treasures, "was handsomely

restored" in 1782. Many of the treasures seen by Swedenborg

were carried to the Louvre by Napoleon. The present is a new

collection gathered by Prince Borghese.

(Baed. Italy p. 335; Ros. p. 34 = pict.; Craw. 12:30 =

pict.)

"October 4th. Was in the Villa Borghese where is a

remarkable quantity of statues, both ancient and modern,

including those of the emperors and many others; also urns,

vases, columns of rare stones, tables, etc. Of the ancient

statues, one was found at the temple of Victory. This is a

woman [Aphrodite] lying on a bed. Outside [on the Eastern

wall of the Villa] is [a high relief] of Curtius who casts

himself and his horse into a hole; a gladiator in a fine

posture." This is the Borghese Gladiator now preserved in

the Louvre. (Baed. Paris pp. 98, 102; Ros.

pp. 84, 88-9, 82-3, 86)

"Of the modern works are Bernini's Daphne* and many others,

the most beautiful I have ever seen. Outside and around the

house are sculptural works, ancient and modern, with columns

in the garden." (Resebeskrifn. p. 91)

This is on the upper floor of the Borghese (Hare p. 638)

514

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 515

[1738
October

The next day, October 5th, was Sunday, and as was so often his custom, Swedenborg took a long walk. He first

"saw the palace where lives the Pretender,* right opposite

the French Ambassador's [the Pal. Colonna] and between the

church of the Apostles and the church of St. Maria in Loreto,

which is farther away."**

* James Stuart, son of James I. His residence was in the Pal. Muti-Savorelli (now Palestra) at the north of the Piazza S. S. Aposteli, the rent being paid by the Pope, Clement XII (Lanciani, New Tales pp. 309-10; Hare p. 56 calls it p. Muto Savorelli or p. Feraldi).

** This places the Pretender's house as being in the Piazza S. S. Apostle opposite the Palazza Colonna.

From here, Swedenborg walked past the Colosseum and Constantine's Arch to St. Stephani Rotunda which he considered to be outside the city proper, though it is within the walls. There, he writes,

"all the martyrs are painted."

The paintings here referred to are the frescoes painted on

the inner face of the circular wall to the number of over 80.

The present in historical order the authentic martyrdoms of

the Christian church up to and including the time of Julian

the Apostale, portraying every phase of human agony in the

most revolting detail. (Pict. = Ros. p. 68, C. E.. p. 170,

Froth. p. 67; Ros. pp. 240, 140; hare p. 226)

"It is a singular building," continues Swedenborg, Around,

with pillars on the inside. In the middle is a tabernacle.

It was built by Numa, and dedicated to Faunus, being the

largest building [in Rome] at the time. Others say it was

built to Hercules. On the outside it is covered with marble."

(Resebeskrifn. p. 92)

This church is now the largest circular church in existence,

and originally it was much larger.

(Ros. pp. 640-41; Baed. Italy p. 260)

On his way back, Swedenborg again viewed the "amphitheatre of Vespasian," of which he writes: (Ros. pp. 153-54)

"It was built to hold 87,000 persons; completed by Titus; [at

its inauguration,] a spectacle was held there lasting 100

days and costing 10 million Roman Scudi. It was built by the

Jews. From them [i. e., from the materials of the Colosseum]

was also built the Pal. Farnese. It is called the Colosseum,

and had in front of it a colossal statue of Nero."*

(Resebeskrifn. p. 92)

* Rossini gives this as the reason for the name.

The Colosseum was not then as it is now - due to much

excavation. Then and for many years later, within its walls

was "an uneven grass space littered with masses of ruin amid

which large trees grew and flourished." (Hare p. 142)

From the Colosseum, Swedenborg went home, having accomplished

a good walk.

On Monday, October 6th, he again directed his steps to the Colosseum, and from there, by the via Claudio, he ascended the hill Caelio to the Villa Mattei with its garden, which lies on the opposite side of the road to S. S. Stefano Rotunda on the top of Mount Celio. This neighborhood once thickly populated, was now country.

"Was in the Villa Matei," writes Swedenborg, "where was Mount

Celio. Around the Villa had been the true Rome, the walls of

which are still visible, reaching as far as St. John Laterus.

515

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 516

[1738
October

"In the garden are many small four-cornered urns, a little

obelisk, and many old statutes; also in the villa; together

with columns and old statues of different sorts. The garden

is small, but there is none [in Rome] with so many [marble]

urns [with inscriptions]. Here is a head of Alexander the

Great [in marble] in large or colossal size. There is also a

table of green porphyry" - this was seen by Swedenborg in the

second room of the Villa.

(Resebeskrifn. p. 92; Ros. pp. 102, 103)

From the Villa Mattei Swedenborg proceeded by a straight road to the Piazza Lateran, which he entered from the side where is the Baptistry. (Ros. p. 266, Craw. 1:114 = pict.)

"Was afterwards in S. Giovanni Lateran, built by Constantine

the Great, the oldest Christian Church in the world.* There

are many relics at the altar - the heads [i. e., the skulls]

of Peter and Paul, with a rich tabernacle over them. There is

a famous column of metal which is filled with stones from

Christ's grave. There are large marble statues of the 12

apostles; many graves of popes and others, the most pompous

being that of the present Pope, Clement XII, with a

sarcophagus of porphyry** and fine marble pictures, and also

an altar cover made of mosaics. The facade of the church was

constructed by him. It is superb with marble statues, and 11

above." (Resebe. ib.; Ros. p. 267; Hare pp. 400-1)

* It was built and dedicated in 324 A. D. The present building, however, dates from the Fourteenth Century, but beneath it are the foundations and some remains of the original church and also of a second church built in the Tenth Century. It is acknowledged as "the mother and head of all the churches urbis et orbis," and here all the popes are crowned (Hare pp. 397-98).

** Clement had plundered this from the Pantheon. It is in the Corsini Chapel erected in 1729.

After viewing the church, Swedenborg next viewed the adjoining Palace of Lateran, and also the Baptistry where Constantine is said to have been baptized. (Ros. p. 266, Craw. 1:126 = pict.; Baed. Italy p. 265)

"The great Palace of the Lateran is also there," he writes.

"One also sees the place where Constantine the Great was

baptized. In the middle of the piazza is the largest

obelisk, being 145 palms high. It is the oldest [in the

world] and was brought from Thebes to Alexandria, and from

there to Rome, being still well preserved. It was set up by

the Sextus V. Over against it is the Scala Sancta, which one

ascends on his knees, one step after another, up to the

Chapel or the Sancta Sanctorum.*

* Over the architrave of this chapel is a Latin inscription: "There is no holier place than this in all the world." (Rossini p. 270)

The Palace of Constantine was near the font where he was

baptized. Afterwards it belonged to the Lateran family, from

whom it gets its name. The 8 [porphyry] columns there have

been used in the Palace of Pilate, and were brought away from

there. "At the church in the garden are seen ruins of

Constantine's Palace." (Reseb. Ibid.) (Ros. p. 269, 270 =

pict.; Baed. Italy pp. 265, 267)

The Lateran Palace now standing was built in 1586 and was

smaller than Constantine's Palace, which latter included the

Sancta Scala. In Swedenborg's time it was used as a

hospital, but since 1843 it has been used as a museum.

"In this neighborhood," Swedenborg concludes his notes for

the day, "are two hospitals," namely, the one just referred

to and the Hospital of the Lateran near the Baptistry. It

was instituted by Innocent XII for poor women. (Ros. p. 281)

516

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 517

[1738
October

Thus ended a very full day. The Journal contains no notes for Tuesday and Wednesday, October 7th and 8th, but Thursday, October 9th, Swedenborg devoted to a visit to the Villa Farnese, better known as the Farnesian Gardens, situated on the heights of Mount Palitine which was originally the very center of aristocratic Rome.

In Swedenborg's time, the Gardens were vastly different from

what they now are, as the result of many excavations. They

are situated on the west side of the Forum and can be reached

by a flight of steps from the Forum or by an entrance on the

via Theodore. (Hare p. 184)

In Swedenborg's day, the Palatinus was a vast kitchen garden

broken here and there by ruins which had remained above the

earth. Now excavations have been carried so far that the

ruins of the ancient city stand exposed.

"Was in the Villa of the Farnese," writes Swedenborg, "which

is at and above the ruins of the Palace of Tiberius,

afterwards repaired by Nero and Vespasian. There were 40

statues and 14 busts. From there one saw Mount Aventine, the

Circus Maximus. The temple where the wolf of Romulus and

Remo was found, was round. Also the ruins of the Palace of

Augustus." (Resebeskrifn. p. 93) (Baed. Italy p. 241; Lanc.

N. Tales p. 249 = pict.; Ros. p. 100)

Swedenborg descended the Palatine Hill on its western side, and came to the via Teodore. Walking south on this street, at the corner where stands the Church S. Georgio in Velabro, he turned right toward the Tibar and saw before him the Arco di Giano which Swedenborg calls the Temple of Janus (the god of the Sabines), but which was more probably a portico erected for the shelter of those who frequented the neighboring cattle market. Opposite this portico was the small triumphal arch erected to Septimus Severus (Swedenborg, by error, writes Antonimus), his wife Julia Pia and their sons. The arch was set up by the silversmiths and so was called the Arcus Argentarius. (Ros. p. 146, C. E. p. 166 = pict.; Hare p. 149)

After leaving the Farnese Gardens, Swedenborg continues:

"Was in the Temple of Janus with its 4 gateways; nearby was

the triumphal arch of Antonius Pius, and close by was the

Palace of Pilate which is still standing."

(Resebeskrifn. p. 93)

The Palace or rather the House of Pilate was the common name

given to the "house of Rienzi."

(Lanc. Anc. Rome p. 17 = pict.; Hare p. 155)

Swedenborg returned home through the Forum. "In the Campo Vaccino," he

writes, "saw 3 columns of the Temple of Jupiter Tonans."

These three beautiful columns were then half buried in the

earth. They are now ascribed to the Temple of Vespasian (Hare

p. 107). Swedenborg also saw Aseveral columns of the Temple

of Concord." This is now identified as the Temple of Saturn -

see Hare p. 107 and confer Rossini p. 138. (Craw. 2:94 =

pict.; Ger. Ency. p. 955; Anc. Rome p. 82)

"Likewise the Temple of Peace with its 3 divisions,"

continues Swedenborg. This is rather the site of the temple

of Peace. The latter was burned down in the time of

Commodus, and on its site was built the Basilica of

Constantine (Hare p. 116; N. Tales p. 87; Ros. p. 142, Craw.

1:90; Fam. p. 655 = pict.)

Swedenborg mentions also seeing the temple of the Sun and

Moon, on part of the site on which stood the church of San

Francesco; the ruins were to be seen near the church

(Ros. p. 144).

He mentions likewise the Temple of Faustina; the columns of

this Temple form the portico of the Church of S. Lorenzo in

Miranda. Swedenborg continues: "Saw also the arch of Severus

in its place under the Capitol and farther away the Arch of

Constantine, and also the well which was near by."

(Resebe. p. 93; Ros. p. 136 = pict.; N. Tales p. 44)

517

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 518

[1738
October

For October 10th and 11th, being Friday and Saturday, Swedenborg makes no notes, but on Sunday, October 12th, he paid a visit to the Quirinal, and from there into the country. (Ros. pp. 44, 158 = pict.)

"Was on Mount Cavallo or the Quirinal," he writes. "Saw

4 fountains;* the fine building built according to

perspective; St. Andrea church, which is round and beautiful;

the piazza Pilestrini [? Barbarini] and its fountain; the

Porta pia, etc." (Resebeskrifn. p. 93)

* One at each corner of the intersection of two streets.

The St. Andrea here referred to, is opposite the Quirinal

Gardens on what is now the via del Quirinale. In its

interior, it is oval rather than round in shape. It is

richly adorned, being almost entirely lined with red marble

streaked with white jasper divided by white marble pillars

supporting a gilt cupola. (Hare p. 307)

It would seem that Swedenborg went (or returned) via the steps in the p. d'Espagna,* along the via Sistina to the Piazzo Barbarini with its fountain of the Tritons, and so to the Quatre Fontana; than, after viewing the Quirinal and St. Andrea's, walked along what is now the via Venti Septembre to the Porta Pia, and so on into the country - perhaps to the shrines of St. Alexander and St. Agnes to which the road from the Porta Pia leads, and in whose honor the gate was adorned with their statutes. These statues lost their heads in the capture of Rome in 1870 when the Italians broke in the wall near by and so entered the city (Hare p. 342). (Craw. 1:251, 257 = pict.)

* These steps had been completed in 1725, thirteen years before Swedenborg's visit.

The following day Swedenborg went to the southern gate of the city, the Porta S. Paoli; his course probably taking him past the Colosseum and the Baths of Caracalla. (Lucas p. 204, Ros. p. 218, C. E. p. 166 = pict.)

Oct. 13th. Visited the grave of Cestus; a great Pyramid

where also strangers are buried." (Rese. ib.)

This tomb, built of bricks covered with marble, is 125 feet

high and conceals a sepulchral chamber. The pedestals in

front originally held two statues. Nearby is the Protestant

Cemetery to which Swedenborg refers. This cemetery was the

place allotted by the Pope for the burial of Protestants; it

is now closed and a new one has been formed nearby.

From the Porta Paolo, Swedenborg turned toward the Tiber and visited that remarkable isolated hill called Mount Testacio, so called from the fact that it consists wholly of millions and millions of broken terra cotta jars piled up in regular layers in imitation of geological strata. This hill was honeycombed with cellars, in some of which, wine was sold, and it is doubtless to them that Swedenborg refers in his note: (Baed. Italy p. 251; A. Rome p. 250 = pict. 251)

"Visited Mount Testaccio and the cellars of the ancients."

The top of this mountain (150 feet) commands a fine view of

Rome and its surrounding hills.

From the mountain Swedenborg walked along a road bordered by pleasant meadows, but now tenement houses, to the famous church S. Paolo fuori le Mura, a walk of some 1-1/2 miles. (Ros. p. 260 = pict.)
About halfway on this road is the chapel commemorating the farewell scene between Peter and Paul before each went to his martyrdom. (Hare p. 625)

"Visited the Church where St. Paul was beheaded," writes

Swedenborg, "and the column, also the three wells which came

up where his head fell." (Ros. Ib.)

518

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 519

[1738
October

Swedenborg here refers to a place called Tre fontane, some half a mile beyond St. Paul's Church. Here was a convent - almost deserted because of the unhealthiness of the district. (Craw. 1:257 = pict.; Baed. Italy p. 354)

Of the three churches situated in this convent, one, S. Paolo

alla Tre Fontane, the church spoken by Swedenborg, contains

the pillar to which St. Paul is said to have been bound, the

marble block on which he was beheaded, and the three

miraculous fountains. The legend is that when St. Paul was

beheaded, his head made three distinct leaps and a fountain

sprang up at each spot where it touched the ground.

(Hare pp. 627-28)

Returning on his way to the city, Swedenborg next visited the Basilica S. Paolo fuori le Mure

"with its 100 columns* and the old stones on the floor."

(Resebeskrifn. p. 93) This church was the finest church in

Rome, but unfortunately it was destroyed by the great fire in

1823. The columns in this church, all leading to the one

great altar, gave a marvelous effect, unspoiled by any side

chapels with their distracting adornments. (Pict. = N. Tales

p. 143, Froth. pp. 47, 48; Hare pp. 629-30)

* It had 80 columns (Rogissart p. 386)

This completed the day's sightseeing, and Swedenborg must have returned home tired.

In this church Swedenborg was perhaps interested in

seeing a beautiful crucifix connected with St. Birgitter of

Sweden. Having heard that the relics of the Apostles were

under the altar of this church, she took lodgings near the

church and prayed continually to this crucifix, which is said

to have turned itself to her to signify that her prayers were

acceptable. (Rogissart p. 387)

Swedenborg makes no notes for the next two days, October 14th and 15th, but from what he writes later, it transpires that on the 15th he paid a visit to the Palazzo Borghese on the via della Fontenella which leads directly to the Piazza di Spagna. Here he visited the famous picture gallery, then the most important in Rome next to the Vatican. Since then, however, many of its treasures have been removed. (Pict. = Ros. p. 34)

"Was in the Palazzo Borghese," writes Swedenborg; "saw all

the paintings there, the room of Venus, the little garden

adorned with statues, and also the main garden. It is

tolerably magnificent." (Rese. ibid.)

On the following day, Thursday, October 16th, he visited St. Peter's.

"Was in St. Peter's Church," he writes; "saw it without and

within, the metal and marble statues, the graves of the

popes. Saw also a baptism at the magnificent font; at this

ceremony something was put into the mouth, and the temples

were stroked." (Rese. ib.; pict. = Ros. p. 254)

What was put into the mouth was salt that had been blessed.

This is done after the imposition of hands, and signifies

that the person to be baptized is to be delivered from

corruption and to experience relish for the food of Divine

Wisdom. Then follows the baptism. (C. E. 2:273)

After seeing this baptism, Swedenborg could hardly have omitted viewing the sarcophagus and the bronze relief portrait of Queen Christina which is in the right aisle almost opposite the baptismal font. (Pict. = Mackenzie, p. 224)

"Afterwards," continues Swedenborg, "I saw the mosaic work

which is somewhat coarse seen near by and before it is

polished. It is made of bits of glass which are broken up

and fastened in putty, and this upon

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 520

[1738
October

thick stones of great size grooved like iron bars."

(Resebeskrifn. p. 93)

These words suggest that Swedenborg saw some of the mosaics being made in the Papal Manufactory of Mosaics on the Cortile di S. Damaso in the Vatican. (Baed. Italy p. 321; Hare p. 597)

A week later, Swedenborg paid another visit to St. Peter's, when he

"viewed Peter's grave wherein were 100 silver lamps* and

costly pillars." (Resebeskrifn. p. 94)

* Actually there are now less than 90.

"Farther off in the choir,* he writes, "were 4 statutes of

bronze - admirable. On the one side were the marble statues

of Barberini [Urban VIII], and on the other side of Farneses

[Paul III - the other two statues are Alexander VII and

Urban VIII]. There are also marble statues to their

founders, erected by the Minimi, the Carmelites, the

Preachers" - the preaching friars of the Dominicans. (Rese.

ibid.; Ros. p. 258)

These statues are placed in the niches of various columns.

Swedenborg saw also "the statue of Andrew whose head is

preserved here; of St. Helena of Jerusalem, who received a

picture of Christ; a statue of Christ with a part of the true

cross in his hand."

* Namely, what is called the principal Tribune.

Part of the above description applied to the four great

buttresses which support the dome. The first two of these

contain niches with the statues of St. Helena and St.

Veronica, the latter holding in her hand a handkerchief; in

the chapels beneath these buttresses are preserved a portion

of the true cross brought by St. Helena, and the handkerchief

of Veronica on which is impressed the image of Christ. Of

the other two buttresses, one has a statue of St. Andrew, and

in the chapel beneath is preserved the head of the saint.

(Ros. p. 258)

Swedenborg notes also "the statute of St. Peter in bronze,

etc., and the empty niches for many others statutes."

The statue of Peter is that, the toe of which is kissed by

the pious. (Pict. = C. E. 11:747)

"In the roof and on the walls," adds Swedenborg, "are many

pictures. There are 4 divisions besides, one of large and

one of lesser length - in all six." (Rese. ibid.)

The reference is to the two aisles and the two smaller

tribunes, and to the center aisle and the main tribune.

Swedenborg continues:

"The inscription of the Borghese is on the outside of the

church."

This refers to the Borghese Pope, Paul V, under whom the

church was completed.

"There is a door there," adds Swedenborg, "which is not

opened save at the celebration of Jubilee." (Ibid.)

This second visit to St. Peter's was made on October 22nd. After his first visit on the 16th, while on his way home, he went into the Castello St. Angelo

"and saw the angel on top;* the 4 bastions; the cannon which

was fired by Queen Christina,** the rooms, the chapels, the

prison, etc., likewise

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 521

[1738
October

Cardinal Coscia;*** from the top I saw the whole town."

(Resebeskrifn. p. 93)

* This was a marble statue (now on the staircase), but a year after Swedenborg's visit, this was replaced by the present bronze statue (Baed. Italy p. 275).

** To amuse herself and to try her aim, Queen Christina fired two shots at an iron door in the Villa Medici on the Pincio as a greeting to the Prince of the Medici.

*** A prisoner then held by the Pope.

The following Friday, October 17th, Swedenborg visited the Mausoleum of Augustus, not far from the Piazza del Populo. (Pict. = Craw. 1:169)

"There is a palace"* he writes, "but now a simple wall. It

is said that there are still statues within." (Ibid.)

* The Palace Cirea adjoins the Mausoleum.

From here Swedenborg went to the ruins of the Baths of Diocletian - opposite the present railway station, (Pict. = Ros. p. 86, Craw. 1:140)

but he "saw only the walls. There," he adds, "is a very

large cloister; the fathers are called Hierosolymi. 12 of

them are blocked in for the whole year, food being given them

through an opening. They come out one day in the year. The

rest, on the other hand, go about in carriages. Was also in

the churches of Barnard, Susannah and Victoria; the latter

belongs to the barefooted Carmelites; its pillars are of

marble beautifully variegated and well set together, there

are fine statues, paintings in the roof, etc. Nearby are

three fountains." (Rese. pp. 93-94) Swedenborg evidently

walked on what is now the Piazza delle Terme to the nearby

Piazza Barnado where is situated the church of S. Barnado, a

circular building which once formed a corner of the

Diocletian Baths. Opposite this, on the other side of the

Piazza is the handsome church of S. Susanna, and to the right

of the latter, the church of S. Maria della Vittoria.

(Pict. = Ros. p. 182)

The following day, Swedenborg made his second visit to St. Peter's, as already stated. For October 23rd and 24th there is no journal entry.

On Saturday, October 25th, Swedenborg visited the most magnificent of all the palaces in Rome - the Palazzo Farnese, situated on the Tiber a short distance above the Isola. (Pict. = Craw. 2:18)

It was in this Palace that Queen Christina resided for four

months during her first visit to Rome in 1655. (Mackenzie p.

137; Ros. p. 24 = pict.)

"Was in the Farnese Palace; in the garden and entry hall are

beautiful large ancient statues. Separated in a house [is a

sculpture] where two men are fighting with a bull, found in

the Baths of Caracalla." (Resebeskrifn. p. 94)

This is the famous Farnese Bull which, in 1786, was carried

off to Naples. In Rome it had been kept outside the Farnese

Palace in a neighboring chamber. (Ros. p. 25)

Swedenborg continues: "In the Palace was also a collection of

things small and large; the best is where Alex Farnesius

[Paul III] receives a crown and tramples on his two

enemies." (Rese. ibid.)

On the following Sunday, October 26th, Swedenborg paid a second visit to the Villa Borghese outside the Piazza del Populo, and notes some of the things he saw:

"The foremost was Daphne and Apollo, Aneas [carrying off]

Anchises, and one [David] who was using a sling, all made by

Bernini; Hermaphrodite [an

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 522

[1738
Nov.-Dec.

ancient statue] whose pedestal was done by Bernini;* also

gladiators and Anscarius the beggar." (Resebeskrifn. p. 94)

* The Borghese Hermaphrodite now in the Louvre (Baed. Paris p. 103).

Following this, there are no entries for nearly a week, the next entry being for Saturday, October 31st, namely,

"Visited the great Antoninus Column [on the Corso at the

Piazzo Colonna] with its pedestal sculpture and inscription

which has been found, but it was so large that it could not

be set up. Deep underneath it, there is said to have been

discovered a place laid with stones."

(Ibid.) (Pict. = Ros. p. 176)

The reference is to the Column erected by Marcus

Aurelius and Lucius Verus to Antoninus Pius. This column was

discovered in 1709 on Monte Citorio (where now is the Piazza

Monte Citorio), and was lying on the ground when Swedenborg

saw it, and for long afterwards. In 1789, Pius VI broke up

this column and used the pieces to mend the obelisk which he

then erected in the Monte Citorio. The pedestal was

subsequently taken to the Egyptian Museum in the Vatican, but

is now in the Vatican Giardino della Pigna.

(Ros. p. 163; hare pp. 576-77; Baed. Italy pp. 155, 303)

After viewing this great prostrate column, Swedenborg walked toward the Tiber, and on reaching the Piazza Farnese, went into the Church of St. Birgitta situated near the corner of the via Monserrat. He writes:

"I was afterwards in St. Birgitta's little church on the

piazza Farnese, and in the chapel above, where she died and

where her daughter Catherine was - who likewise became a

saint. Some relics are preserved there." Swedenborg refers

to the upper room where S. Birgitta lived and died, the

rafters and roof being the originals; though there is much

gilding. The relics include the crucifix borne by the saint

during her visions. Swedenborg adds: "There are only 3

fathers there, these being Germans." (Resebeskrifn. ibid.)

These were monks of a Bavarian Order whose headquarters had

formerly been in Wadstena.

No more notes occur in the Journal until Thursday, November 20th, when Swedenborg was "in the Vatican, saw all the paintings by Rafael and others, and

also the Conclave. There are said to be 12,500 rooms, but I

do not believe there are more than 1,000.* Yet there were 22

gardens; unimportant tapestry. In one garden were costly

statues,** mostly Greek. One also saw a garden where are the

ashes of Nero." (Rese. ibid.)

* It is said to contain 20 courts and 11,000 apartments, including chapels (Baed. Italy p. 286).

** Perhaps the Giardino della Pigna now closed to the public.

Again there is a long gap in the Journal, the next entry being December 9th when he visited the Villa Ludovisi on the Pincio Hill. He probably reached it by mounting the steps in the Piazza di Spagna. The grounds are very large and are laid out in the stiff French style with clipped hedges, vines, statues, etc. (Hare p. 335)

Swedenborg describes it as

"a magnificent garden with an endless number of statues and

great urns. There one sees the Roman walls from the inside,

where they have passages for communication."

This shows the great extent of the grounds in Swedenborg's

time. They remained thus large, despite the growth of the

city, until 1885, when

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 523

[1739
January

the larger part of them was sold and built on.

"What I liked most," says Swedenborg, "was a satyr and an

allee." (Resebeskrifn. pp. 94-95)

The satyr was in the garden near the city walls. The allee

was a broad path lined with cypress trees which faced the

entrance gate and traversed the middle of the garden.

(Ros. pp. 95, 96)

This is the last entry for 1738, the next entry being dated 1739, January 28th. On that day, Swedenborg was

"in St. Peter in Montorio where Peter was crucified. The

Capuchins are there. From there one sees the whole city."

(Resebeskrifn. p. 95)

This church is on Mount Janiculum and is reached by a steeply

mounting road from the Ponte Sisto. The spot where St.

Peter's cross is said to have stood is shown in a small

building in the court of the monastery. The view of the city

from the front of the church is truly magnificent, the church

itself is not quite the same as in Swedenborg's day, for in

1849 the Campanile Tribune were almost entirely destroyed.

(Baed. Italy p. 328 = pict.)

Ascending the hill a little above the church, Swedenborg

"saw the Fontane Pauli which is on the summit. To them leads

the aqueduct. They are magnificent; built by the pontiff

Paul V." (Rese. ibid.) The aqueduct here spoken of brings

the water from a like 36 miles to the north.

(Ros. p. 220 = pict.)

On the following day, January 29th, Swedenborg again visited the Campidoglio and witnessed the drawing of the lottery. In the afternoon he went to the Villa Medici on the Pincio, almost immediately above where his hotel stood. It is now the French Academy. Here he saw

"two magnificent vases or lavers of greystone;* an Egyptian

column; Niobe and Thisbe; the lions;** a gallery, right

magnificent. The Villa now belongs to Don Carlos."*** (Rese.

ibid.) (Pict. = C. E. p. 176, Ros. p. 116, Craw. 1:165, N.

Tales p. 201; Rogis. p. 409)

* They were of oriental granite (Ros. p. 166) and are in front of the Villa.

** One of these is modern.

*** The young King of Naples, afterwards Charles III of Spain.

The next day, Saturday, January 30th, Swedenborg

"was where Queen Christina lodged on the Longara. The Palace

belongs to Duke Corsini, the Pope's nephew." (Rese. ibid.)

This Palace, formerly the Pal. Riarii, is now the Royal

Academy of Sciences, containing a picture gallery and an

important library. Queen Christina died here, in a room

which is distinguished by two columns of painted wood.

(Hare pp. 656, 657; Baed. Italy pp. 324-25)

"A garden and house at the summit," continues Swedenborg,

referring to the Corsini, now the Botanical Gardens, "where

one has the whole city in view; in front, the church of St.

Peter's, and on the other side the Campagna." (Rese. ibid.)

This is the view from the place where stands the monument to

Garibaldi.

On the following Monday, February 2nd, Swedenborg went to the Senate, where he spent one and a half hours with Senator Bjielke.

"who received me with all politeness." (Ibid.)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 524

[1739
February

Senator Bjielke was at this time a man of 30 years of

age who, during a residence in France, embraced the Catholic

faith. Moving to Rome in 1735, he was appointed by Clement

XII as Chamberlain of the Papal Court, and two years later as

Senator of Rome - a position involving court judgments in

matters involving the punishment of death. He was

universally loved by the Romans, and was always hospitable to

all visitors to Rome. (Pict. = Sv. Familjebok)

A few days later, on February 6th, Swedenborg visited the Villa, or rather Palazzo Pamphili al Corso, now the Pal. Doria, one of the most magnificent palaces in Rome. (Craw. 1:208 = pict.)

"Was in Villa Pamphili," he writes; beautiful garden, and

also paintings and statues." (Resebeskrifn. p. 95)

Later, or more likely on the next day, he viewed the ancient aqueduct "with its arches underneath" - probably the Claudian Aqueduct near the Porta Maggiore, east of the Lateran. This would constitute a god walk and surely finished the day's sightseeing. I assume, therefore, that the items that follow in the Journal represent different dates between February 6th and 14th, the next dated item. (Pict. = Craw. 1:50, A. Rome p. 58)

"Afterwards," says Swedenborg, Avisited the Palazzo

Giustiani [near the Pantheon] where statues and pictures

alternated. In one gallery the statues stand one in front of

the other. The last was Lucretia, made by Bernini; also an

old man; then Minerva with her aegis or shield, which had

stood in the temple of Minerva;* a goat, etc." (Rese. ibid.)

* Now in the Vatican (Baed. Italy p. 316)

At this time, there were 1,867 statutes in this palace,

the largest collection in Rome, besides 636 pictures. This

collection is now scattered. (Rossini p. 29)

"Afterwards," continues Swedenborg, "was in the Palazzo

Barberini. There was much in silver; in pictures of well

known painters; sculptures, of which the principal are Adonis

by Bernini, an antique Faun, a Priapus.

(Pict. = Ros. pp. 46, 48)

"Was also in the Vatican and other apartments, the

inquisitors, etc. Also the place where the mosaics are made,"

(Rese. ibid.)

that is, in the Vatican workshops. The inquisition is the

Palazzo del S. Ufizzio which is situated toward the left or

south of the Portico of St. Peter's. It was from this

building that the Index Expurgatorius, banning Swedenborg's

Principia, was issued. It was in this building, on the

following April (1739), that Swedenborg's Principia was put

on the Index. The prisons of this building were not opened

until 1848. The building is now used as a barrack.

On Saturday, February 14th, Swedenborg was in the Vatican Library established by Sixtus V. (Pict. = Anc. Rome p. 195, Craw. 2:235)

"Magnificent paintings, comfortable, vast and large rooms.*

All was contained in cupboards. Saw Virgil, Terence, with

the masks of the ancients; the New Testament splendid; the

actions of a general painted in miniature, and other rare

things. I do not think that there are as many new books as

old." (Rese. ibid.)

* There were seven of these (Rogissart p. 402)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 525

[1739
February

At this time, the Library contained 276 cupboards full

of books, being 35,000, of which 25,000 were manuscripts.

The Virgil was reputed to be the oldest manuscript in the

Library, being ascribed to the Fifth Century; the Terrence

was ascribed to the same period, though it is now ascribed to

the Fourth Century (Baed. Italy p. 320). The New Testament

was a Greek manuscript of the Fifth Century. The manuscripts

included 1,900 formerly owned by Queen Christina.

(Ros. pp. 21-22)

This was the last of Swedenborg's sightseeing in Rome, for on the next day, Sunday, February 15th, he turned his steps backward to Florence.

He had been in Rome from September 25th to February 15th, a little over 20 weeks, and of these, he devoted in all the equivalent of 5 weeks to sightseeing. It is not unlikely that there was also some sightseeing not recorded in the Journal, though the latter contains a fairly comprehensive list of things to be seen in Rome. Swedenborg doubtless also had friends in the city, for there were always many Swedes in Rome. Then there were the many ecclesiastical holidays with ceremonies which he would doubtless take the opportunity of witnessing. But even then, we would have a time of at least three months during which Swedenborg was otherwise engaged than in sightseeing.

It can hardly be doubted that he used this time in studying and writing, nor are we lacking in indications which point to the nature of the work that engaged his attention.

It must be borne in mind that as yet his plan was to commence his physiological publications with a work on the Cerebrum, and, as we have already seen, that three Transactions on this subject had already been completed in Venice. Judging from the draft title-pages found in Codex 88, these three Transactions were to be followed by transactions on the Cerebellum, the Medullas and the Nerves. Moreover, judging from the last of the title-pages (see above, p. 439), there was also to be a part on "The Muscles in general." Thus his introductory work was to consist of eight parts, viz.:

1-3 The Cerebrum

4 The Cerebellum

5-6 The Medullas

7 The Nerves

8 The Muscles.

Turning now to Codex 65 containing the three Transactions on the Cerebrum, we find that this work fills 1,482 pages; then follows a gap, after which come pages 1913-60 containing the commencement of "Chapter VIII on the Muscles; a Treatise on the Way to a Knowledge of the Soul; and a Treatise on Faith and Good Works." The size of the paper and the style of writing clearly indicate that the paging is a continuation of the paging of The Cerebrum.*

* The opposite is asserted in my Preface to Psychological Transactions, but I had not than an opportunity of seeing the photostated MS.

As already observed, this Treatise on the Muscles is marked VIII, and it may be that after finishing the three Transactions on the Cerebrum in Venice, Swedenborg continued (and he could have done it only in Rome) with:

IV The Cerebellum

V The Medulla Oblongata

VI The Medulla Spinalis

VII The Nerves

VIII The Muscles
and in this connection it may be noted that nos. IV-VIII, as rewritten in Codex 55, occupy a number of pages which would equal 460 pages of Codex 65 - the Codex now in question - which would bring the Codex to p. 1942.

525

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 526

[1739

The last of the title-pages referred to above (see above, p. 436 seq.) Indicates that Swedenborg's final intention had been to incorporate in his first anatomical work a treatise on the Muscles. The title-page reads:

"Oeconomia Regni Animalis in Transactiones divisae quarum

haec Prima de Sanguine, ejus Arteriis, Venis et Corde, and in

genere de Musculis agit."

This is indicated by the fact that in chapter VIII on the Muscles, reference is made to the preceding pages as containing "Something on the Muscles of the Heart." (Codex 65: p. 1934)

Whenever the missing pages contained, however, they, together with the chapter on the Muscles, seem certainly to have been written in Rome. This chapter on the Muscles consists of no more than twenty-four pages containing anatomical excerpts together with a final paragraph giving some particulars as to the motion of muscles when separated from the body, and ending with the words: "But of these matters elsewhere." The anatomical excerpts indicate that the point of interest for Swedenborg was the motive force of the muscles, and the origin of the muscular fibre - indicating that what was in his mind was a study of the influx of the soul into the body.

Immediately following Chapter VIII on the Muscles, comes an article on "The Way to a Knowledge of the Soul," which extends from pages 1935 to 1939. This article has been printed both in Latin and in English translation. It is clearly written as a preface to a work on the Brain,

The work commences:

"It is a space of many years since I first conceived the

idea of cultivating Rational Psychology* or of investigating

the essence and faculties of the soul and of our internal

senses. But hitherto the great difficulty of these subjects,

and the vast number of things to be learned, has prevented me

from daring to make a premature advance in this direction....

For the perfecting of this single science, all the sciences

must be called into aid.... If one enters into this contest

with less than all, then at the very threshold how unarmed

will he find himself, and unequal to the nightly task. For,

whenever he is ignorant of the things necessary for his

guidance, he will draw them out of himself....

* The reference is either to the Tremulation period (1718) or to the commencement of the Principia (1730). The work now in question must be dated 1736.

"The portals will be opened to you by an anatomical

scrutiny of animal bodies, and especially of the cerebrum,

cerebellum, the two medullas and the nerves, without a

profoundly acquired knowledge whereof you can never aspire to

the inner recesses.... Nor even then can you conjecture as

to how the soul unfolds her forces, unless you have

unravelled the connections of all the viscera of the body and

also the organs of the external senses....

"Thus, whatever comes now to be treated of concerning

the brain, that same must be confirmed by everything that

depends on the brain, that is, by the whole body with all its

viscera, organs and parts ... by the records of the diseases

of the body and of those of the animus; moreover, by all that

is known to experimental chemistry and physics and to the

other arts." We must also "know how to reduce all things to

general and most general conceptions; ... from all the

sciences to form, as it were, one science that shall embrace

them all ... a science which, although unknown to the world,

is yet possible and whose foundation I am eager to lay down

if it be my lot to enjoy leisure and a

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 527

[1739

tranquil state of mind. This science I would call the

Mathematical Philosophy of Universals." This science is now

unknown and, therefore, Swedenborg, in the absence of

preliminary principles, was unwilling to proclaim its use in

advance. Yet, without its aid, Awe might sooner approach the

moon than explore the soul." (Sc. & Phil. Tr. II:1 p. 43)

As can clearly be seen, this article on the Way to a Knowledge of the Soul is intended to introduce a work on the Brain, and the fact of its insertion after Chapter VIII on the Muscles would seem to indicate that at the time of writing it (the early part of 1738), Swedenborg had already in mind to publish a first volume on the heart and blood, to be followed by a second volume on the brain. This, at any rate, was the plan subsequently followed in the published work, except that in volume 2 of that work, he omitted the treatment of the cerebrum specifically as the laboratory of the animal spirits.

The pages immediately following "The Way to a Knowledge of the Soul," namely, pp. 1940-60, include a first draft of a treatise on Faith and Good Works, together with a copy thereof containing corrections and additions. The place of the manuscript indicates that it also was written in Rome.

Its subject is the continuation of some thoughts expressed in the notes on Wolff's Psychologia Empirica, and afterwards included in the Infinite. There, it was a question of Faith in Christ and of the Heathen who know not Christ; here it is a question of the nature of Faith itself. What prompted the writing of this work we do not know. It may have been the contemplation of the Roman Catholic Church and reflection on its great opponent the Protestant Church. In any case, it is a stray piece and has no consecutive place in Swedenborg's chain of philosophical works unless it be in his Psychologica. (See Psych. Trans. pp. 11-18)

The theme which it discusses is whether faith without works will save, according to the dogma of the Lutherans.

"This," he adds, "is seen to be in agreement neither with the

Divine or revealed Work, nor with reason. "Rather do these

teach that there is no faith without works; and that if there

were, it condemns, not saves" (n. 1.) This he confirms from

"the Sacred Scripture" and from "the Apostles." He notes

also Luther's translation of Romans 3:28: "Paul," he says,

"in his Epistles to the Romans says that it is faith that

saves, and not action, that is to say, action regarded as

being without faith; to which words of the Apostle, Doctor

Luther in his version added, faith* without works* - which

latter words, nevertheless, are not the words of the Divine

text; and I believe that never in his life did Luther commit

a greater sin than when, from himself, he added these words;

but God be the Judge" (n. 3).

* Swedenborg is quoting from the Swedish translation. Luther adds the word allein.

After this preliminary, Swedenborg then enters into an examination of the meanings of the words action, will, principle of will, faith and love.

In itself action is purely mechanical and therefore man pay no regard to

action save as the evidence of will. This he illustrates by

three men approaching a king with the same actions (n. 4).

Confer AR 76.

Will is intention and is a property peculiar to man.

Principle is what determines the will. Faith is "That one

believes in Almighty God, in Christ, the Savior of the world,

and in everything that the revealed Word dictates." Hence

Faith is a principle of the will received from

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 528

[1739

God, and if it enters from the will into action, that action

must then be considered not as action but as faith. Love

makes one with faith, "for the grace of God is universal, and

when He bestows faith, He bestows also love, so that in the

degree that faith grows, so also grows love; and then faith

is said to be saving or true faith. But historical faith is

merely a knowledge or noting that a thing is so; in which

knowledge the devils are instructed." Love and faith are

therefore one (nos. 5-8).

From these definitions, Swedenborg proceeds to show that where there is faith and will, viz., the principle of will and the principle of action, action must follow unless it be hindered by external causes (n. 9). Therefore he concludes:

"Faith without works is contrary to reason itself; but to say

that faith in works saves is agreeable to reason. In a

certain sense, it can also be explained that faith saves but

not works, that is to say, works regarded in themselves as

without faith - which works are then, in a theological sense,

not good." If action is impossible, faith is saving only "if

it plainly strives to act by removing things, as it were,

impossible; in which case, the one mite that the poor woman

put in the plate is more considered than the golden coins of

the rich" (n. 11).

That "love toward God involves love toward the

neighbor," he continues, "is now beyond doubt; for love

toward the neighbor is the same as the exercise of good

works, and the showing that I really love the neighbor." So

"the love of self involves not only that one wills well to

oneself but also that he does well." Whether good actions to

the neighbor involve "those who are loved of God or those who

are not loved, it comes to the same thing, for we do not know

who these are. "A good soul may be in an evil body, and the

reverse.... Wherefore God says, Judge not that ye be not

judged.... It is ours to judge actions ... but it belongs to

god to judge the principles of action. It is ours to punish

the body, but the soul must ever be left to the judgment of

Almighty God" (n. 12).

In his concluding paragraph, Swedenborg touches on life after death and on why we are born into this world. In the future life, he says,

love toward God is possible without the exercise of love

toward any neighbor (that is, since men are then angels and

are no longer in the midst of scenes of distress). But in

that life, "love and faith are not considered as saving since

the soul is already saved or condemned; and all the means,

which are the exercises of love toward the neighbor, are

taken away since the subject of action, that is, the body, is

extinct. Therefore, sumptuous Dives wished for a return to

life that he might serve poor Lazarus" (n. 13).

With the Treatise on Faith and Good works, Codex 65 ends. As

bound now, it does indeed contain eight other pages, numbered

669-74, but the size of these pages clearly indicates that

they never formed any part of Codex 65, but the handwriting

seems to indicate that it was written in 1740 or 1741.

It is perhaps to the time when Swedenborg was in Rome that we must ascribe the writing contained in Codex 37. This Codex is a manuscript volume of 265 pages, but from page 218 to the end, these pages were undoubtedly written in 1741 or 142. That the other pages were written in Italy, is indicated by the fact that they contain, among other citations, extracts from Boerhaave's Institutiones Medicae, Paris, 1735; his Aphorismi, Paris 1728; Allen's Abreg de Medecine, six volumes, Paris 1737; and Verheyen's Anatomia, Naples 1734. All these books, except Allen's, were in Swedenborg's library at the time of his death, and it can hardly be doubted but that he purchased them during his stay in Paris and in Italy.

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Another reason giving probability to the thought that he wrote this Codex in Rome - or, at any rate, in Italy - is the fact that its main contents consist of quotations from the Latin classics - Plautus, Terence, Florus, Cicero and Seneca the Philosopher. Perhaps he was inspired by Rome.

At the time, Codex 37 seems to have been an almost blank MS. volume, a few pages of which had been used by Swedenborg - perhaps in 1733 or 1734 - to enter quotations on mineralogy and metallurgy. But now Swedenborg used it as a volume for entering various sentences from the Latin classics, all arranged under appropriate headings, as was done later in A Philosopher's Note Book. These quotations, while roughly transcribed, have never been translated, and it is not clear what object Swedenborg had in mind in making them, unless it be to cultivate facility in using the classics as illustrations in the course of his learned works. All these quotations are carefully indexed.

His other citations include a long series of anatomical and chemical definitions from Allen and other authors. These include more or less simple definitions from Verheyen and Heister (whose work was now succeeding Verheyen's as the universally accepted textbook). These quotations seem elementary in nature when one considers the thorough knowledge of anatomy which was now Swedenborg's, and one wonders that he took the trouble of making them. A similar wonder extends also to other citations made by Swedenborg in later years. Perhaps he delighted in seeing his knowledge systematically arranged, and perhaps he wished to have clear definitions ready to hand. (Codex 37: 3 seq., 20)

That Swedenborg studied not only anatomy but also pathology is evidenced by the many pages of citations from Allen and Boerhaave on the diseases to which man is subject, and particularly on the diseases of the brain. It would seem that, having finished the Venice work on the Cerebrum, he already commenced to prepare himself for a treatise on Diseases of the Brain. (Codex 57: 35s, 45s, 201s)

But perhaps of greatest interest in this volume of excerpts (Codex 37) are two paragraphs to which he appends the words "a me" (by myself). That they were written at the same time as the classical excerpts is plainly indicated by the style of writing. Moreover, their contents indicate a time prior to the Economy.

The first of these paragraphs is written on the inside of the front cover page, and reads as follows:

"We have made considerable progress in the sciences; we have

reached to various heights and pinnacles; now commences the

viewing of what lies beneath. We daily mount higher and,

without wings, we flap our arms in the air. One more sublime

than another desires that the whole globe be beneath him,

that he may look down upon those who wish to be stationed

more lowly and safely and in the midst of things; until at

last from him is snatched away even the view of things below,

and it is only obscurely that he measures them with his eyes

at a remote distance. Let us now seek lower things lest that

with which we are in close contact be covered with shade. Let

only that which is useful and true be before our eyes, and we

shall be cheered with the not vain hope that an age will come

which shall turn the inane into the useful. If truth be our

aim and end, then the movements of the sciences which lead

thither are truths like to the end; and if we expend our

labor on them alone, we shall gradually be instructed what to

eliminate from the circle of the sciences, as being inane and

useless, and what must further be elaborated as being useful.

To progress without any purpose in view is to progress into

errors, with which is blended a vain ambition for a name

which yet will die; thus, into results which the soul as

judge will pronounce worthless. What are not subject to the

tooth of time, and

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[1739

are not abolished and eaten up by moth and bookworm, are

truths alone; truths which an everlasting posterity will

again resuscitate and will reverently cultivate; for there is

hope that such a posterity will arise as shall know how to

distinguish the apparent from the truth (by myself)."

(Cod. 37, inside front cover page)

The second paragraph is on page 1 of the manuscript, and reads as follows:

"The Omniscient seems to have taken wings away from the

Mercuries of our age, being furnished with which, a great

multitude would draw their breath in the supreme region of

our atmosphere, and would swell up even until breath was

lacking. For each, being close to the sun by the daring of

Icarus, would be willing to be burned by its rays, and when

returned, would boast that he had been close to a heaven not

his own, and that, with the loss of his wings, he had brought

fires from thence, and draughts of a higher aura. Therefore,

winged sandals are not granted to the geniuses of our age.

Familiar things, howsoever serviceable, grow vile, for they

are already public property. In every science we make

excursions beyond the circus of operative nature, and are

ambitious to excel nature by our art. We wish to be

decorated by a crowd of admirers who take appearances for

truths, and shadows for light. We relish the number of those

who adore us, not their quality. Nature in her actions goes

in the simplest way, and only when she is delirious does she

turn herself to figures, essences, modes and numbers such as

those into which we so solicitously search. When she walks

aright and moves within her rules, she moves in her own

circles, spheres and spires; and if we remain within her

gyres and spheres, we shall contemplate nature acting from

her causes (by myself)." (Ibid. p. 1)

Swedenborg left Rome on Sunday, February 15th, and journeyed to Florence as he had come, by way of Siena, taking six days for the journey. At Siena he

notices the "beautiful cathedral of marble; 12 statues by

Barberini, and very beautiful paintings; a fine carved

pavement; a church underneath." (Resebeskrifn. pp. 95-96)

The pavement here referred to is unique, being

everywhere covered by lightly carved scenes from the Old

Testament and mythological subjects by eminent artists. Some

of these floor fresco-mosaics, as they might be called, are

simply outlines engraved in the white marble and filled with

black stucco; shading was then introduced by the use of grey

and colored marble, so that there began to develop a kind of

floor mosaic. This flooring is now usually covered with

boards. The "church underneath" to which Swedenborg refers,

is S. Giovanni which is at one end of the cathedral, and is

reached by descending steps.

From Siena, Swedenborg returned to Florence where he arrived on Friday, February 20th, and where he stayed for a week. His Journal contains no notes for this week save that on Tuesday, February 24th, he

"saw the Grand Duke and Duchess with their brother in the

Park, where" he stayed for 2 hours. (Resebeskrifn. p. 95)
They were later to visit Leghorn where there were to be great celebrations, and this perhaps, besides seeing the sights of Florence, contributed to Swedenborg's delaying there.

He left Florence for Livorno "where great preparations are being made to receive the Grand Duke" - on Friday, February 27th, arriving there on the following day. The town was naturally in a ferment of excitement, and there must have been ample attraction in this small town to induce Swedenborg to stay there for two weeks. He must of course have seen the few sights of the town, but his

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Journal notes are confined to the grand doings instituted in celebration of the Duke's visit.

The Grand Duke Francis had received the Grand Duchy of

Tuscany only two years previously, and the present was

perhaps his first official visit to Livorno. In 1740 he

became Emperor of Austria.

Nearly a week after Swedenborg's arrival at Livorno, he writes:

"On March 5th was an extraordinarily beautiful illumination

with lamps on the churches and houses, a pyramid with 9

statues built in the piazza; 2 fountains for wine, which was

running. The lamps were set in beautiful order. They showed

to the best advantage when the figure was not intricate, such

as [symbols] etc.

More than half the water [i. e., the sea] was within the

lamps which were red, yellow and white.

"On March 6th there were fireworks of a tolerably expensive

sort but of no special originality save that a blue flame

represented the coat of arms [of the Grand duke] which was

black in the middle.

"On the 7th, I am in the Toscana where was given to the

skflings food to the value of 10,000 riksdalers set up on

obelisks.

"On the 8th [Sunday] were the horse races; on the 9th were

chariot races." (Resebeskrifn. p. 96)

What was done on the 10th to the 13th is not stated, but Swedenborg concludes his Journal for Livorno by noting that on the 14th, Saturday, was

"fighting with the hands; fine prizes were set out." (Ibid.)

It was on this day that he took a felucca from Livorno to Genoa. Though the distance was only about 90 miles, it took three days to make the voyage, which is explained, perhaps, not only by the course of the winds but also by what is indicated in Swedenborg's note:

"On the way had considerable fear of the Algerian pirates."

(Ibid.)

Swedenborg arrived at Genoa on March 17th (Tuesday):

It "is a beautiful port," he writes. "Superb palaces,

Balbi's Negro's, Andrea [Doria's]; also the town hall [the

Municipio] with such fine paintings that there are

represented persons more living than I have ever seen before;

also Columbus who as a Genoese. Saw the Doge who is always

in red to the shoes, and has not been allowed to go out [of

the town] for 2 years."

(Ibid.; pict. = Fam. 9:950, G. E. 18:724)

In explanation of this, it may be noted that in 1736,

the Corsicans threw off the yoke of Genoa and created a Duke

of Westphalia as their King. The Genoese pronounced him a

traitor and forced him to leave Genoa. The true Doge then

appealed to the protection of France, and by the aid of that

country reasserted his rule over Corsica. It was presumably

in connection with this French Protectorate that he was

confined to the city.

"I saw how they voted," continues Swedenborg. "The

nobles are about 800, all being dressed in black with small

mantles; flat noses and faces. Was in a garden -

magnificent. Obs: That in the middle of March all is in

flower. Oranges and Lemons were then ripe. The olives were

then being plucked from the trees, etc."

(Resebeskrifn. p. 96)

Here, on page 542 of the manuscript the Journal comes to an abrupt end. The

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opposite page (p. 543) had already been filled with one of the title-pages referred to previously, being that which announced "The Animal Economy ... concerning the Cerebrum, Cerebellum," etc. (see above, p. 439). In consequence, the writing at the bottom of page 542 is very crowded. It ends, however, with a reference to page 737 for the continuation - a reference which clearly indicates that the intervening pages, which up to page 715 contained excerpts on the Brain and Nerves, had already been filled. As now preserved, however, there is no page 737 since the manuscript ends with page 715. We are not wanting, however, in information concerning the missing pages, for the heirs who received Swedenborg's effects after his death state in their catalogue the Codex 88 then consisted of 760 pages, and that the Journal was actually continued on page 737. But either this page was removed in connection with the removal of other pages, of which we now shall speak, or it was left as a loose leaf and has been lost. (Wenn. & Benz. Frteckning)

As to the removed pages, we read in the Catalogue above referred to, that pages 730-33 and again pages 741-45 contained "descriptions of several of Swedenborg's dreams during the years 1736, 1737, 1738, 1739 and 1740"; and in a footnote we are informed that "these leaves have been removed from the volume and are in the safekeeping of the family."

The "keeping" was certainly very safe, for neither in the "family" nor elsewhere is it now known where these leaves are.

The heirs' note, however, is not without instruction. First, from the fact (together with another fact to be noted later) that the Journal ended on page 737, we may safely surmise that Swedenborg did not remain in Genoa long, and that from that place he returned without delay to Paris via Turin, the Mount Cenis Pass, Lyons and the Saone. We know certainly that he was in Paris on May 14th, and had probably arrived there some time previously. (Doc. 1:p 362)

The other information, derived from the heirs' note is, that from 1736 to 1740, that is to say, from the time he left Sweden to the time he stayed in Amsterdam during the printing of his Economy of the Animal Kingdom. Swedenborg had dreams which he thought of sufficient significance to note down. The nature of these dreams is naturally unknown to us, but some indications of their actuality is afforded in certain passages of the Economy to which we shall refer later. For the present, it will suffice to observe that these significant dreams are contemporary with Swedenborg's serious entry upon the study of the human body as the seat of the soul. Beginning at the lowest rung of the ladder with the study of anatomy and the practice of dissection, he never lost sight of his ultimate goal which was to search out the commerce of soul and body, to see the soul in its operations in the body, that thereby he might gain some knowledge of the soul itself. This involved long and abstract thought, resulting perhaps in a closer approximation to the spiritual world, and hence the experiencing of significant dreams.

At the present day not one member of the Swedenborg family knows anything of the leaves that were removed for safekeeping in the family, nor even of their having been removed. There is reason, however, to suspect that they were known to C. F. Nordesnkiold in 1783. In that year he published his Oneiromantien or The Art of Interpreting Dreams, Stockholm 1783, wherein he applied the doctrine of correspondences, in a somewhat wild fashion, to the interpretation not only of dreams but also of mythology and hieroglyphics. Writing in 1852, Achatius Kahl, in the third Part of his Nya Kyrkan och dess inflytande pa theologiciens Studium i Swerige, states that Nordenskiold's Oneiromantien "is, as was suppose, drawn to no insignificant extent from one of Swedenborg's now vanished MSS. containing a description of sundry of his dreams from 1736-40." What, if any,

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specific reasons Kahl had for this supposition is not clear; but it cannot reasonably be doubted that A. F. Nordenskiold, the indefatigable searcher after Swedenborg's documents, came into contact with the Swedenborg family. (Kahl 3:103)

And now let us resume Swedenborg's travels. As already noted, he was in Genoa on March 17th, and presumably stayed there some days. He could not have stayed there long for, judging from his journey from Paris to Milan, the return journey from Genoa to Paris would take a full month. Thus, supposing he stayed in Genoa until the end of March, he would arrive in Paris at the beginning of May about a year after he had left. That this is about what he did, is shown by the fact that from Paris, on May 14th, he wrote to his brother-in-law, Lars Benzelstierna hoping that all had been well during his long absence.

His brother-in-law Lars answered him on June 26th:

"I, no less than all my brothers, friends and relatives,

am glad from all my heart at my brother's health and happy

return to Paris, of which my brother's welcome letter of May

14th last assures us. My brother has good reason to think

that there has been some change since his departure. In our

sphere in the Royal Bergscollegium we are all in statu quo

since President Ribbing's death brought us President Baron

Rålamb."

Then follows the news that Bergsrd Leiell has been absent

from illness for 17 or 18 months. In politics, Lars informed

his brother-in-law that Count Horn got retirement at his own

request, with full salary; an that later, their Excellencies

Bonde, Bielke, Bark, Hrd and Creutz had got retirement with

a yearly pension of 4,000 dal.s.m.; and that von Kocken and

Neres had got retirement.

"The cause of all this," Benzelstierna continues, "I do not

know for I am a member of the Secret Committee and therefore

can know nothing." He then gives the names of the men who

were appointed to fill the vacant places in the Council. In

place of the five retired Riksrder, ten others had been

appointed.

"In private matters," continues Lars, Ait is to be told that

Bishop Swedberg's wife has lately died. For the rest, the

brothers and sisters and my dear wife and child are all well

and send their dutiful greeting. Lars Benzelstierna

[referring to his twenty-year old son and Swedenborg's

nephew] is now a magister and has once or twice stood his

test in preaching. He is now staying all the time in Lund."

(LM. pp. 482-83)

The news contained in this letter concerning the resignations of Horn and others was full of significance to Swedenborg, for he must clearly have seen that it meant the utter rejection of the policy which he himself had supported in 1734 with a long written Memorial.

To understand the changed situation in Sweden, and so the political atmosphere in which Swedenborg found himself on his return to his native land in 1740, it is necessary briefly to review what had taken place in Sweden during his absence.

hen Swedenborg left Sweden, the old statesman Arvid Horn

was in power, and his policy, which was supported by

Swedenborg - a close alliance with England, and peace with

Russia - prevailed as against the Chauvinistic policy which

aimed at receiving subsidies from France, and making war on

Russia in the vain hope of thereby recovering the provinces

lost by Charles XII. But great changes had taken place since

1736 when Swedenborg left Sweden. In that year, Russia

declared war against Turkey, and though she was assisted by

Austria, both countries eventually sustained

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defeat. Elated by their victories, the Turks sought an

alliance with Sweden, offering to receive war supplies in

settlement of the heavy and as yet unsettled debts incurred

by Charles XII while abiding in Turkey.

But the Turkish victories had a much more far-reaching

effect than the hope of settling monetary debts. It fired

the Chauvinistic party with renewed zeal in opposing Horn's

policy of peace, in urging war with Russia, and the recovery

of the lost provinces. Political excitement was at its

height, and preparatory to the Riksdag which was to meet in

the beginning of 1738, every effort was made by the

opposition to defeat the aged Horn. The French Ambassador

openly took part in Swedish politics by bribes and even by

open utterances; indeed, so scandalous did his conduct become

that the government demanded and obtained his recall; but

even so, he remained for some time, under the pretence of

instructing his successor.

Meanwhile, the utmost efforts were made to obtain a

majority in the Houses of the Diet which would be opposed to

Horn; bribes were freely offered to many penniless noblemen

to induce them to vote for the opposition or, better still,

to give blank powers of attorney, themselves remaining at

home. The excitement in Stockholm was at fever heat;

political pamphlets by anonymous authors bribed by the French

Ambassador were everywhere in evidence. Clubs met nightly,

and in these, particularly in military circles, the name

"nightcaps" were used for the first time to designate the

alleged poltroonery of the Peace Party. The name stuck, and

with this name began the real rise of two distinct political

parties and of parliamentary opposition.

Horn's opponents proudly called themselves "Hats," this

being the old symbol of freedom and independence. Their

leader was von Höpken who was seconded by his son Anders von

Höpken, Swedenborg's future friend and sympathizer; and

behind all was the King's latent opposition to Count Horn,

whose moral standards could not look the scandalous relation

of the King to his mistress Frken Taube.

The Hats were determined to drive Horn from power for,

with him at the helm, they could never carry out the plans of

revenge against Russia. His opponents prevailed in the

Riksdag, and in October 1738, a treaty of alliance was

concluded with France, of course with subsidies, and with the

promise of a declaration of war against Russia. It remained

only to drive the head of the government out of power. But

the old statesman relieved them of this act. Bowed with age

and feeling the uselessness of further struggle against the

youthful military party that was arrayed against him, he

resigned his office and passed into retirement where, with

grief in his heart at the fate into which Sweden was rushing,

he died three years later.

His resignation was received with delight; it relieved

his opponents of an act which could not have been popular

even among some of their supporters, and it was with the

greatest gladness and willingness that they voted Horn all

honor and a pension for life.

His foremost supporters, Bonde, Bielke, Bark, Creutz and

Hard, remained in the Council and stood out for a time; but

by February 1739, such was the pressure that they also

resigned. They were rewarded by a pension of 4,000 dalers.

Two of Horn's supporters, von Kocken and

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Neres, were not forgiven. Rumor spread it about, that in

their zeal to support Horn, they had threatened Sweden with

Russian warships. They were indeed allowed to resign, but the

acceptance of their resignation was accompanied with the

forbiddance that they have any intercourse with foreign

ministers or any correspondence with foreign countries. Thus

did the now dominant Hat Party enter upon their career of

revenge and recovery, a career which, though it commenced

with the disastrous war with Russia foreseen by Swedenborg,

and which Horn had tried to hard to avert, yet endured for

over fifty years, and was not altogether unmixed with

advantage for Sweden.

Something of this Swedenborg must have sensed when reading his brother-in-law Lars' list of resignations and appointments.

To what place Lars addressed his letter of June 26th is not known. Probably it was Amsterdam, for the evidence of the work done by Swedenborg in 1739 indicates that he did not stay long in Paris. There was nothing further for him to do there, and he was naturally anxious to reach Holland, the country where was freedom of the press, that there he might publish the first fruits of his long anatomical and psychological studies.

From Paris, Swedenborg returned to Amsterdam - a journey which, in the reverse direction, had taken sixteen days. Assuming, then, that he left Paris soon after May 14th, he must have reached Amsterdam about the beginning of June. By this time, he had already fully determined on the nature of his first entry into the physiological field as an author.

Before touching on this work more specifically, we ought here to add that it was while writing it, that Swedenborg amused himself and refreshing his mind by overseeing the making of a table inlaid in the Italian style which he had ordered for himself, and the desire for which had perhaps been inspired in him when examining the marvelous mosaic work he had seen in Rome. This table is now preserved in the Commerce Collegium, being inherited from the Bergscollegium which was appointed by Swedenborg himself - its custodian during his absence from Sweden.

It has generally been supposed that this table was made in Italy and shipped from there to Sweden. Yet, if such were the case, it is curious that Swedenborg should make no mention of it in his letter to Lars Benzelstierna, dated Paris, May 14th. Indeed, there is direct evidence indicating that Swedenborg first mentioned the sending of the table to Sweden in a letter to his brother-in-law Lars, dated November 1740, when he was in Amsterdam. (Doc. I:p. 365)

The matter might have remained in uncertainty were it not for the researches of Doctor Nils Zenzen of the Nordiska Museet in Stockholm. It occurred to Doctor Zenzen to examine the records of the Commerce Collegium, since Benzelstierna had had some trouble in releasing the table from Customs. What he found there, throws light on the matter that there can be no reasonable doubt but that the table was made in Holland; for, on November 7, 1739, the records in question speak specifically of the "marble table which Assessor Swedenborg sent hither from Holland; for, on November 7, 1739, the records in question speak specifically of the "marble table which Assessor Swedenborg sent hither from Holland as a meal." (Zenzen, Om det Swed. Marmorbordet)

Not content with this, Doctor Zenzen enters into and satisfactorily settles the question of how it came about that a work which was manifestly Italian came to be made in Holland. He quotes a passage from Carl Tersmeden's memoarer. I frmmande land, Stockholm 1915, describing a table which Tersmeden had seen in Genoa very similar to Swedenborg's inlaid. The same Memoirs also relate that, in 1735, Tersmeden saw in the neighborhood of Amsterdam "an Italian stonecutter's workshop,

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and King Carl XII's sepulchre ... ready for packing" - from which it would appear, observes Doctor Zenzen, that there was at this time an Italian worker in stone in Holland; and, he adds, clearly one cannot exclude the possibility that it was of such a worker that Swedenborg availed himself in the autumn of 1739.

Tersmeden says he saw the works in question in Amsteln when making a tour "from Amsterdam." This refers probably to a village near Amsterdam, Amsteln being the former name of the Province in which Amsterdam was situated.

Swedenborg's object in having this table made was that it might serve as a model for the introduction of such work into Sweden, where it appears to have been unknown. In an article which he wrote for the Swedish Academy of Sciences some twenty years later, he descries in detail the process by which it was made; and the minuteness of this description makes us fully prepared for the closing words of the article, wherein Swedenborg says:

"I have such a table in my possession, and I was present all

the time it was being made; it was finished in five weeks at

four hours daily, and hence altogether in 120 hours."

(Doc. I:p. 590)

It would not be inconsistent with Swedenborg's integrity to

assume that he was not actually present during all these 120

hours.

Judging from the time of Nordenskiold's application to the Commerce Collegium, which was November 7th, and which must have been made after vain attempts to get the table released by the Importing Society, the work was probably commenced some time toward the end of August while Swedenborg was in the very midst of the writing of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom.

In the beginning of June 1739, then, Swedenborg arrived in Amsterdam, and here he secured permanent lodgings and settled down to the writing of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom. The work was finished on December 27th of the same year - a work of over five hundred and fifty quarto pages in 230 days, to say nothing of the time spent at the Italian stonecutter's. It seems an incredible feat, and leads one to suppose that in Rome and even in Paris, Swedenborg had already written drafts of some part of the work. The only direct indication of this, is contained in Swedenborg's Journal of his stay in Paris. There we learn that during his first week in Paris he drafted his

"entrance to the Transactions, that the soul of wisdom is the

acknowledgment and cognition of the Deity"

and also drafted:

"The first Transaction that the time is at hand that we must

search into nature from effects"
and finally, that he

"worked on the plan of his work - concerning the auras in

general"
(see above, p. 474). These words suggest the Introduction to the Economy of the Animal Kingdom as now written, and, as already stated, it may be that parts of the work itself were drafted before Swedenborg came to Amsterdam in June 1739. Certainly the drafting could have been done only in Paris, Venice or Rome.

As indicated in the published work, the plan which Swedenborg had in mind was as follows:

Parts I and II (published): The Blood and the Brain in general. The Second part included many pages extracted from Transactions I and II of The Cerebrum.

Part III: The Cortical and Medullary Substance of the Brain.

Part IV-VI: The Brain (this was to include Trans. III of the work on the Cerebrum, and also its continuation.

Thus some parts of the work had already been written in Venice in the Spring of 1739.

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That the Economy as published was actually commenced in Amsterdam, is specifically stated by Swedenborg himself in his Journal for the end of October 1744. There, speaking of a swoon he experienced, he says he had experienced a

similar swoon "six or seven years ago in Amsterdam when I

began the Economy of the Animal Kingdom."

(Acton, Introd. To WE p. 27)
This can refer only to his stay in Amsterdam in 1739; for his last preceding visit to that city was in 1736 when he stayed only two days. True, on October 27th, 1744, June 1739 was only five years and five months ago, but this may well be included in the vague term "six or seven years ago."

It may, therefore, be considered as certain that Swedenborg commenced his Economy in Amsterdam in June 1739, and that in the writing of it he used material which he had already written in Paris, Venice and Rome.

Even, before entering into a consideration of the Economy itself, I would recall to mind the fact that from 1736-1470 - that is to say, during the time of that journey which culminated in the publication of the Economy - Swedenborg, apparently for the first time, had dreams which he regarded as significant (see above, p. 455). These dreams necessarily have some connection with the swoon referred to above.

Let us now speak more particularly of this swoon. Swedenborg's words are:

"In the morning [Oct. 27, 1744,] when I woke, there came

again upon me such a swoon as I experienced six or seven

years ago in Amsterdam when I began the Economy of the Animal

Kingdom, but much more subtle.... It signifies, as at the

former time, that my head is being put in order and is

actually being cleaned of that which might obstruct these

thoughts; as also happened at the former time, for it gave me

penetration, especially with the pen." (Acton, Ibid.)

The Swoon here described was certainly not an ordinary swoon induced by bodily causes. It was clearly the result of deep abstract though whereby the breathing of the body was almost if not quite suspended; and whatever may have been its exact nature, we can certainly say with sureness that it was the first record of those frequent psychic phenomena which resulted in Swedenborg's experiencing a peculiar intellectual enlightenment. We shall see evidence of this enlightenment in what is now to be considered.

Swedenborg prefaces this - the first of his published physiological works - with a citation or motto drawn from the letters of the Philosopher Seneca:

"He is born to few things who thinks of the people of

his own age; many thousands of years and peoples are yet to

come. Look to these, even though some cause* has imposed

silence on thy contemporaries. Those will come who shall

judge without enmity and without favor."

* Swedenborg substitutes alioua causa for livor (envy); the change is readily understandable.

He then commences with a treatise on the blood and the heart;

and this, as he explains in his Preface, because the blood is

the complex of all that is in the soul, and the storehouse of

all that is in the body. (Econ. 1:n. 3)

Reflection led him to commence his labors with the blood

rather than the brain because his object was the searching

into the soul and its operations in the body. The brain is

the seat of the intellectual operations of the soul, but the

blood is the seat of its corporeal operations.

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Here the soul is finally clothed to be the life of the body,

the storehouse and dispenser of its nourishment, and the

source of its energy, the all in all of the body (Econ.

1:n,5). Therefore, observes Swedenborg, the doctrine of the

blood is the first to be considered and the last to be

completed (n. 6).

After these preliminary remarks, Swedenborg notes in his Introduction what is the test of the truth of any given conclusion or hypothesis.

If the latter is true, he says, it will be spontaneously

confirmed and concurred with by all experience, all the rules

of philosophy and all hypotheses that are founded on common

notions (n. 10), that is to say, by all hypotheses that have

the semblance of truth.

Swedenborg then turns to the methods whereby man may now arrive at true conclusions; and here he institutes a comparison of the growth of the mind with the creation of the world.

When our eyes first open on to the world, all seems chaos,

but gradually things become more distinct and are so

presented to the mind, whereby the passage to the soul is

opened whereby we can receive true notions (n. 8). Therefore,

the only means whereby we can learn is by the deduction of

truths from accumulated experiences. To do otherwise, to

spin out the data of experience from hypothesis is a vain

endeavor comparable to the children's game of blind man's

bluff (n. 11).

But there is a difference in this matter of experience,

for we have particular experience which concerns the facts

relating to one particular thing, and general experience

which concerns many different things. "Where particular

experience goes beyond its limits, and from it conclusions

are made respecting all things," says Swedenborg, "how

readily and how often does it deceive the animus, which

favors it by its own contemplations." The reason is obvious,

namely because particular experience may form a part in very

different series, like a letter in words or a word in

sentences (n. 15). It is plain, therefore, that assent to

any conclusion must be withheld until it is confirmed by the

facts of general experience. "In no other way can such a

building be erected which afterwards and in a later age

posterity, on the basis of thousands of added accumulations

of experience with acknowledge to rest on true foundations;

nor, with the destruction of the former structure, will each

age have the labor of ever erecting a new one." (n. 16).

He concludes this part of his Introduction by pointing to the experimental knowledge of anatomy accumulated by the distinguished anatomists whose works he has used. Men "whose discoveries ... posterity will ever turn to use" (n. 17).

He then passes to the matter of his own method of study.

"Here and there," he says, "I wished to add and insert my own

experience, though sparingly; for, looking at the matter more

deeply, I deemed it more advisable to use experiences taken

from others. For some there are who are, as it were, born

for the gathering of experiences; they see more keenly than

others, as though endowed by nature with acumen.... And some

there are who enjoy the natural faculty of eliciting causes

from experimental discoveries. Each of these is a special

gift, and the two are rarely coincident in one and the same

subject.* For I have

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found by experience that when straining my eye and my mind in

investigation into the deeper recesses of the human body, as

soon as I came across something not hitherto observed, I

would begin (perhaps from self-love) to the blind to the most

acute lucubrations and investigations of others; and also to

wish to bring every series of rational inductions to

contribute to it; consequently, no longer to behold sincerely

and to be capable of comprehending the idea of universals in

individuals, and of individuals under universals, thus in the

way that the matter demands. Nay, when from these

discoveries I brought forth principles, I seemed to myself to

see many confirmations in the experiences of others, which,

nevertheless, were not confirmations - as I saw. For which

reason, laying aside my instruments and restraining this

desire, I chose rather to acquiesce in the researches of

others than to trust to myself" (n. 18).

* The same sentiment is expressed by Ruysch in a passage quoted by Swedenborg in A Philosopher's Note Book, p. 506.

This thought as to the danger of being led astray by self-love, leads Swedenborg to dwell for a time on the peculiar faculty which it is necessary that the searcher into causes shall possess.

"It is given to every one to fix his mind on one thing and

distinctly to evolve what lies hidden within it.... This is

a peculiar gift into which the infantile brain is inducted,

as it were, from its first stamen and which afterwards by

means of use and cultivation is imbued with easy progress."

It is well known that poets, musicians, painters, etc., are

born. So likewise every species of animal is endowed with

its own distinct disposition. "Some are born as prodigies

with a memory more than human. So others are born into the

activity of a kind of memory, that is to say, into a power

that is imaginative and has an intuition of things. Such

men, as soon as they revolve anything in their animus, arouse

the rationality of their mind, and arrange their

philosophical conceptions into harmonious form; then they use

their thought, even until they see whether opinions are

concordant with judgments. And if anything intervenes to

bring the subject into shade, then by second nature, as it

were, they shut off that thing from those that are near, and

weave in some other ratio more comfortable to the idea, that

these may become coherent. With the favor of Minerva, they

arrange into classes those things on which they have

meditated; and those matters that have been closely joined

together, they distribute into members and skillfully

ordinate the series thus clearly divided, series under

series, to wit, they never overwhelm themselves by the

multitude of things, but are continually more enlightened.

And, by the aid of arrangement and the general notion, they

recall to memory whenever they will, such parts as have

become obliterated and then evolve their complications.

"They who are born into this felicity of genius, and who

afterwards advance, being drawn on by just guidance - such

men, the more deeply the penetrate into the sciences, the

less do they trust to the faculty of their imagination; and,

in the absence of experience, they fear to produce the chain

of reasons further than the link that next follows, and if

they produce it somewhat further, they put it among things

that are hypothetical so long as Experience is silent. They

beware as of a hydra of being precipitated into conclusions

not well supported, or of being imbued with them to the point

of believing them; and if imbued with such conclusions as

regards holding them in the memory, they yet do not weave

them into any series of reasons, but meanwhile, as it were,

put them away from the memory and fix their gaze on data and

facts alone. In the fictitious their animus is saddened; in

the obscure it is pained; in truth sit is exhilarated; and in

all that is clear it is serene. After weighing reasons, as

soon as they come upon the truth, then as confirmation there

is at once a kind of cheering light and happy flash

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which pour around the sphere of their mind; and there is, I

know not whence it springs, a certain mysterious radiation

which glances upon some sacred shrine of the brain. Thus a

kind of rational instinct comes forth and indicates, as it

were, that the soul is called into deeper communion, and is

at that moment relapsed, as it were, into the golden age of

its integrity. Having known such pleasure, for there can be

no desire for the unknown, the whole mind is carried off in

the pursuit of it, and begins to burn with ardor. In its

presence, it spurns merely corporeal pleasures as

distractions, but embraces them as means arousing the animus

and the pure blood, though never as ends. Such men count the

sciences and arts merely as the ministers of wisdom; and they

learn them that they may bring assistance, and not that they

may thereby be accounted wise. They modestly restrain the

elation of an insolent animus, perceiving that there is an

ocean of sciences, from which they are able to catch but a

few drops. They look at no one with aristocratic brow or

regal spirit, nor do they arrogate aught to themselves. They

refer all things to the Deity, from whom, as from its fount,

springs all true wisdom. In His glory they place the

ultimate of their own" (n. 19).

If we regard the above passage as being in a way a description of Swedenborg's own state, or, at any rate, of his aspirations, our wonder at the extent and rapidity of his work in writing the Economy is somewhat lessened, and our realization of the import of the "swoon" which gave him penetrate especially with the pen is increased. For with a mind apt by nature and trained by experience to see and seize upon the salient facts in a given chaos of experience; a mind able at once to call from the memory the things that pertain to the problems in hand, and to banish all unrelated matters; a mind, moreover, trained by the constant effort to look into causes; purified from sordid and gross loves; and with the desire to shun ambition and the love of self; a mind which by these very means was made more sensitive to spiritual light so that it at times sensated enlightenment as an actual light glancing upon the inmost shrine of the brain; with such a mind and such intuition, we can more easily understand that work, which with ordinary men could hardly be accomplished by the labor of years, might be completed in a miraculous time. Morever, we have actual and abundant evidence of the immense amount of actual writing which Swedenborg accomplished in the course of a few weeks.

Following his description of the requisites for a true philosopher, Swedenborg then gives a picture of men who

"are carried along, with Nature opposed to them and against

the will of Pallas." Such, he says, "are more especially

those in whom sciences and the accumulations of study produce

shade and blindness, or whom theories infatuate" (n. 21).

But, he continues, even where there is the faculty of

philosophizing, there are many causes which enfeeble it.

Such, for instance, as "the desires of the animus and the

pleasures of the body; for if the mind over-indulges in

these, it no longer has the use of its reasons, being, as it

were, in bonds and forced to go whither lust snatches it

away. This gift is also impaired and destroyed by cares and

anxieties in relation to men's ordinary affairs and their

eventual fortunes; for these determine the mind to things

lower and outer.... Nothing induces greater blindness on the

mind than one's own providence in matters subject to the

Divine Providence (n. 21).

But what chiefly impairs the faculty of reasoning is

"the vain ambition of glory and the love of self. I know not

what darkness is poured over the mind as soon as the animus

swells up; that is

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to say, when the intuition of things raises up in those

things the image and glory of oneself. It is like a ferment,

which, when poured into wine of the most exquisite flavor,

produces a froth whereby its purity is defiled, and its

clearness clouded"; and here Swedenborg adds a picture which,

in his own mind, undoubtedly described what actually takes

place. "It is no otherwise," he says, "than as if the animal

spirits were stirred into tempestuous waves and a kind of

storm drove the grosser or perception, being swollen, dull

the powers of thought, and induce on their theatre a scene

entirely changed.... The Muses love a tranquil mind, and it

is only humility and contempt of self, with the love of truth

alone, that can quiet these waves" (n. 22).

Swedenborg then adds by way of advice:

"If one is intent on bringing to light something of worth,

then, when he has put something on paper which he thinks

superminent and which he loves to read and reread, it is

better that he put it away from his eyes and mind some time,

and that after some months he return to it as to something

forgotten, and thus as to something alien, as it were, and

not his own; and not to weary in doing this two or three

times.... If he then frequently blushes at his own writings,

and does not blindly deem what he has so highly polished to

be worthy of his own esteem, it is a sign of advancing

wisdom" (n. 22).
Swedenborg himself seems to have acted on this advice, as witness his putting aside his work on the Cerebrum.

From this consideration of the requirements of the true philosopher, Swedenborg passes on to a weighing of the values of ancient learning and the modern, showing that both are essential to true wisdom.

"I do not think," says he, "that I shall detract from

the learned of our own age if I say with many that the

ancients excelled us in wisdom and in their better integrity

in the distinct discernment of things.... On the other hand,

I do not think I detract anything from the praise of the

ancient learning if I also say with many that the late and

present age is eminent above the ancients in aids for the

further cultivation of men of genius, that is to say, in the

accumulation of experiments as the ministers of a future

wisdom for the service of posterity. It is of Providence

that the one age shall succeed the other, that the parents

shall instruct their descendants, that the ancients incite

their descendants to experimentation whereby their own

contemplative sciences may be confirmed; and that we shall

incite our own descendants" (nos. 23-25).

Swedenborg concludes his Preface by pointing out that the time is now at hand

"that we leave the port and set our sails on high; that from

the gathered stores we construct a temple; that with our

sickle we reap the harvest; that we enjoy the choice foods

that have been prepared; that is to say, that we become wise

from the abundance wherein we are wealthy. Had such

abundance as we now possess been at the disposal of the sophi

of old, we may conjecture that they would have advanced their

sciences not only to their Pindus but beyond even to Helicon.

There will not be wanting men at this day who, gifted with so

great an heritage ... will elevate these same sciences above

the Pindus of the ancients.

"But to spread out into this field is like spreading

into an ocean.... It is easy to leave the port or to release

the horses from the starting post; but to reach the end or

goal, this is the Isthmian labor. Yet we must attempt this

abyss, doing this, however, like young birds who first try

their strength by feeble strokes of their new fledged wings,

that from their nests they may essay the air and the new

world into which

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they enter" (nos. 26-27).

As though by way of addendum, Swedenborg says a few words as to the plan of his work, namely, that he will first present an array of facts from the anatomists, and from these will then form Inductions.

We may note here that this plan distinguishes all the works of the Economy series, where the Induction is first presented as a whole and is then examined part by part. In the Animal Kingdom series, on the other hand, the anatomical experience is followed by a somewhat lengthy "Analysis" which is further dealt with in a series of footnotes.

Swedenborg commences the work itself with the soul as the inmost essence of the blood, and, indeed, by implication as being itself a blood. He sees the red blood, not as the first cause itself, but as

"the ultimate fluid which acts the part of the soul in the

animal kingdom," being, indeed, "the soul of the body"

(n. 46).

He declares, therefore, at the very outset of his work - and

the declaration gives the reason why his physiological

studies commenced with the blood - that

"There is a certain purest fluid by some called the animal

spirit which enters into the blood as its principal

substance" (n. 37).

The particular state of this fluid, and its nomenclature,

Swedenborg reserves to "Transactions III, V and VI" on the

substances of the Brain and on its chemical laboratory.*

* From the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, it would appear that Transaction III was to treat of the medullary and cortical substance of the brain, including the fibre; and Transactions V and VI of the Cerebrum, Cerebellum and the Medullas. Subsequently, as shown in The Fibre, the plan contemplated was as follows:

III The Fibre and Arachnoid

IV The Fibre and the Animal Spirit

V The Cerebrum and Cerebellum, etc.

VI Psychology, Spiritual Forms, Correspondences, and Providence. See the Index of Authors in The Fibre.

Whether Swedenborg had at this time tentatively developed the doctrine of the animal spirit, as that doctrine is presented in The Fibre, is not clear; for in his Indices to the Economy, he calls by the name animal spirit both the fluid prepared in the cerebral ventricles and also what in Part II he calls the spirituous fluid as being the immediate vicegerant of the soul. Yet, from the fact that he includes in this work a treatment on the doctrine of degrees, it seems most probable that, without entering into details, he had already formulated in his own mind the doctrine that the soul is a spirituous fluid which enters into the composition of the red blood by a series of degrees. With this in mind, the apparent ambiguity in the use of the term animal spirit becomes clear, in that he is thinking of it sometimes as the soul, as manifested in its government of the body, whether in the first degree or in the second; and sometimes as animal spirit manufactured in the laboratory of the cerebrum.

From the fact of there being a "purest fluid" within the blood, Swedenborg at once passes to the conclusion that

"there is a circulation of the fluids of the body more

universal than that of the blood through arteries and veins;

a circulation," he adds, "which, so far as I know, has not

been made known by the research of any investigator" (n. 38).
He is not content with a circulation of blood running backward and forward through arteries and veins refreshed only by material chyle; but, having in mind his doctrine of degrees, he sees that not only the material elements of the blood must

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constantly be furnished anew, but also those higher elements which furnish the embodiment of the soul in its higher degrees. Hence he is led to the conclusion that in addition to the to and fro circulation as though through mere conduits, there is also a circulation the essence of which consists in the dissolution of the blood and its revitalization with fresh substances of a higher nature.

The conclusion is a logical necessity of the doctrine. For if the red blood expends its treasures on the action of the body, and then needs an ever new supply, it would follow that supplies of a superior nature are expended on the passions of the mind and its activity in the world of thought and will and imagination, and hence here also must ever need a new supply. Swedenborg clearly sees that the life which springs from God is the only self-subsistent entity, and that all clothing of life of whatsoever degree must be constantly expended and as constantly renewed.

Hence Swedenborg's doctrine of different circulations. Here, however, he contents himself with stating on the basis of Experience

"that the red blood is divisible into a purer transparent

blood, and, consequently comes to an end in a fluid of the

utmost fineness which, by reason of its subtlety, is not

perceptible to the sight" (n. 40).

This he then confirms by an appeal to Leeuwehoek's well known doctrine of the divisibilty of the blood into six parts which are again divided into six. As to what Leeuwenhoek saw - which he imagined to be six separate globules - this is somewhat of a mystery. Certainly no such material construction of the blood can be seen by investigators of today equally skilled as was Leeuwenhoek and equipped with far superior instruments. But Leeuwenhoek's experience is not essentially necessary part of Swedenborg's doctrine, nor is it necessary for the maintenance of that doctrine.

Swedenborg saw at once that Leeuwenhoek's experiments aptly fitted in with his doctrine of degrees in the blood considered as a compound. He could do not otherwise than accept as an ascertained fact Leeuwenhoek's assertion as to the six globules, etc.; for Leeuwenhoek had justly earned the respect of the whole learned world for his skill and accuracy in the manufacture and use of the microscope. Whether Leeuwenhoek's observations were well founded or not is immaterial to Swedenborg's doctrine. He would still hold that the blood is a compound whose component parts are in a superior degree. This is the essential thing, and there can never be any understanding of the blood as the life stream of the body without the recognition of this essential. To see by chemistry and the microscope that the blood consists of this matter or that, contributes nothing to a knowledge of that blood as the vicegerant of the soul; and, indeed, if our knowledge is confined to such matters, it may rather induce us into darkness, and blind us to the clear truth that the interiors of nature display an order and mechanism of parts far superior to that order and mechanism which is so patent to us in her externals.

But Leeuwenhoek's is not the only testimony that Swedenborg appeals to for his doctrine of the blood; he appears also to the fluidity of the blood, its flexibility, its vitality, as clear proofs that it is composed of parts which exist in a superior degree, and which are present therein in distinct order and arrangement. Dead blood at once loses its fluidity, flexibility and vitality, and how can these qualities be accounted for save by the presence of part within part even until we come to that which is moved immediately by life itself?

Creating this threefold nature of the blood, Swedenborg then shows that there must be a like threefold nature of the tunics of the blood (nos. 123, 146); otherwise there would be no common action. This he develops in his chapter on the Arteries and Veins. Here he speaks only of three degrees of blood, viz., the

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animal spirit which runs through the nerve fibrils, a purer or white blood and the red blood. Nothing is said of any spiritual or spirituous fluid whose functions proper are spiritual rather than corporeal. But this is to be expected inasmuch as Swedenborg is now treating, not of psychology, but of the ultimate operations of the soul in the body.

This leads him to speak of the three circulations, and he shows that they are not independent and self-contained circulations but together constitute a "subtriplicate circulation" and thus imply a continual dissolution and recomposition of each degree of blood (n. 148). Thus he establishes not three separate kingdoms connected by a preestablished order, but one kingdom in which, while the life of the body endures, the descent from the soul and the ascent to the soul is perpetual - a perpetual exemplification of life and death, of action and reaction which are the many manifestations of a creation perpetually animated by Life; of existence which is perpetual subsistence.

These are but some of the points advanced into his chapter on the Arteries and veins, which is one of the longest in the work. Many other points are discussed and many problems faced and solutions offered which are new, because they form a part of a new philosophy of the soul's operations, a philosophy based on the doctrine of degrees. Thus Swedenborg shows that the existence of three degrees of bloods involves three degrees of glands, the highest of which are the cortical glands of the brain. He enters into the causes, both mediate and remote, of the transmission of blood through the arteries, and of animal spirits through the nerves; and why the arteries actively reject to special organs things useless, while the veins attract all that is needed for the renovation of the blood, both of which operations he ascribes to the action of the soul (n. 210); why there is such constant inter-communication in both arteries and veins; why the arteries and veins pertaining to the brain come under different laws from those of the body, and how this is effected (n. 218 seq.), etc.

It is in this connection that he lays down a law which is as new as it is simple and convincing, and yet which demanded for its discovery the acknowledgment of the actual presence in the body of a real government by the soul. It is a law to which Swedenborg many times refers in his subsequent works, and which aids him in understanding many phenomena offered by anatomical experience. I refer to the law of the "equation of the quantity and quality of fluids," by which law every least part of the body demands from the great storehouse of the blood, as though by instinct, that which is needed for its uses, and refuses all else; and by which it casts away all that is worn out and injurious (n. 227).

In short, regarding the blood as the ultimate vicegerant of the soul, and its preservation as vital to the life of the body, Swedenborg asserts that here nature is supereminently in all her art and the exercise of all her wonder,

"so that, to the mind that contemplates her here, hardly

aught is left but amazement, for they almost equal the faith

of miracles" (n. 226).

It is interesting to note here how his old love of Charles XII is woven into a part of this study. It is only in passing, yet it indicates how strong was the hold that the hero King still had on the Philosopher, who, though he must now have seen the harm and ruin the King had brought on his country, yet could not forget a greatness in his character which had early fired his imagination and inspired his ambition. He had referred to Charles XII's remarkable mind in a former work, but here, and also in future works on more than one occasion, he is desirous of giving a physiological cause of the King's undoubted courage and lack of fear.

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"In the arteries and their blood," he says, "is the strength

and life of the body." This he illustrates by the full-

bloodedness of men when in bravery and elation, and by the

effects of fear in driving the blood into the veins, as shown

by blanched faces, etc. (n. 231). In further demonstrating

this, he begs the Reader's leave "to give an example of the

above heroic virtue." Such virtue is never preceded by

palpitation of the heart or by cold sweat, etc., that is, by

a lapse of the blood into the veins, "but rather by presence

of animus and by the pouring of real light in the mind, and

strength in the limbs"; for, "with the soul thus ruling and

inspiring to the glory or pleasure which will result for the

general good of society, and still more of societies, the

arterial blood then acts powerfully into the muscles and

transmits little to the veins." Such, he continues, as

Charles XII, "the Hero of the North, who knew not what that

was which others called fear; nor what the spurious strength

and animation aroused by intoxicating drink, since he took

nothing but pure water; of whom it can be said that he lived

a life remote from death, and lived more than others"

(n. 232).

Especially may we note that Swedenborg develops the changes of the blood caused by changes in the state of the mind, as illustrated in hot anger, in lust, in happiness, in sadness, etc.; the changes which are felt in the utmost extremities of the body, and all of which are manifest proofs of the presence of superior degrees within the blood (n. 234). In this connection, he advocates a remedy which, while common enough in his day, has been universally condemned by a later generations:

"For inflames parts and members," he says, "no more

immediate remedy can be used than the opening of the vein";

but he stipulates that the vein to be opened must be one

whose roots are from the inflamed parts. By this means, a

useless and sluggish blood is taken away and its place

supplied by a new and better blood; and, in support of his

words, he points to the benefits of actual practice (n. 235).

After thus treating of the blood, Swedenborg continues his study of the soul in the body by taking up the primitive form of the body as illustrated by the formation of the chick in the egg. Doubtless had he lived in a later age, he would have preferred to base his induction on the facts of human embryology, but in his day this science was in its infancy, while the study of the growth of the chick had been pursued with painstaking research.

In this chapter, Swedenborg lays down the principle - opposed to some of the scientists of the day - that in the creation of a body all things are formed distinctly, step after step.

"There is no real effigy of the greatest in the least, no

type of the future body in some first body which is simply

expanded" (n. 249); but "all things that are produced

successively are formed prior to and in accordance with the

use they are afterwards to perform" (n. 251).
He was led to this conclusion spontaneously by his doctrine of degrees; and the conclusion itself is displayed in several places in his later works, particularly when treating of the shape of the human soul after death. Thus, in his Rational Psychology, in answering the question as to the form of the soul in heaven, he says:

"I do not think we are to put on the human form; for such

form is solely for use in the ultimate world"

(R. Psych. n. 521)
The same thought, derived from the doctrine of degrees, dictated both statements, and it is seen also in the Memorabilia and, though less explicitly, in the theological writings.

It is in this chapter that Swedenborg speaks for the first time of the

"formative force or substance" of the soul (n. 253), a force

which

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continues to create and renew after the animal is born (nos.

254-55); a force to which "must be ascribed a species of

omnipresence, power, science, providence" 9n. 258), wherein

are present "first ends and last" (n. 259).
Here plainly he has risen above the sphere of his spirituous fluid or animal spirit, and equally plainly he is at a loss for words in describing its properties. Nevertheless, he persists in his endeavor to describe it, however inadequately, but he describes it as to its manifest properties:

It is a force which represents the future as already present

(n. 261s), and wherein, consequently, are contained the

series of all that is to follow (n. 263).

Finally, he declares that this formative force is the soul

(n. 27), or the "life and spirit of the spirituous fluid"

(n. 271).

In his development of these positions, Swedenborg makes observations which both raise and answer the question as to whether this doctrine of the formative force of the soul is compatible with the modern doctrine of evolution. The formative force is supreme, and on it depends all future growth. Yet modifications may be introduced in the processes of actual formation. Thus, a vivid imagination in pregnant women may possibly produce its effect on the child in the womb; but this is brought about not by any state or change in the formative force or soul but by modifications traveling along definite paths from the mother to the foetus, and impressing themselves on the growing brain as states or forms (n. 267). This, however, does not affect the formative force or soul.

"It is not a condition of the primary organism that is

concerned in the cause of the interior faculties," says

Swedenborg, "but it is this formative force or substance,

according to the nature of which, an the image of its

representations, all things are formed. As is the formative

force, such is the thing formed; as the sealer, such the

seal; as the efficient cause such the effect; as the

principle, such the principiate; as the determiner, such the

determinant; as the soul, such the brain and such the body."

True, any injury in an inferior degree renders it impossible

for the soul to flow into that degree save in conformity with

such injury, whence idiocy and congenital diseases. The same

thing is true after birth when accidents, etc., may invert

the natural state. "All these things, however," Swedenborg

continues, Ado not inhibit the soul from being in the state

of its intelligence, even though the mediate organism,

otherwise qualified by accidents, is unable to flow into the

effects and actions of the ultimate degree save in conformity

with such accidents." An equally rational soul may reside in

an idiot as in a man of genius (n. 269).

Another of Swedenborg's distinctive doctrines which he introduces in this chapter is the doctrine of the animation of the brain and its relation to the motion of the heart. Here he establishes, on anatomical grounds, that the brain has an animatory motion, and this as against the opinions of his contemporaries (n. 281);

that before birth, this makes one with the motion of the

heart (n. 282), and after birth, with the motion of the lungs

(n. 283); though in swoons, etc., when voluntary action

ceases, it again becomes as before (n. 285).

Many of the arguments used in this discussion, and the anatomical excerpts on which it is based had already been used in Parts I and II of the earlier work on the Cerebrum written in Venice; from which Parts, many pages are now missing.

Swedenborg concludes this part of his discussion by pointing to the principles which he has brought out as "most evident proofs of an infinite and omniscient

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Divine Providence"; and his further language evinces that he actively regarded every least particular as ruled by a wise Providence.

"There is nothing in the heavens nor on earth," he says,

"which does not show by the plainest signs the provident

presence of the Deity; and he who sees nothing in all these

proofs is blinder than a mole and viler than the brute.

Hence, whatever we have predicated of the formative substance

as miracles, are due solely to the Divine Providence - to Him

who, being the Author and Founder of the whole of nature in

whom we live and move and have our being, has so set

principles within the beginnings of things, that what follows

in this provided order, and from and under Him, is in the

relation of ends, and has respect to ends." But in the Divine

Abyss is nothing but what is eternal, infinite, holy; and for

those "who dare to attempt it by the guidance of the

philosophy of the mind, their rashness falls back on

themselves. They return impotent, as it were, with failing

knees, like men who have looked into the deepest depths, or,

deprived of light, like those who have fixed their gaze on

the sun. Nay, and this I have often deplored, a spot or

shadow flits before their rational sight, in itself so dull,

so that they are blind in the midst of light and cling to

mere matters of the animus. This only is it allowed us, to

touch the threshold with our lips, that we may know that

there is a Deity, the sole Author and Founder of the universe

and of all things in the universe; that He is to be

venerated, adored, loved; and that the providence of our own

reason is relatively nothing, while His wisdom is the all in

all. But what His nature; how He is to be worshiped; by what

way to be approached; by what means to be enjoyed; this He

has been pleased, immortal glory be to Him, to reveal by his

Sacred Testaments and Oracles. Only ask His good pleasure,

use the means, weary Him with prayers, speak from the soul

and not from a heart avaricious of the world, and more surely

than certainty you will see the hidden shrines of His grace"

(nos. 296-98).

I have quoted this passage because it is characteristic of Swedenborg the philosopher. Here he uses language which might also come from the lips of the religious enthusiast. Yet he is no such enthusiast, but the industrious searcher after facts, the close marshaller of these facts, the thinker as to their meaning, nay, a thinker so profound that sometimes his very breath seemed suspended.

"I was first accustomed thus to respire," he wrote nine

years later in London, "in infancy when I said my morning and

evening prayers, and also afterwards at times when I was

writing out from memory the things that have been published

throughout many years. Then I observed from time to time

that the breathing was tacit and hardly sensible. It was

afterwards granted me to think of this breathing, and also to

write of it" (SD n. 3464).

One can well imagine that in the profound study contained in his chapter on the chick in the egg, he had experienced something of a flash of spiritual light glancing on the shrine of his brain, and the he arose from the study with the deepest veneration for the profound wisdom of the Creator of whose arcana he had caught some glimpse, and so expressed himself in words of humble adoration.

The following chapter deals with the foetal circulation. This indeed is to be expected; for the object of Swedenborg's inquiry is not the establishment of a system of physiology but the searching out of the presence and operation of the soul in the body. Therefore, he first treats of the blood and its vessels, the final seat of the soul's operation. Then he takes the formation of the body, and after this the establishment by the soul of its kingdom in the body by its vicegerant the heart.

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At the very outset of his inquiry into the fetal circulation, Swedenborg intimates that previous to the existence of the red blood circulation, there was in the fetus a circulation of superior bloods; but he defers inquiry into this for lack of experimental evidence (n. 325). He then establishes that the brain and not the heart is the primitive cause of the fetal circulation. This is shown by the facts of the case, for in the fetus the blood from the mother, instead of passing through the lungs and so to the brain and body, passes through the foramen ovale to the brain and thence to the body (n. 335); and that it may be prepared for the brain before coming to the heart, it first passes through the liver, which in the fetus is an organ of great purificatory importance (n. 341). Thus the brain takes the place of the lungs, and this that all may be enacted under the auspices of the soul alone and not, as after birth, with the cooperation of the lungs and the senses. Were the latter the case, no human body could be formed but all would be disturbed and disordered from without. This circulation is reversed after birth, for then the soul resigns direct command, and then also begin the struggles between the soul and the lusts of the world, the internal and the external now no longer obsequious, and with this struggle the cases of disease.

Swedenborg closes the chapter with a summary presentation of the formation and circulation of the animal spirits, as this had been set forth at length in his earlier work on the Cerebrum. In this way he explains the formation of the lungs before ever there was any red blood; and the circulation of the animal spirits within them for their formation and preparation for their future use - even as the soul or life of man prepares a house for the future will and understanding wherein man may appear to rule that so he may freely worship God, even as he can reject Him.

This study of the relation of the brain to the lungs is pursued in the following chapter on the Heart of the Turtle, the latter being chosen since, being an animal that can live with or without external respiration, its anatomy illustrates both the circulation that rules in the fetus and that which rules in the adult (n. 377).

Then follows a chapter on the Coronary Vessels of the heart itself. Here Swedenborg, led not only by his principles but also by experience, opposes the whole school of contemporaneous physiologists. These maintain that the coronary vessels on the outside of the heart are to be divided into arteries and veins; he, on the other hand, maintains that they are all veins, and that in the heart, the fount of the blood, the office of arteries is supplied by certain Thebesian vessels in the body of the organ itself.

His ground for this conclusion is that the heart cannot depend for its supply of blood on vessels which it itself sends out for service; that it must feed itself from a more arcane supply in order itself to send forth vessels for the service of the body. And he finds the confirmation (and perhaps the cause) of this view, in the existence in the very walls of the heart of a great capillary system known as the Thebesian vessels. These, he maintains, are the heart's true arteries; and that it sends the superfluity to be returned by the one coronary vessel to the heart itself, and by the other to the aorta and the body. Thus, adds Swedenborg, we have some retention of the ductus arteriosus and foramen ovale of the fetal circulation.

Modern anatomists are all agreed that the coronary vessels are to be classed as arteries and veins. But they all admit a difficulty which they have tried in vain to explain; namely, the fact that many cases exist where the so-called coronary artery has been entirely occluded and yet the subject has not only continued to live but has been capable of hard labor. Some of the more advanced students have suggested that in such cases, the place of these arteries is taken

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by the Thebesian vessels; others have suggested other but easily refuted methods. The former explanation has this weakness, that it relegates to the Thebesian vessels - which are so conspicuous a part of the heart's anatomy - a purely contingent office which would be required in comparatively very few cases. Swedenborg's hypothesis gives a positive use to these vessels.

Still pursuing his one object, namely, the following up of the operation of the soul in the body by means of its vicegerant the blood, Swedenborg next inquires into the motion of the adult heart. The immediate cause of this motion, he maintains, is the pressure of the blood, but prior to this are more remote causes which consist of the action of the nerves, and especially of the sympathetic and vagus nerve, and of the brain and medullas. We need not enter into the arguments of this chapter, but it may be observed that several of them are extracted from Transaction II of the earlier work on the Cerebrum where the pages containing these arguments are now mission.

Having thus pursued the study of the blood from its first formation to its final emission into the circulation of the Body, Swedenborg now turns to a more direct consideration of the soul itself. This he introduces by a chapter entitled "An Introduction to Rational Psychology." This is the concluding chapter of Part I of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, and it is followed in Part II by chapters on the Motion of the Brain, its Cortical Substance, and the Human Soul. The last chapter of Part I belongs properly to Part II, and this indicates the possibility, or even probability, that when Swedenborg wrote that he finished his Economy on December 27th at midnight, he referred only to part I, including the Introduction to Rational Psychology, and that he wrote Part II while Part I was being printed. However this may be, the contents of the two Parts, as parts of a single work, suggest that Swedenborg was carrying out his original plan, which was a work on "the two parts of Man, the Soul and the Body, and on the Causes and Effects, the Actions and Passions, etc. of each." He had at first intended this to be a work on the Brain and the Soul. Subsequently, his design was changed to embrace a treatise on the Blood and the Soul.* And though inthe Economy, as shown by the text itself, there were to be subsequent volumes dealing with the Fibre, the Brain, and the Tongue, Trachia and Lungs, yet these were designed merely as an extension of the original plan.

* That even at this time, Swedenborg intended to continue with a series on the parts of the body, is indicated when he speaks of "Transaction VII on the Tongue, Treachea and Lungs," and in n. 142 where he refers to a Transaction on myology.

In the Introduction to Rational Psychology, psychology is defined at the outset as

"the science which treats of the essence and nature of the

soul. Thus it is the first and last of the sciences which

lead to a knowledge of the animal economy." But the soul

"lies in so inmost a recess that she cannot appear unless her

swathings are removed and unfolded. Hence it is necessary

that we ascend to her by the same degrees and the same ladder

whereby nature, in the formation of her clothings, descended

into the body." Therefore, as his Introduction to this study,

Swedenborg premises a doctrine of series and degrees which

may teach us "order and its rules as observed and prescribed

in the succession of things." For the rational mind,

inquiring analytically into causes from effects, will never

find them save in the subordination of things and their

coordination when subordinated. By means of this doctrine,

carefully worked out, the mind "will discover a spacious

plain extended before it leading to the principles of the

causes, and will see those occult qualities dissipated which,

like dense thorns and shades, have stopped its progress and

its rational sight at every

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step. For whenever nature raises herself above visible

phenomena ... she disappears, as it were, and one knows not

whither she has gone.... Therefore, a guiding science is

required which shall be our companion. Without this we shall

easily and readily form hasty opinions that the soul, whether

from principles proper to herself or above herself, flows

into the effects of her body operations by Physical Influx or

by Occasional Causes, and, if unwilling to do it by the

former or the latter, a third communication insinuates and

substitutes itself, that is, Preestablished Harmony." And so

Swedenborg feels himself bound "to premise the doctrine

concerning that order and connection, the harmony of which is

so conspicuous in the animal kingdom." And here he adds four

tests as to the truth of what he has thus far delivered and

is still to deliver, to wit: "First, If the truth manifests

itself spontaneously and, as it were, produces a belief in

its presence, and this without any authority derived from

farfetched arguments; for we frequently comprehend a thing as

true from a common notion and from rational instinct, as it

were, which afterwards, by an abundance of reasonings arising

from an unordered perception of particulars, a perception

unconnected with more remote particulars, is obscured, called

into doubt, denied. Secondly: If all experience both

particular and general favor it, and it does not come forward

entreating with its calculations. Thirdly: If rational

philosophy with its decrees and precepts accedes with no

unwilling voice. Fourthly: If properly conditioned

hypotheses agree with it, that is to say, granting merely

order and connection, [if it shows] that what they dictate is

true." And then Swedenborg adds: "If then a system is

constructed with such a consideration, it is deservedly to be

called Coestablished Harmony" (n. 579).

He then proceeds to lay down his doctrine of series and degrees - a doctrine entirely new to the learned world, though dimly adumbrated in the wisdom of the ancients; a doctrine, moreover, which, as shown in the sequel, was received by Swedenborg's contemporaries with an incredulity and scorn based on lack of comprehension, which is not surpassed in our own day.*

* DLW n. 188: Non scio an hactenus aliquid innotuerit de Gradibus discretis.

He defines the doctrine as

"that which teaches the mode which nature observes in the

subordination and coordination of her affairs" (n. 581).

"Series" embrace things which are successively subordinated

and coordinated; for nothing can at once become what it is

(n. 582).

"But degrees are the distinct progressions when one thing is

subordinated under another, and the one is coordinated by the

side of the other. In this sense they are degrees of

determination and degrees of composition." In treating of

this, Swedenborg admits the existence of "degrees of

quantity" as of heat, colors, etc., which, in his theological

works, he calls "continuous degrees." But degrees proper, he

insists, are degrees of succession (n. 583).

He then illustrates this doctrine:

"The series embraced by the world are three inferior and

three superior series, the superior being the series of the

circumfluent universe, and the inferior the series of our

planet. Of the universe or world there is a series of

substances derived from the first substance simply by order

of succession. A second series which these same substances

constitute when left to themselves or their own nature, or

gifted with the

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liberty of gyrating; whence comes fire, both solar fire and

an inferior elementary fire. A third series is that of the

auras of the world arising from the two prior series, and

thus from their actives and quasi-passives. It is this

series for the sake of which the former exist, and which

constitutes the circumfluent world; and without which the

three inferior series which are called the series of the

planet cannot exist. The auras which constitute this latter

series, investigated as to their causes, according to the

dictate of general experience by means of rational analysis,

are four in number; which, as they follow each other in

order, decrease in simplicity, purity, universality and

perfection. These are the most perfect forms of active and

patient nature, representing her forces as already formed.

The world so confirms their existence that he who calls them

into doubt obstructs for himself the path for the exploration

of phenomena and for the finding of the causes in any

causate" (n. 584). See DLW n. 187. The general series of

the earth, that is, the inferior series, are the mineral,

vegetable and animal kingdoms which succeed each other in

time, each having various species, and the one being the

parent of the other. "In these six series," Swedenborg

concludes, "nature seems to have rested; for there is no

seventh" (n. 584).

To any one who is acquainted with the Principia, there can be no doubt but that it is the teachings of this work that are here referred to. Although in this passage the work itself is neither mentioned nor otherwise hinted at, there can be no doubt but that Swedenborg, in this doctrine of series and degrees, is more immediately carrying out his promise, involved in his request for leave of absence, to continue his former studies.

But there seems to be a difference between the doctrine of the Principia and the doctrine here presented. The former doctrine lays down a series of six finites and four elementaries or atmospheres, all prior to the formation of the three kingdoms of nature. This latter speaks of three superior series and three inferior, the latter being the three kingdoms of nature. Admitting that Swedenborg saw no such discrepancy - and we must admit this since in this very work Swedenborg refers to his Principia not only in general (nos. 241, 260) but also specifically as regards its doctrine of the auras (nos. 272, 312, 339, 352) - we must look here for a fuller understanding of the doctrine laid down in that work, an understanding based on the premise now given, that there are only six series, three superior and three inferior. What seems to be meant is, that in the superior or elementary world there is: 1) A series of finites derived from the first substance, the simple substance or first natural point.

2) A series of finites active; and

3) A series of auras or atmospheres.
And in the planetary world, the mineral, vegetable and animal series where the three superior series manifest effects. In other words, there is in both cases a series of end, cause and effect, whether the effect be a medium of force (an atmosphere) or a form of use. There are also innumerable subordinate series, such as the series in a single tree, in an animal, a man, etc. (nos. 585-86).

Each series, moreover, recognizes its own first substance as proper to itself, though this first substance depends for its existence on the first substance of the world (n. 592), that is, on the first natural point which thus is omnipresent.

The first substance of a series gives the determination of all that follows in the series (n. 596). But to do this, there must be fluids, and these must therefore have tunics or vessels, and must act as one with their tunics (n. 597); these in time make their subdeterminants, and so finally construct the whole body in which, consequently, is what Swedenborg calls "coestablished order" (n. 601).

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Thus, coestablished order is the order obtaining in a completed series. This is widely different from Physical Influx, occasional Causes, or Preestablished Harmony, all of which involve the separate existence of planes, as against their inweaving as a series of former and formed. In this coestablished order arises harmonious variety (n. 604).

In such a series, the first of the series, the more simple parts, are at once conscious of any change in their compounds (n. 609), and, whether by concurrence or consent, it is determined by such change. This follows because every lower part in the series is a subdeterminant, and therefore has determining powers - though only from the first substance of the series. Here is the physiological basis of freedom, which latter could not exist apart from the first substance of the series (n. 610).

From this coestablished order, Swedenborg derives a doctrine of influx and correspondence (n. 619 seq.). And since aggregates in a series have reference to their unites, therefore, from the form and action of the aggregate can be seen the form and action of their parts; and so the doctrine of series and degrees together with experience leads to the inmost knowledge of natural things (n. 628).

It is in this connection that Swedenborg, for the first time in all his work, definitely introduces the spirituous fluid in its highest sense:

"The most simple and the one only substance of the

animal kingdom," he says, "is the spirituous fluid, which is

first determined by the first aura of the world in the most

perfect way; whence results such a nature that it can become

the formative substance of its body, within which is life

and, consequently, the soul which is the beginning in this

whole series of existent things" (n. 633).

In further explanation of this, Swedenborg says:

"But whether the individuals of the spirituous fluid are

formed by the determinations of that aura, enabling them to

be the first and most perfect series of the animal kingdom,

this can be contemplated only by a knowledge of effects as by

reflection in a mirror." The air acts upon the body and

holds it together, gives it power to breathe, and concurs

with the formation of the red blood. So the ether has its

uses, especially in the eye and in the providing for the

purer blood; the purer ether gives power of action to

superior orders and sensations; and in animals it gives

instinct, for the spirituous fluid of animals is determined

by this aura, "but the human soul is determined by a more

eminent heavenly aura wherein all things are inaccessible

because incomprehensible to a lower sense" (n. 635).

Therefore, continues Swedenborg "that the efficient rational

and principal causes of the operations and effects existing

in the animal body may be explored, it is necessary that we

inquire what things in the superior degree correspond to

those which are in the inferior - which is a work of

experience and ingenuity. Therefore, a mathematical

philosophy of universals must be elaborated, which, by

characters and letters, may be able to express things

inexpressible by words. This, if rightly brought to light,

will be the one science of all natural sciences, because the

complex of all" (n. 639).

This universal mathesis which had already been spoken of in the work on the Cerebrum and in the Way to a Kingdom of the Soul, was the last subject to be treated of in this first part of the Economy.

"Behold now," says Swedenborg in his concluding

paragraph, "the first elaboration of my Transactions on the

Economy of the Animal Kingdom; but I know not whether I have

everywhere followed the truth,

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for I do not trust in myself, it is for your kind reader to

discern. If anywhere I have erred, the following

Transactions, as they instruct so they will correct. But what

is truth? Will it not be the work of ages to find it? or

will it be the work of ages to recognize it when found?

Truly the approved opinions of certain of the ancients who

lived in ages when the rational mind enacted its part more

universally, distinctly, and less overwhelmed by accessory

matters, is now, after thousands of years, impugned by many

of the moderns, as also in later ages was Harvey's doctrine

of the circulation of the blood, etc. Yet it cannot be

forever that what is well said amuses more than what is truly

said. The former is easy and in the polite world is

familiar. The latter is arduous and not attainable save by

intense labor of the mind. But 'a lie is thin,' says Seneca,

'it is seen through if one diligently examines it.'" (n. 652)

Those words were penned on Sunday, December 27, 1739, and no sooner were they written than the clock struck that hour of midnight. This we know from a note which Swedenborg entered on the first flyleaf of Codex 88:

"I finished writing my work in Amsterdam on the 27th of

December 1739 at the stroke of twelve."

It remained now only to set the work in type, and then the reading of proof would occupy some of Swedenborg's time. For the present, however, and for some weeks to come, he was undoubtedly free to relax, to read, to study. As we shall see, he soon resumed his work of study and writing.

It seems evident, as we shall show later on, that he did not at this time propose writing what subsequently appeared as Part II of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom. This, moreover, is negatively indicted in the Preface and the last paragraph of Part I where no mention is made of a Part II on the Soul. It may be noted, however, that while Part I refers to Parts III, etc., which are to treat of the Brain, no reference whatever is made to Part II. Probably Swedenborg had already determined to write Part II on the Soul while reading the proof of Part I and so there entered the Brain as Part III.

Having finished the writing of Part I, Swedenborg wrote on the first page of Codex 88, immediately beneath the note of which we have already spoken, his plans for the continuation of the Economy series, as follows:

"Man proposes, God disposes.

1740 On the Brain

1741 On the Eye, the Ear, the Trachea, Tongue, Lungs

1742 On the other members or the viscera of the body

1743 On the members devoted to Generation

1744 On the Causes of Diseases

1745 On the Passions and Affections of the Animus and on the Mind

1746 The City of God."

Swedenborg then inserted, as the second work of this proposed series:

"1741 On the Muscles, Glands and Nerves"
and altered the already standing "1741" to 1742, and so on down the list.

He might well write that God disposes, for while he actually wrote on all the above subjects, and this by 1745, yet he published almost none of the works he wrote. His preparation was for an office of which at present he had not the slightest premonition.

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We might also note here another writing on the first page of Codex 88, namely:

"Pieter Keunhaar, Boekdrucher

Op de Angelien-gracht

Anima rationalis, sensitiva, materialis"

- apparently a note of a book purchased or inquired after at Keunhaar's bookshop on De Angelien-gracht (canal).

To this time also may be ascribed some notes written on the last cover page of Codex 88, being evidently a projected work on the Brain.

These notes are prefaced by the statement that for the work is required anatomy, philosophy, and a knowledge of the auras, the elements, fire, salt, etc.

Under the heading Anatomy, he then lists the points to be treated of, as follows:

That the brain moves, also the two medullas. That from

this motion comes the motion of the face and cranium, the

thorax and nervous system with the muscles of the body; also

of the blood system in the brain.

This motion is from the brain or animus, or from the

blood, or from both; or from diseases in the brain, or from

hereditary faults.

The main effect of the motion is upon the blood in the

arteries and sinuses. Its effects if obstructed.

That the brain consists of lesser brains, and these of

lesser, whence comes imagination, etc. That from it come the

medullary substance and the nerves.

The composition and circulation of the nervous juice.

On the blood and the animal spirts in general, and on the

animal chemistry.

On diseases of the head.

The review of these words finishes the contents of Codex 88. Swedenborg now commenced a new MS. volume - Codex 57.

The first entry in this volume was made during the first week in January 1740, and not unnaturally it deals with the subject which had occupied his attention when concluding his Economy of the Animal Kingdom, namely, A Mathematical Philosophy of Universals.

He now essayed actually to formulate such a philosophy. This occupies the first five pages of Codex 57, and is entitled "Characteristic and Mathematical Philosophy of Universals,"* meaning a philosophy expressed by characters or letters and numbers.

*Translated in Scientific and Philosophical Treatises, Part II, Fascicle 1, p. 49 seq. the Latin text has never been printed.

1739 December

In his first paragraph he explains the necessity for many characters.

When things perceived by the senses are raised to a higher

degree, if we do not signify these higher meanings or

"correspondences" by letters Awe cannot describe them all,"

for we cannot introduce new words for every new idea, this,

indeed, would require a new dictionary. And in order to make

the letters more clear, we can commence with taking the

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first letter of a word as the sign of that thing; thus B =

blood; A = artery, etc. To apply the characteristic philosophy:

B = the eminent blood or spirituous fluid

B2 = the middle or purer blood

B3 = the red blood

B4 = the blood clot

Again:

A = the eminent artery or nervous fibre

A2 = the vessels of the middle blood

A3 = the blood vessel

A4 = the great arterial canal

Thus we have series. But it is clear that if we are to obtain a compound, some accessory must be added which shall terminate and separate each separate link in the series. Thus, from - to B2 requires the addition of ethereal salts; from B2 to B3 requires the addition of ethereal salts; from B2d to B3 the addition of serial salts. From A to A2 a covering is required, and so on. These accessories may now be denoted by the letter a.

We now have:

B = the purest blood

Ba = the middle blood

Ba2 = the red blood

Ba3 = the blood clot

A = the nervous fibre

Aa = the nerve fascicle

Aa2 = the entire nerve

Aa3 = complex of nerves in its own sheath.

The above expresses the components of series. In addition, the nature of the nexus of things with each other must also be expressed. This nexus (expressed by N) is of two kinds: continuous (N c), being the nexus or contact between two fibres or nerves or vessels; and fluent or contiguous (N f), being the nexus between a superior or influent degree and an inferior. On the nature of these two depends the perfection of the thing.

There are also two kinds of Quantity, namely, continuous quantity or

quantity in size (Q s), as when an artery grows in size; and

discrete quantity or quantity in multitude (Q d), as when an

artery branches into many vessels. Thus, when wishing to

signify quantity, we would write, e. g.:

A Qs = a continuous quantity of the simple fibre

A Qd = a discrete quantity of the simple fibre

So Aa3 = a continuous quantity of the blood vessel, etc.

The minimum, the greater, and the maximum of quantity should

also be expressed, which can be done by the figures 1, 2 and

3. Thus: A Q d1 = the simple fibres in its minimum; A Qd 2 =

a number of such, and A Qd 3 = the maximum number as in a

smaller and larger fascicle. The

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difference between A Qd2 (or 3) and Aa, is that A Qd2

signifies a number of simple fibres, whereas Aa2 signifies a

number of such fibres enclosed in a common tunic and so

constituting a nerve fascicle.

Swedenborg develops the matter no further. From what he presents, however, it is clear that what he is tentatively essaying, is a "characteristic" method of expressing that correspondence to each other which exists between things on discrete planes and which he had brought for in his Introduction to Rational Psychology. The doctrine itself is further developed in The Fibre where it is applied not only to objects but to mental qualities (e. g. sensation, imagination, thought). Here also Swedenborg promises a "Treatise on Correspondences." Treating further of the subject in Rational Psychology, Swedenborg says that he will prepare a AKey to Natural and Spiritual Arcana by way of Correspondences." In the Senses this key is called "the Doctrine of Correspondences." This doctrine is also referred to in the Animal Kingdom where some striking illustrations are given. Then came the Hieroglyphic Key from which quotations are given in the Worship and Love of God.* But it is not until he wrote the Hieroglyphic Key - and it is in that work only - that Swedenborg again returns to the idea of expressing correspondences by a "characteristic" method, and gives some illustrations, though only in the way of ratios or analogues; thus:

w : m :: e : a meaning, As the world is in relation to man,

so effect is in relation to action.

* For the various references, see Appendix to Hieroglyphic Key in Psychological Transactions.

This he calls "the rudiments" of his "universal mathesis." But nowhere does he again return to any specific development of this mathesis such as he commenced in the beginning of 1740; and we are justified in conjecturing that, as the doctrine of correspondences became developed in Swedenborg's mind, his interest in devising a characteristic method of expressing it declined. It was the doctrine on which he laid the stress, not the language to express it. At the present time, however, he did entertain the idea of a sort of philosophical mathesis, and he refers to it in the second volume of his Economy where he speaks of the necessity of a "mathematical philosophy of universals" which shall signify higher ideas by letters proceeding in a simple order, "and by which we can reduce such ideas" to a "philosophical calculus, in its form and in some of its rules not unlike the analysis of infinites." He then dwells on Herculian labor required for this.

The idea of a characteristic language for philosophy was not original with Swedenborg, for Leibnitz had entertained something of the same idea (see A Phil. Note Book, p. 239); so also had Wolff (see Psychologica, p. 99); but the idea of discrete degrees and correspondences was peculiar to Swedenborg.

As we have indicated, Swedenborg ends his outline of a characteristic philosophy abruptly, but he adds a list of "Rules to be observed in the searching out of things," thus indicating that what interested him mostly was the doctrine itself rather than a new language for its expression. The rules in question are:

"To search out what a series is. In what series the thing

is. In what way it rises by means of degrees. What a degree

is. The nature of the degree, and what has entered into it.

Its maximum and its minimum, etc."

These rules give us some glimpse of one of the means by which Swedenborg arrived at his deductions.

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[1739-1740

After this preliminary, Swedenborg then, on Monday, January 11th, 1740, commenced to go through is work on the Cerebrum with the design of preparing it for the press as the next work in his physiological series, and as he read, he noted additions.

In the work on the Cerebrum as now preserved, the first forty-two paragraphs of Transaction II on the Coverings of the Brain are missing. The Transaction opened with a chapter on The Motion of the Brain and Dura Mater, containing a sub-section on the Frontal or Coronal Bone. Swedenborg now designs to add a chapter on "The Bones of the Cranium and on Ossification." This he sketches out in nos. 1-7 of the present additions, paragraphs which are of especial interest as containing views not elsewhere expressed in Swedenborg's writings, or, at any rate, not so precisely expressed.

He lists the degrees of ossification as:

1) A muscular aponeurosis. 2) Tendinescence. 3) Then,

Cartilagineity. 4) And, finally, Ossification.

The process is effected by the withdrawal of forces in the

particulars. (Cer. II:n. 1)

First the red blood withdraws and its place is taken by

the white blood, and since the aponeurosis cannot respond to

the motions of the white blood, a species of hardening takes

place; whence results tendinification. When the vessels of

the white blood are obliterated and the tendon is traversed

only by the spirituous fluid, it becomes cartilaginous and,

finally, if the least nerve fibrils collapse, we have bone

(no. 3-4).

The causes of this loss of forces are:

1) Because particular motions must be determined into general

motions.

2) The distinctness of particular forces then fails, as is

the case in adults and the aged.

3) The interior cause is prevented from acting into its

fibre.

4-5) The particular action does not coincide with the general

producing a collision so that the liquids can no longer

inflow; this results from various external causes - as in the

case of stiffening of the muscles in adults.

6) Lastly, there is the natural cause that where more general

forces are required, there arise tendons, cartilages, bones

(nos. 5-6).

Ossification may exist without all these steps, but in any

case, the forms of the preceding motions are impressed on the

cranium.

The second addition is to the chapter on the Frontal Bone. It consists of thirty-five paragraphs (of which, however, twenty-four are missing) and is of exceeding great interest.

Since the bones of the cranium contain the effects of

the motion that formed them, therefore the frontal bone

indicates that this motion of the brain was directed forward,

and that it was distinct from the motion toward the parietal

and occipital bones; the sutures indicate the bounds of the

motions. Here Swedenborg conjectures that changes in the

shape of the cranium may be according to regions (n. 9). He

adds that the science of osteology involves a knowledge of

the correspondence of the bones to all the motions of the

body (nos. 40-41).

Having in view the formation of the cranium by motion, Swedenborg conjectures that it can expand under stress of great motions of the brain as in severe sneezing; but even where it does not expand, it still has the conatus to expand (nos. 37-38).

A paragraph is devoted to the use of the sutures, as being:

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 558

[1740

1) To enable the cranium to be obsequious to the brain and

its alternations.

2-3) and to resist external force by taking up motions.

4) To receive juices.

5) To connect the dura mater with the periosteum, and thus to

preserve equilibrium.

6) To support the sinuses and processes.

From this, Swedenborg passes on to a comparison of the motions of the brain in the embryo and the adult.

In infants the motion is more unlimited, and hence more

general and more obsequious to the founts of motion in the

cortical glands. In adults it is limited by restraints

imposed by the will. Hence the limits imposed by the dura

mater and cranium; these check the motions induced by the

will; moreover, in adults, these motions are transcribed on

the muscles of the face, etc. Hence the animus is

transcribed on the face, though another face may be assumed.

In the embryo, the brain cannot operate particularly but only

generally; for there is no space between the cranium and the

brain. This is the reason why the fetus is head downward.

"O how marvelous are all things," concludes Swedenborg. "If

we look at them intently, amazement must certainly overwhelm

the mind" (n. 42).

The third addition is the first one to be dated, the date being January 13, 1740. It was to be added to the chapter on the Dura Mater on page 233 of the Venice MS.* In the latter, the uses of the Dura Mater were treated of; here, Swedenborg speaks of its origin, opining that it arises not from the brain but from the body, by a reflection of the corporeal vessels toward the brain, the latter at first being covered mainly with pia mater (n. 44). Thus the dura mater is an intermediate between the body and the brain, just as the medullary substance is an intermediary between the brain and body (n. 44). This would account for Swedenborg's doctrine that the dura mater is subject to the motion of the heart and not of the brain.

* No. 184 of the published work.

In the course of this treatment, Swedenborg refers to a future transaction on the Medulla Spinalis.

It also explains his doctrine, laid down in The Cerebrum, that the juice in the nerves and fascicles returns to the dura mater and the cranium by way of the periosteum, for he holds the dura mater to be a continuation of the periosteum (nos. 44-45). The same reasoning holds good in regard to the pericranium (n. 45). Hence the dura mater and the pericranium are under the direct government of the heart, as shown by the division of the carotid, the external branch going to the dura mater and cranium, and the internal (after many windings) going to the brain.

Quite apart from the exact correctness of this doctrine, the doctrine itself well illustrates the breadth of Swedenborg's views, and the activity of his ordered imagination. He sees the body as a whole, as a living machine whose motive power is the soul, the mind, the brain; and the sight of the whole is never absent from his mind, however engrossed he may be in the study of the particular.

The dura mater is also the librator of the sinuses, and the balance wheel for the general motion of the brain. Thus there is a reciprocation with the body. It is for this reason that in fetuses and infants it is nearer the cranium than with the adult (nos. 48-50); for, with the latter, there is more of reciprocation.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 559

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Thus the dura mater is the true intermediate between body and brain; and since death comes from the body, therefore, the order of the growing weakness of old age is first in the dura mater, than in the pia mater, etc., just as the order of formation in the fetus was the opposite (Cer. II:n. 53).

The fourth and most of the subsequent additions were in the nature of a more detailed exposition of the uses of the dura mater. In the original work, the anatomical quotations were classed under various headings, but the Induction treated only of the dura mater in general. The present additions take up each of the subheads and comment on them by way of induction.

The fourth addition was written on January 14, 1740, and concerns the attachment of the dura mater to the cranium,* a subject on which Swedenborg had not touche din his first work. In the course of this addition - which fills four folio pages - Swedenborg gives a precise definition of his varius nerve juices of which there are three:

"1. That which is within the fibres in the fascicles and

between the fibres should be called the spirituous juice or

genuine liquid of the nerves. 3. That which has its place

between the fascicles, and which we call the nervous juice.

That these liquors," he adds "have their genuine principles

will be further confirmed" (n. 60).

* No. 185 of the published work.

Of the circulation of these liquors he says:

"1. The circulation of the spirituous fluid is the most

universal. 2. That of the spirituous juice is less universal

and returns mainly through the lymphatic vessels into the

subelavian vein; but then it is mingled with the pure lymph

of the vessels. It also returns to the circulation by means

of the meninx, and so is derived to the space between the

fascicles of the nerves. 3. The nervous juice which is

between the fascicles returns principally from the muscles

into the periostea, and from the latter into the ligamentary

tunic of the medulla spinalis, and so is pumped up into the

dura mater and at the same time into the cranium" (ibid.)

The last-named liquid does not all return to the circulation.

Some of it, after feeding the hairs, escapes through the

pores of the cranium. This is one of the reasons why the

dura mater is so closely attached to the latter. Another

part of it goes to the sinuses, the pituitary gland and the

sphenoid bone, and so returns by a short path to the blood.

This is especially true in old persons (n. 61).

On January 15th, Swedenborg wrote additions to the section on the extension of the dura mater.* Here, among other things, he gives the uses of each of the two layers of the dura mater (n. 67).

* No. 87 seq. of the published work.

On January 16th, his subject was the texture of the dura mater where, after defining various degrees of membranes (n. 73), he again takes up the two layers of the meninx, and enumerates and comments on the general uses of the dura mater.

On the same day, some additions are made to page 245 of the MS.* On the lacertae of the dura mater.

* No. 189 of the published work.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 560

[1740

On the next day, Sunday, January 17th, he took up the subject of the glands of the Dura mater.* This and the next four additions to the work on the Cerebrum covers pages which are no longer preserved in the manuscript, namely, The Nerves of the Dura Mater, its Arteries, and its Arteries and Veins.

*No. 191 in the published work.

The additions on the arteries and veins which are extensive cover new matter not spoken of in the original work as now preserved. These include the uses of the foramina in the cranium (n. 108); why the cerebral dural arteries come off from the external carotid while the dural arteries of the cerebellum come from the internal carotid and the vertebral (n. 109). The last of these additions was written on January 20th.

Subsequent additions constitute new headings to the chapter on the Dura Mater as follows:

The phlegm collected between the meninges and its place of

exit; the connections between the dura and pia maters; the

determinations of fluids by the dura mater and by the brain.

The state of the dura mater in the embryo. In this last

chapter, Swedenborg holds that in the embryo the dura mater

is entirely subject to the animation of the brain, which

latter then makes one with the heart. Its action is stronger

inasmuch as it is required to pump the superfluous juice

through the pores into the amnion. As the cranium grows,

however, the action of the brain upon the dura mater becomes

more general and limited; therefore, the sutures are closed

only gradually, and the fontanelle remains open even after

birth (nos. 147-48). It is for this reason also that the

infant in the womb is inverted so that the brain touches the

dura mater and the cranium. After birth, the animation of

the brain is determined only toward the interiors (n. 149).

As an "Appendix" to his notes, Swedenborg writes:

"It must well be seen whether the dura mater arises by

reflection from the body; whether it accompanies the nerves

beyond the foramina; whether the intercostal nerve gives it

any origins, this being the only nerve that enters the

cranium, the others being departing nerves."

This finishes, for the present, the additions to the chapter on the Dura Mater. Then follow additions on other parts of the Brain. First comes a treatment "On the Brain when over intent on studies, and concerning its cortical spherules." This was evidently intended as one of the closing chapters of Transaction II of the Cerebrum, the last two chapters of which, as originally written, treat of Monstrous Brains and the Brains of Birds and Fishes. (Codex 57: p. 53)

"When the brain is over intent on speculative matters,"

writes Swedenborg, "it expands and fills and only slightly

reciprocates its animations, but animates gently at the

highest expansion. This can be confirmed: 1. From the lungs

which do the same thing. 2. From the anatomy of the head of

Pascal in which the sutures were drawn apart. 3. In other

examples showing that the mater, being then over dry, has

separated from the cranium, for it also is then over

expanded. 4. Principally from the effects, for then the

blood is dry and the chemical laboratory at rest.

"Granting the above, it follows: 1. That the sinuses are

in the highest expansion, and likewise that the cerebral

arteries are (2) consequently in contraction; (3) nor do they

move save slightly; (4) and they attract but little of blood.

5. Yet it is the better

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[1740

blood which they dispense to the cortex. 6. That the

vessels of the white blood are also in their extension. 7.

Consequently, there is a better distinction between the two

bloods. 8. The hollow places within the tori are coarcted

and cannot well expand. 9. The ventricles also are coarcted

and no passage is open for the blood and liquid. 10. Nor is

the spirituous fluid sent off into the ventricles.

"The cortical spherules are then in their expansion.

Their surface swells with much spirit, and their interiors

also with an abundance of spirituous blood. For the

spherules, like little hearts, have their fibres, which, as

in the case of the great heart, expand when the heart is

dilated; for the fibrils in the superior degree are like the

arteries which are expanded lengthwise and breadthwise at the

moment when their cavity swells.

"We should imagine to ourselves that the last villi of

the arteries contain the [cortical spherule] as the muscle

contains the great heart, but in order supremely disposed;

that these villi carry a spirituous fluid extracted from the

blood, and that they continue it therefrom into the medulla

and nerve fibre, whose tunicles they constitute. Therefore,

the same soul that is in the spherules is also in the

fibrules.

"Therefore, when the brain is vigilant and expanded,

these fibrules are then swollen, and with them the tunics of

the nerve fibres; consequently, they are in intension in a

state of receiving all the modes which come to them from the

organs. But in sleep the contrary happens. Then they stand

empty because the cerebrum then lies in its depression.

Wherefore the fibre, being without fluid, is without action

and without sensation." (Codex 57:p. 53)

This is followed by three paragraphs headed "Eminent Generation,"* but which Swedenborg first headed "Eminent Generation or the Generation of the Spirituous Fluid." His object in these paragraphs is to seek to learn concerning the generation of the cortical gland itself, but at the very outset he confesses

that "We are not permitted to go further without a

mathematical philosophy of series and degrees." However, he

does come to a general conclusion, namely, that "from one

individual of the spirituous fluid, or from as many as are

necessary, comes the first composition, cortical spherule and

little cerebrum. From this is born all else that is similar

to it. The first thing could never exist without creation by

the supreme Deity after whose image it is produced; and from

it then came all other things in the universe."

(Psych. p. 160)

* Transactions and text in Psychologica, Appendix, p. 160.

This was written about January 22, 1740.

Then follows an addition to page 147 of the MS. on the Cerebrum - a page which is now missing but which, as we now learn, contained the commencement of a chapter "On the Motion of the Brain and Dura Mater."

Swedenborg's additions consist in a consideration of the meaning of Ridley's vivisection of a dog.

On Sunday, January 31st, Swedenborg makes additions to his chapter on the folciform process of the dura mater. These are largely concerned with

(1) the chords of Willis which Swedenborg compares with the

chords of the heart; and

(2) the Pacchionian bodies.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 562

1749

Then follow pages of anatomical excerpts from Heister, Morgagni,

Boerhaave and Winslow on various aspects of the dura mater,

on the bones and sutures, on the coverings of the medulla

spinalis, on the olfactory nerves, on the membrane of the

nose, on the ligaments, and Nuck on trepanning and

hydrocephalus. Also references for future excerpts from

Winslow, Ridley and Vieussens. Then follow excerpts from

Albinus on the cellular muscular membrane and on the cranial

bones, Baglivi on the motor fibre, and Lancisi on nerve

ganglia. Inserted among the excerpts is a page (p. 86) of

additional reflections:

(1) On the use of the ganglia, where Swedenborg gives other

uses in addition to those he had already given in Transaction

I; and

(2) On the origin of the dura mater.

These anatomical excerpts, written after January 31st, occupy thirty-five folio pages, and must have occupied Swedenborg during the whole of February.

I have stated above that Swedenborg commenced running through and adding to his work on the Cerebrum with a view to publishing a work on the Brain as Part II of his Economy of the Animal Kingdom. This statement, however, must be modified. He probably commenced with this idea in mind, but a study of his later additions, and especially of his anatomical excerpts, indicates that at the end, at any rate, he was directing his attention solely to writing on the Motion of the Brain - a subject which forms the first chapter in Part II of the Economy.

This work on the Brain occupied Swedenborg's attention during January and February 1470, and it was while engaged in it, or after he had finished it, that his mind reverted to the fate of the marble table which he had sent to Stockholm, and over whose making he had exercised so much careful oversight.

This table had been finished and sent to Stockholm at the end of October 1739, and in a letter which Swedenborg then wrote, he had notified his brother-in-law, Lars Benzelstierna, of the shipment and informed him that the table had been made as a model for the introduction of such work into Sweden; for Swedenborg was ever alert to everything that might advance the commercial interests of his fatherland. He had also suggested that this model might be shown to the Commission having charge of the rebuilding of the Royal Castle with a view to using such work in the Castle, and he promised that, if the Commission desired it, he himself would see to the procuring for Sweden of foreign workmen who could do the work under the Commission's supervision.

The table duly arrived in Stockholm, and on November 7th, Benzelstierna addressed a Supplique to the Comerce Collegium requesting that, as being "a model," it be released to him on behalf of Swedenborg, and suggesting that it be shown to the Commission for the rebuilding of the Royal Castle, etc., as outlined by Swedenborg. Evidently Benzelstierna had experienced a great deal of trouble in striving to get possession of the table, the reason being a Royal Ordinance of November 1731 forbidding the importation of foreign furniture, etc., under pain of confiscation. Under these circumstances, the Tullarrendesocieteten which had purchased the custom duties, refused to release the table, and so, on November 7, 1739, Benzelstierna petitioned the Commercecollegium. The latter body then referred the matter to the Tullarrendesocieteten - a Society which since 1726 had rented the right to collect all domestic and foreign duties and customs. Whereupon, the Society had no objection, and the Commerce Collegium, on November 9th, announced that the table would be released to Benzelstierna in view of the fact that it had been sent Aonly as a model for a marble factory in this Kingdom," and after the payment of customs and other dues. And the table was duly released and deposited in the rooms of the Bergscollegium pending Swedenborg's arrival home. (Zenzen p. 108, letter of 4:10:1935; Milan 2:40; Nordisk 30:265s)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 563

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March

It appears that Benzelstierna had some difficulty in releasing this table though it was ordered released two days after his appeal to the Commerce Collegium. Benzelstierna, however, delayed long in reporting to Swedenborg, and it was owing to this that, on February 16, 1740, Swedenborg wrote him making inquiry about the matter. It seems that Benzelstierna's delay in answering Swedenborg had caused by the difficulty in seeing the Hofintendant Carl Hrleman who, after Tessin's death in 1728, had been the architect for the Royal Castle. In his letter to Swedenborg, Benzelstierna also complains of his difficulties with the Tullarrendesocieteten. The letter is dated February 22 (= March 5 N. S.) 1740, some three and a half months after the table had arrived in Sweden and permission for its release had been granted by the Commerce Collegium. Benzelstierna writes: (OQ 3:334 = LM p. 485)

"For getting it from the freight house, I was obliged to use

various roundabout ways in the Royal Commerce Collegium and

the Tullarrende Society, for it was considered as contraband

and liable to confiscation. But this also went through the

fire. Many of my Brother's friends of both sexes have

visited the Bergscollegium (where the table stands) and have

viewed this beautiful work with admiration and pleasure.

"Herr Hofintendant Hrleman was the cause of my

answering my Brother's letter so late, and now for the first

time since I received my Brother's later letter of the 16th

instant (N. S.); for the said Herr Hofintendant was so busy

that I had to wait for a definite answer from him.

"He finds the work very well done, and both he and young

Herr Count Cronstedt recognized that in foreign parts they

had seen such work which they assert is a composition. The

Herr Hofintendant stated that he did not see any likelihood

of being able to employ the master of this science here in

our Kingdom because the building funds for the Royal Castle

are not sufficient for this, and although one or another

might be pleased to have such a curious work, yet the style

of 1696 will not likely permit of many customers."

The reference here is to the plans for the remodelling

of the castle which were completed by Tessin in 1696 but in

1697 the Castle was burned to the ground, and immediately

steps were taken to build a new castle. Lack of means

stopped the work in 1707, but it was resumed in 1727, and

when Tessin died in 1728, Hrleman continued the work to its

completion in 1752. The work was throughout carried out on

the 1696 plans. Carl J. Cronstedt was associated with

Hrleman as a pupil, and became his successor.

After finishing his reading in preparation for his work on the Brain, or, at any rate, on the Motion of the Brain, Swedenborg, toward the end of February, took up the indexing of Part I of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom which was already in the printer's hands. That the Index was prepared at this time, is shown by the fact that three of the pages of the draft index were used for the next of Swedenborg's writings, of which we shall now speak.

After finishing the Index some time in March, Swedenborg commenced the study of works which now for the first time came to his attention, and which, as we know from the contents of his library, he purchased for his own use.

These works were:

1) Leeuwenhoek's Opera Omnia published in 1722 in four

volumes. It does not appear that previous to this,

Swedenborg had access to Leeuwenhoek's works, and what he

quotes from that author in volume I of the Economy was

probably from the Philosophical

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{563
[1740

Transactions. However that may be, it is certain that he now

ran through the four volumes of the Opera Omnia.

2) The Biblia Natura of Swammerdam. Swammerdam died before

Swedenborg was born. His MSS., however, were gathered

together so far as possible by the learned Boerhaave, and

were published in magnificent folio form with Latin and Dutch

parallel columns, volume I in 1736, and volume II after

Boerhaave's death at the end of 1738, or more probably in

1739, for it is not noticed in the Neue Zeitung until June

23, 1739. Swammerdam was a natural born genius in the

examination of insects, and this he had shown from boyhood.

Unfortunately, in his later years he became a disciple of

Madame Bourignon; neglected his studies; and his works

remained unpublished. Swedenborg at once recognized the

immense value of this great publication, illustrated as it

was with an abundance of the finest copperplates from

Swammerdam's own drawings.

To the study of these two works Swedenborg now devoted himself, and the nature of his studies is shown by the thirty-eight folio pages of closely written excerpts which he made from them during the course of his reading. Presently I shall give some brief review of these notes, from which it will be seen that what Swedenborg had principally in mind in his reading was to learn concerning the connection between the lungs and the brain; and we may add that what he now learned, particularly from Swammerdam, abundantly confirmed the position he was to establish in Part II of his Economy of the Animal Kingdom, viz., that during consciousness, the brain animates synchronously with the lungs.

Swedenborg's first excerpts were from volume II of the Opera Omnia, but only the last few lines are now preserved, the six preceding pages (93-98) having been lost. The few lines still preserved, the six preceding pages (93-98) having been lost. The few lines still preserved are on the blood of the crab, and are taken from the end of Leeuwenhoek's work.

After this, Swedenborg commences with volume I of the Opera Omnia, but after writing a short excerpt on the salt in the blood, he abruptly interpolates some paragraphs entitled Corpuscular Philosophy in Compendium. (See Sc. & Phil. Tr. Part II:1:p. 57.) The reason for this abruptness is suggested by the closing words of the interpolation to which we shall refer presently. The interpolation inserts comprise a general view of philosophy respecting the whole of creation from first to last.

First: There is a primary substance of the world, an active

of that substance, and then four successive auras, which are

the determinants of things. From these by determination are

generated fluids called spirituous, such as "the human

spirituous fluid" from the first aura; "the animal spirituous

fluid" from the second; from the ether "perhaps [a fluid]

whence come insects. These are the first determinants of the

animal kingdom."

He then enumerates "terrestrial particles," as follows:

"1. The least round particles arising from the compression of

the first aura whence comes the primary substance of gold.

2. Small round particles arising from the compression of the

second aura which is the materia of the other metals. 3.

Inert round globules which are the constituents of water."

All these are "terrestrial determinants in their order, and

are inert."

"Terrestrial determinants of another species are: 1.

Least triangles and quadrates formed in the interstices of

the primitive globules of water, whence come volatile salts.

2. Larger triangles and quadrates formed between the globules

of water by the inter position of the primitives of water";

these are the parts of common salt, acids, etc.

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3. The masses formed from the preceding. All these are

angular and inert, and are the determinants of all things.

Then come subdeterminants arising from the combination

of the least volatile salts and aqueous primitives to form a

surface within which is ether. These are oils and spirits.

By means of these are produced diverse kinds of salts, fixed,

essential, sulphurous, etc.

"They exist mainly by means of natural chemistry," and

by the mediation of the vegetable kingdom.

By these determinants and subdeterminants, an infinitude

of compounds can be formed, "mainly by the vegetable kingdom.

Thus bullae or vesicles, finally fixed, and ruptured with the

escape of the aura, or otherwise compressed, given the

essential juices and all the flavor in juices, etc. These

things are true because I have the sign."

(Sc. & Phil. Tr. II:ii:pp. 59-60)

The words "are true" are written above the line in place

of the crossed off word attigi (I have touched on or arrived

at).

In these last significant words we have perhaps the reason why Swedenborg so suddenly breaks off his thread to introduce a matter entirely new. "These things are true because I have the sign." He had been reflecting much on the first formation of the spirituous fluid or some such abstract subject; and clearly he saw a ray of light, that "happy flash which surrounds the sphere of the mind" of the true philosopher, as stated in the Introduction to the Economy, n. 19. Perhaps he saw lights or, rather, the spiritual illustration which he then experienced seemed to him as a light, and in his then state he thought of it in no other way than as of a light. See Introduction to The Word Explained pp. 22, 29.

After this, Swedenborg again takes up his reading from Leeuwenhoek, and we will now briefly review the excerpts which he made during this reading.

In these notes we catch every now and again a glimpse of Swedenborg's reflections during the course of his reading, reflections which are interspersed here and there throughout the passages copied from Leeuwenhoek, but which have never been made public. In order to present this picture of Swedenborg in his reading, we now present a translation of these reflections, adding also the headings which Swedenborg gave to his citations: (Codex 57:100)

The Cortical parts of the Brain, the fluids observed there,

and their diversities.

Under this heading, Swedenborg cites Leeuwenhoek's examination of the cortical parts of a turkey's brain where he meets with blood vessels of the utmost fineness, and in the fluid of the cortex certain minutes globules which must have escaped from these vessels. Swedenborg continues the citation with a passage which he emphasizes by italics and by the word Observe:

"Observe," he writes. "Nothing and perceiving these

things, I believed more firmly than before that the plano-

oval blood particles which render the blood red, are

resolved, and that when they come to such small veins they

could never enter unless dissolved and dissipated."

The Medullary parts of the Brain. (Ibid. p. 101)

Further concerning the cortical and medullary substance. The

division of the globules.

The Cortical and Medullary part of the Brain of an Ox and a

Sparrow. (Ibid. p. 102)

[The citations under all these headings are crossed off

because copied into the second volume of the Economy.]

The Blood Globules of a Frog, their Figure, Color and

Construction.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 566

[1740

The Muscular Flesh in a Frog's leg. (Codex 57:p. 103)

The Blood of the Codfish and Salmon.

[Here he cites Leeuwenhoek's observation that the globules

in question were surrounded by a lucidity and then by a

darker circle, to which Swedenborg adds the note: AN. B. Thus

the blood globules of fishes or of aquatic animals as being

frequently in the water, seem to be surrounded by a most

subtle membrane to the end that hey may be held in

connection."]

The Muscles of the Crab.

The Position and Constitutency of Blood Globules.

[The citations here are crossed off, having been copied into

the Fibre.]

The Motion of Veins.

The Communication of Arteries and Veins. (Ibid. p. 104)

[This is a comment, for what the citation shows is merely

that as the blood progresses, the surrounding parts draw on

it, and from crimson it becomes purple.]

In the smallest Vessels, the flow of the Blood is swifter.

The individual particles of the Blood pass through them.

[Here on Leeuwenhoek's remark that in the least vessels the

globules are removed from each other by an interval of space,

Swedenborg remarks: AN. B. If one particle is removed from

another, then this arises not from the heart but from the

tunic."]

He proves that coagulated blood is resolved again, p. 111

seq.

When an artery is cut off, the Blood is sent off through

another.

[Here he quotes from Leeuwenhoek, that the latter, after

seeing the blood coagulate at the end of a cut artery,

suddenly saw a branch artery come into view near the cut, and

through this the blood moved rapidly. Swedenborg makes the

comment: AN. B. This indicates the equilibrium of the blood

in the veins; also that many arteries, empty and concealed

and are again stretched out."]

That the Arteries are diminished into the least Vessels and

terminate in a vein.

That in muscles, the motions of the Blood varies when the

muscles are moved.

[The citation here is that when a frog moved its leg, the

blood flow stopped, but with the leg at rest, it resumed its

course.]

That [when] the blood [is used] for the motion of a membrane,

[its] vessels are extended.

On the Figure and Number of the blood Particles in Fishes and

other creatures.

[This is crossed off as though it had been copied into some

other work.]

On the Saline particles in the Blood globule.

[The latter part of this citation is crossed off, having been

used in Fibre n. 200]

The Muscular Flesh of the Whale. (Ibid. pp. 105-8)

[Here Swedenborg quotes Leeuwenhoek's observations on the

fleshy fibres in the tail of a whale, and refers to his

figures of a transverse section of such fibres. These show a

section consisting of many parts each surrounded by its

membrane, and consisting of more minute parts with their

membranes. After which Swedenborg adds: "N. B. Hence we

conclude that there are four degrees of motor fibres."]

566

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 567

[1740

On Muscular Fibres.

[There are a great many citations under this head, with one

or two comments. To Leeuwenhoek's observation that the

muscular fibre, when seen under the microscope appeared

somewhat like a needle wrapped round and round with a wire

with intervening spaces thicker than the wire; and that such

a form must be the most fitted for contraction and extension,

Swedenborg adds: "Therefore there is a species of

undulation."]

To Leeuwenhoek's remark that under the microscope the

transverse section of a tendon was seen to consist of many

parts with an immense number of little membranes, Swedenborg

remarks:

"These seem to be tubules for the reception of the nervous

juice and its conveyance toward the dura menix"; this he had

treated of at length in his work on the Cerebrum

(see n. 624).

On the Nerves. (Codex 57:p. 108)

Here Swedenborg enters a long quotation from Leeuwenhoek -

(which is crossed off because copied in Fibre n. 142) -

describing a section of a nerve wherein he had seen

innumerable parts each being a hollow tube which, however, he

was unable to show to others because "they suddenly collapsed

by drying out, so that the remarkable sight wholly vanished

beyond the possibility of being restored by any industry";

after which he notes:

"N. B. Thus, therefore, I think them to be nerves; that

a nervous juice passes through the above mentioned cavities;

the spirituous fluid through the membrane of each individual

fibre; and that the interstice are compaginated of perpetual

vesicles where is fat (adeps) and thus a fatty (pinguae)

matter; and thus force redounds to the fibres from its little

tunic, and so the cortical substance answers to the muscular

fibres.

On Brains. (Codex 57:pp. 109-10)

This also is crossed off because copied in Economy 2:75; it

includes rough copies of two of Leeuwenhoek's figures and a

space for better copies or for other figures. Swedenborg

quotes Leeuwenhoek's description of a microscopical section

of the cortical surface of the brain, showing the connection

of the blood vessels with the "particles of the brain" for

their perpetual support. He also copies one of Leeuwenhoek's

drawings (see the Fibre, fig. 8) showing five delicate blood

vessels with transverse intercommunicating fibres. To this

Swedenborg adds the note:

"Thus we may be allowed to opine that the blood vessels

are split up into lesser vessels, and that threads go off

from these transversely, to the end that there may be a

communication of all the parts.

To Leeuwenhoek's remark that in the cortical surface of

a pig's brain he saw that the cerebral fibrils were near the

pia mater and seemed to be round, Swedenborg notes:

"N. B. They seem to be continuations of the arteries,

which continuations go either to the cortical substance or

advance further into the brain in order to invest the

fascicles of fibrils."

He adds a sketch of Leeuwenhoek's figure

(see Fibre, fig. 11).

This whole quotation is followed by some general

observations, as follows:

From the above it can be concluded:

[1] That in its expansions, the pia meninx frequently enters

into the brain in the manner of fibrils, though of fibrils

thus joined together, and distinguished its parts to the end

that the vessels

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 568

[1740

may aptly be carried down for the use of each part, nay, and

also for binding many parts together, and at the same time

serving them as a container.

2. That they are reductory vessels.

3. That a comparison can easily be instituted between the

brain and the muscle. In the brain the cortical substances

are the muscular fibres or sub[tle] terminants, to which, in

the body, answer the muscular fibres, but [now] extended

lengthwise; the fibres can be compared with the fibres in the

muscular tendon.

4. Thus the juice contained in the least enclosed fibres flow

out through the tendons and goes to the meninx.

5. Also the fibres follow the membrane even to the midst of

the motor fibre and are passed around it spirally; as is the

case also of the vessels of the white blood with respect to

their fibres, and the vessels of the red blood with respect

to theirs. Hence it comes about that when contracted they

produce a great undulation according to the flux of the

fibres, whence redounds or .

This can be calculated. In the extremity arises a triplicate

force.

On the Nerves and Fibres of the Brain and Medulla Spinalis.

Here comes a long quotation from Leeuwenhoek which is crossed

off because copied into The Fibre n. 209. There is also a

blank space left for the insertion of one of Leeuwenhoek's

figures.

On Niter in the Blood, and on the Infinitude of Vessels and

Exhalations. (Codex 57 p. 112)

On the Particles and Salts in the Blood.

Half of what is quote under this heading is crossed off

because copied into The Fibre n. 200.

On the Brain and Nerves.

Crossed off because quoted in part in The Fibre n. 142.

On Muscular Fibres and Nerves - which is the last entry.

Now follow quotations from Swammerdam on: (Codex 57 p. 114)

The Spider

The Louse

Its Blood

Muscular Fibres

Trachea [Copied in part into Econ. 2:36] ditto.

Medulla Spinalis

Brain

The Snail

Its Blood Heart

Brain and Nerves [crossed off] (Ibid. pp. 114-15)

Muscles (Ibid. p. 115)

The wonderful fabric of its Shell

The Water Snail [crossed off]

The Wonderful Viviparous Snail, Crystalline, that it bears

all summer.

Muscles (Ibid. p. 116)

The Brain, Nerves and Lungs of the Hermit Crab [crossed off]

Here Swedenborg makes a copy of Swammerdam's Tab XI. fig. 9

Its Optic Nerve [crossed off] (Ibid. p. 117)

The Pulmonic Pipes of the Water Scorpion.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 569

[1740

The Hemerobics, Ephemeros or Diana. (Codex 57 pp. 117-18)

Here Swedenborg makes a long extract from Swammerdam, pp.

253-54, part of - (from page 253) - which is crossed off

because copied into Econ. 2:36, where, however, the reference

253-4 is also copied. To Swammerdam's remark that from the

spinal marrow go off the optic nerves, Swedenborg notes "(N.

B. We see that numerous nerves go off also to the pulmonary

pipes)". He is referring to Swammerdam's figure which shows

this - which to him is a point of importance in connection

with his doctrine that the brains and spinal column move

synchronously with the lungs.

The latter part of the quotation is crossed off. The part

from Swammerdam page 250 is copied into Econ 2:197, but the

reference "149, 150, 151" is also copied.

The Worm from which is born the Rhinocerous Beetle. (Ibid.

pp. 118-19)

Its Pulmonary Tubes. The Pulmonary Tubes and Brain in the

Cossus.

Here he marks with "N. B." Swammerdam's words: "the pulmonary

pipes distributed over the intestine of the rectum are of a

silver color." After further quotation, he refers to Tab.

XXIV. Part of this quotation is crossed off.

Its Muscular Fibres (Ibid. p. 119)

When this Worm is turning into a Beetle

On the Beetle from the Worm Cossus

The Brain of the Beetle (Ibid. p. 120)

The Pulmonary Tubes of the Gnat

The Pulmonary Tubes of Bees (Ibid. pp. 120-21)

This beings volume II of Swammerdam's work which opens with a

treatise on Bees, covering nearly 100 folio pages.]

Their Medulla Spinalis (Ibid. p. 121)

The Heart of the Queen Bee

The Brain of the Bee (Ibid. pp. 121-22)

[Part of this citation was copied into Econ. 2:89, but with

a curious omission.]

Swedenborg was filled with admiration when quoting Swammerdam's minute observations on the Bee, and in the course of these quotations, he remarks:

"N. B. the construction of their brain, of the eyes springing

therefrom, of the medulla spinalis, is viewed by me with

wonder. But we need to have the table; for what lies around

the brain Swammerdam calls the eye. On the outside is an

infinitude of globules from which stria verge toward the

inner parts. Within is what he calls the brain; from this

also come fibres which tend in a direction opposite to the

former, but they are plainly distinguished. From this

striated and fibrated formation above springs the medulla

oblongata, and then the medulla spinalis distinguished into

globes. Nay, in figure IV [Swedenborg is describing Tab. XX]

is seen a representation of the testes and nates, and in

figure VI of the ventricles. It is wonderful."

These remarks, and also the long quotation from Swammerdam which immediately follows them are crossed off. The quotation is copied in part into Econ 2:89.

569

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 570

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In this last quotation, when quoting the description of an outer portion of the medulla, and of an inner, he remarks of the latter: "Thus it is within the nodule." Swedenborg adds this - (an addition which, in Econ. 2:89, he quotes as Swammerdam's own words ) - because Swammerdam later describes this inner medulla as being similar to cortical substance in color, and Swedenborg attaches importance to this as showing the source of activity within the medulla spinalis. Moreover, he adds in the margin:
"N. B. Therefore they are little brains, although previously he had denied this as against Malpighi" (see Swammerdam, p. 315).

On the Caterpillar which is turned into the Night Butterfly

[this should be "day butterfly"]. (Codex 57 p. 122)

Its Heart

Brain and Medulla Spinalis

The Pulmonary Tubes of the Butterfly (Ibid. p. 123)

The Pulmonary Tubes, Heart, Brain and Medulla of the Worm of

the Gadfly.

Here, to Swammerdam's observation that fat is found

everywhere in the worm, and is firmly adherent to the

pulmonary tubes, Swedenborg adds:

"N. B. The fat is attracted through the air, and is conducive

to the making of the blood; for it adheres to the pulmonary

tubes, as is apparent in all insects, and is drawn off to

where it is needed, as to the hearts."

The Fabric of their Brain and Medulla Spinalis

The Pulmonary Tubes, etc. of the Acarus (Ibid. p. 124)

The Heart and Blood Circle of the Frog (Ibid. pp. 124-28)

Its Blood

The Motor Fibres of its Muscles

[Page 125 was the last or nearly the last page of the Index

or first draft or sketch of the Index to the Economy of the

Animal Kingdom, volume 1. At any rate, it contains two

crossed off entries under the letter V.]

Their Medulla Spinalis and Brain

Muscles

[Part of this is copied into Econ. 2:33. Page 127 has two

entries of Index to Econ. I. See preceding note.]

On the Muscular Grains in the Cuttle Fish (Ibid. p. 128)

Its Heart

Its Brain [crossed off] (Ibid. pp. 128-29)

After the quotations follow a few notes on Swammerdam's

Plates as follows: (Ibid. p. 129)

In Tab 17 figure n, the lungs of the bee are notably

represented.

After describing this figure, Swedenborg observes: "Thus the

lungs are everywhere and end in smaller and smaller vesiculi"

This to him is the important point in regard to the motion of

the brain.

Tab. 19 fig. 1 shows the heart of the bee as a long pipe

beset with pulmonary tubes, muscles and fat.

Tab. 20 fig. 4-6 shows how the brain of the bee communicates

with the eye which is in its circumference; within is a

cortical substance giving out a medullary substance to either

side. It is of marvelous structure.

The bee's medulla spinalis is shown in Tab. 22 fig. 6 and 7.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 571

[1740
April

Its pulmonary tubes with their spiral rings in Tab. 24 fig.

1-3, 6.

The brain and medulla of the cossus in Tab. 28 fig. 1, and a

recurrent nerve in fig. 2.

Fig. 3 shows the remarkable medulla spinalis of the silkworm

with an exact description. Here it can be seen that in the

end of the medulla is a cauda equina.

Tab. 41 fig. 7 shows the medulla and brain of the worm in the

nymph; curved [fig. VI] and single. Also the fatty divisions

which flow out in the form of intestines.

Tab. 42 fig. 2-4 show the brain and medullas in the cuttle

fish with the optic nerves and their remarkable flow.

Here Swedenborg brought to an end for the present his studies in Leeuwenhoek and Swammerdam, studies which must have occupied him well into April.*

* Following the excerpts from Swammerdam come four pages of excerpts from Schurig's Chylologia; but seeing that these were used in the Animal Kingdom, it is probable that they were written some years later. Undoubtedly, Swedenborg would keep Codex 57 by him because of its excerpts.

And now in April he girds himself for the writing of Part II of his Economy of the Animal Kingdom. That this was written after the notes from Leeuwenhoek and Swammerdam, is indicated by the easily demonstrated fact that the excerpts from these authors contained in the second volume of the Economy, and the references to them, are all copied from Codex 57. As a motto to this part, he gives another sentiment from the letters of the Philosopher Seneca:

"That which has gone before does not seem to me to take away

what might be said, but to open it up. Knowledge increases

daily, and discoveries are no obstacles to discoveries yet to

come."

Part II of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom opens with a chapter on the Motion of the Brain. This question was a matter of dispute in Swedenborg's day - a dispute which appears to have been settled for the medical world by Haller's declaration that the brain does not have any motion, after which, so far as I know, the question has not been raised, or but rarely raised.

Swedenborg, however, regards the doctrine of the brain's animation as a doctrine of such great importance that without it there can be no advance whatever in a knowledge of the uses of the parts of that organ. And his idea seems certainly to be illustrated by the state of knowledge of cerebrology at this day. Far more is known of the structure of the brain; the knowledge of its minute construction is far and away above what was known in Swedenborg's day yet the learned world is as far as ever from knowing the uses of the parts of the brain, and what is known, is derived rather from experimentation than from any reading of the lesson displayed by cerebral structure.

Swedenborg's object in Part II of his Economy is to approach more directly the shrine of the soul in order there to see her more interior operations; to see nature in her very causes, the causes of the effect, and subordinate causes which are displayed to view in the animal economy. His aim was to see the rule of the soul of the body, that so he might learn her laws, her way of operation, and thereby might learn concerning herself. Therefore, his final adoption of the title The Economy, the government, the administration, of the Animal Kingdom.

571

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 572

[1740
April

That there is a motion of the brain was generally acknowledged in Swedenborg's day and is generally acknowledged today. What was a matter of dispute then, and of denial now, is that the brain has a distinct and self-originating motion. It is this motion that Swedenborg has in mind, and for this reason styles it "animation" or breathing (n. 1).

This motion, he says, "is entirely denied by the ancients and also by

some at this day, but it has been so laid bare by Ridley,

Vieussens, [etc.], and others, that he would call it into

doubt should call sight and touch into doubt."

Later, however, he adds that all the anatomists "so far known

to me assert that the pulsations of the brain and heart are

concordant in time. But that the case is different with the

brain will be evident from the phenomena when more deeply

examined" (n. 2).

After citing anatomical experience, he continues:

"From these citations it is clearly evident that the brain

moves in alternations internally or from the very bosom of

its viscus; also that its entire surface ... is dependent on

the vibratory animation of the underlying brain, and in part

the dura mater also, which latter is a medium uniting the

motion of the brain with that of the heart" (n. 1).

He then dwells on the difficulties encountered in actually observing the intervals of the elevation of the brain. It cannot be done save by cutting the dura mater and thereby weakening the brain. It must be done by vivisection when the animal from fright and pain is unable to draw its breath, and the distinct respiration of the brain is lost, besides the effects of the necessary ligatures of the cerebral blood vessels. It is owning to these difficulties that so many anatomists have ascribed to the brain a motion synchronous with that of the heart (n. 2); in fact, he himself had been deceived by the motion of the longitudinal sinus which is synchronous with that of the heart (Econ. I:284).

His own position is that the brain is moved internally or from its very bosom (n. 1), and, he continues:

If this is true, the matter is of such a universal character

that "not only the whole of anatomy will openly confirm it

but also medical experience and the animal physiology. It

can never lie hidden in obscurity; for the brain rules in the

fibres of the whole body, and the heart in its arteries and

veins both universally and particularly, and, consequently,

whenever a fibre is associated with an artery, and an artery

with a fibre, that is to say, everywhere in the animal body,

there should exist manifest signs showing whether the action

flows concordantly into that of the other" (n. 3).

"Nature," he later observes, "is the same in greatests and in

leasts" (n. 38).

Swedenborg then enters into a thorough examination of this question, to show that the brain has a motion of its own, and that this motion is concordant with the motion of the lungs. This he shows is indicated

1. By the fact that the brain is the author of its own

actions and of the actions of the muscles, all of which are

voluntary (n. 7).

2. By the necessity of a force to produce the circulation of

the animal spirits which, as extending throughout the body,

requires the cooperation of the lungs (n. 8); this is shown

by the intimate relations existing between the breathing and

intellectual operations.

3. By the very remarkable manner in which the carotids and

vertebrals enter into the brain - a manner which is nowhere

else to be

572

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 573

[1740

found in the body (n. 12 seq.).

4. By the vena Azygos which, gathering the blood of the lungs

and of the spinal marrow, constitutes a separate and distinct

pathway in the canal system (n. 25 seq.).

5. By the fact that al the nerves of the dorsal region of

the spine go to the muscles of the lungs and to other muscles

concerned with the work of respiration (n. 31 seq.)

6. By the remarkable phenomena seen in insects as shown in

Malpighi's work on the Silkworm, and by Swammerdam's Biblia

Natura. There it is plainly proved that the dilatations of

the spinal marrow exert their actions on the trachea (n. 34

seq.).

7. By the effects of odors, sneezing, salts, and in exciting

the brain, indicating that the air and breathing is called in

as an auxiliary aid in arousing the motions of the brain (n.

38 seq.).

8. By the phenomena shown by amphibious animals, where the

peculiar relations of the arteries and sinuses of the brain

clearly indicate that the latter can alternately breathe

synchronously with the heart or with the inbreathed air (n.

43 seq.). This question evidently occupied Swedenborg's

particular attention when studying in the Paris School of

Anatomy. It was because amphibious animals should

particularly illustrate the actions of the brain when the

lungs are opened and when they are closed, that here cam upon

Swedenborg as he writes, "a great desire to examine the

brains of such animals." Although he "opened many such

brains," he contents himself with giving the results of his

examination of the brain of a drake, which he illustrates

with an original drawing. "If the brain is laid bare by the

removal of the cranium," he observes, "whether when the

animal is alive or killed," etc. (n. 43) - suggesting that he

practiced or at any rate was present at vivisections. In

this connection he observes that "anatomy dictates nothing

more than the probability [of his position], nor does it

speak out except by the inspection of brains in vivisection"

(n. 46). And so he makes further appeal to pathology, and

more particularly to wounds in which the brain is more or

less exposed, and which show a remarkable effect between

breathing and sneezing and the motion of the brain (n. 47

seq.). And here Swedenborg affords a hint which might well

be taken by the modern investigator, for there can be no

doubt but that the conceptions of the experimenter's mind

have an influence on the observations of his senses.

"That so great a necessity exists between the animation

of the brain and that of the body that they are consentient

in the moments of animation does not seem to have lain hidden

from anatomists either of our own or of a former age. But

though they have tacitly acknowledged it, yet none of them

was desirous of coming openly into this opinion because, as I

suspect, in every extremity of the animal body, the heart

manifestly puts itself forth by means of pulsation.

Therefore they have thought the arteries everywhere carry no

other motion save that of the heart, which latter they

therefore did not care to deprive of universal empire, even

over the brain itself so far as the blood is concerned; and

the less so, since they noted that the dura mater also

pulsated with the like alternations. But I think that if

once the learned would come to the opinion that the brain

takes to itself the government over its vessels as soon as it

receives them within its cranium or bony fortification, they

also will come to the opinion that the brains animate as the

lungs breathe. For they have hit upon this opinion, but

because they could hardly reconcile it with their

preconceived opinion concerning the pulse of the heart being

also in the brains, each one has thought out his own way of

reconciling the two" (n. 51).

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 574

[1740

Lastly, in support of his position, Swedenborg appeals to the doctrine of use, "for," as he observes, Awe measure everything by its use"; and he points out the uses of various arrangements in the human body as seen in the light of the motion of the brain. Among these he notes the change in the circulation of the blood effected at birth by the opening of the lungs which is heralded by a cry; and especially the fact that diseases of the brain at once have their effect in the body, whereas diseases of the body do not quickly affect the brain - which would not be the case if the heart dominated the brain (n. 67).

Swedenborg's second chapter deals with the Cortical Substance of the brain, regarding it as the immediate seat of the soul. Here he maintains with Ruysch that the medullary fibre is a continuation of the blood vessel with the cortical gland as the intermediary. Belief in this is demanded, he affirms, for otherwise there would be a stoppage of the blood, and this is repugnant to nature which "lives in the continuity of her parts, and by these, in the perpetual circulation of her fluids" (n. 115). And he adds that in this way effects return to causes and causes run to effects (n. 116).

Swedenborg is not here speaking from hypothesis but from a sound and thorough knowledge of the whole human anatomy. The matters he is now to inquire into are of the deepest import.

"The mere examination of the cortex," he says, "brings us a

little light; and examination of the whole brain brings us

more, and still more light do we have from an examination of

the nerves of the body. Hence I must pursue my inquiry even

to the nerves. Afterwards it will easily be recognized

whether the truth has been found, for every subsequent

transaction on the brain and body with their infinitude of

particulars will then go to that side. From the careful study

of these parts (for I have run through the whole animal

system just as here I run through the cortical and later the

medullary substance), I have finally formed this universal

notion concerning the circulation of the animal spirits"

(n. 117).

A little later he again gives us a glimpse of his anatomical studies in Paris, a glimpse which stirs the imagination to a vivid conception of what was passing through the mind of the philosopher while his eyes and hands were engaged with the materials on the dissecting table.

"In the brains of winged fowls some days after their

extinction," he says, "I have observed that the arterial

blood was still fluid and quite beautiful, being diluted with

a crimson color; while the blood of the sinuses of the dura

mater was concerted and ugly with its ungrateful blackness;

contrary to what is usually found in the arteries and veins

of the body. This is a manifest sign that the former blood

was more impregnated with spirit, from which it derived its

genuine fluidity. This, moreover, is an undoubted

consequence when the brain is potent for the bringing forward

of its spirit, which it dispenses to the fibres" (n. 119).

Swedenborg then takes up for the second time the question of the divisibility of the blood, and again appeals to Leeuwenhoek

"who, so far as I know," he says, "is the only man who has

set himself with the greatest industry to the work of deeply

extricating the parts of the blood" (n. 121).
He also pays a high tribute to Boerhaave, for whom he had a profound admiration, describing him as a man

"wise above lenses and optical instruments, not only for his

natural dowry of ingenuity but also for that dowry cultivated

by many sciences" (n. 123).

574

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He then enters into the whole question of the cortical gland as the birthplace and dispenser of the animal spirits both for the nerves and for the blood, and naturally he again appeals to his doctrine of the animation of those glands which are like little hearts set at the heads of the nerves as the greatest heart is at the head of the great artery (n. 132). He cannot conceive of a gland with such eminent uses as the cortical gland being motionless, a dead chamber, a lifeless cistern. But he confesses that here not the sight of the eye can suffice but only the sight of the rational mind (n. 133).

He would like to go further than the assertion that the cortical glands have an animation, that they are the living beating hearts of a superior corporeal world; he would like to pursue the analogy with the great heart.

"What stands in the way," he asks, "of our giving to the mind

some scope and opportunity in the way," he asks, "of our

giving to the mind some heart of the body, representing to

ourselves some idea of something more perfectly enacted in

these lesser hearts; to wit, that there are most subtle

lacunae, subdivided thalami, tiny mouths, valves, lacerti,

analogues of motor fibres, etc., to the end that this blood

may circulate from its little cavity into the surfaces and

from these into its cavities, according to every need of the

animal economy" (n. 138).
Here he is referring to his chapter on the Coronaries, where he maintains that the vessels proper to the heart are the vessels of Thebesius. He would here establish an analogy with the cortical gland, and he doubtless has in mind a still higher blood and a still higher circulation of dissolution and recomposition carried on in the inmost recesses of the gland itself. But he is cautious, and whatever the thoughts of his mind, he restrains the public utterances of his pen.

"In these most occult things of nature," he says, "to proceed

to particulars and to the specific parts of universals, is

dangerous; for, with free rein given to the imagination

without adjoining at her side the experience of the external

senses, is not justly to fix a goal and to check an excursion

even into infinity. And then at last the imagination is

precipitated into mere shades and the fallacies of

conjectures. Hence it is better to restrain her and to

direct her to where she can see designated ends. Still, as

concerns what is carried on in these least cortical spheres,

and the contexture and permeability which they necessarily

enjoy, this we shall finally learn when we distinctly follow

all the animal effects to their causes. But I confess this

is the labor of an age and of men of genius. For the general

and particular experience of those things which can ever

touch any of our senses, points out the essence of the least

things of that degree, nay, and of corresponding things which

are still more simple, that is to say, which are of superior

degrees. Therefore we shall be led to the inmost knowledge

of natural things by means of the doctrine of series and

degrees, joined to experience; and we shall arrive at this

the more certainly and with mathematical truth when we have

reduced the sciences to one universal science which will be

able, by characteristic notes and letters, in their general

form not unlike the algebraic analysis of infinites, to

express things inexpressible by words" (n. 138).

It is clear that by the universal mathesis here outlined, Swedenborg did not mean merely a designation of ideas by signs and letters but only something similar thereto in its "general form." what he seems to mean is the acquiring of general ideas from particulars, and with these generals as the particulars of a new series, acquiring a more universal idea. In other words, a doctrine of rational correspondences whereby the laws of a lower degree shall become the mirrors reflecting the operation and nature of more interior laws. We may indeed say that the Writings are the then undreamt of realization of this aspiration to

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a universal mathesis - a realization to which Swedenborg, all unknown to himself, was being slowly prepared.

To return to the passage we last quoted. Despite what Swedenborg there says, he does so far indulge his rational imagination as to outline some ideas of the inner structure of the cortical gland.

The cortical substance, he says, though it determines the

actions of the body, yet itself must be determined. "By it

the will is determined into act, but the principle of the

will itself must be sought for more deeply." The glands

themselves are formed of fibrils, and these must have their

cavities as their little hearts gifted with their walls and

their superficial layers; and these fibrils must be permeated

with a spirituous fluid of the utmost spirituousity. "Hence

that their cavities may be opened and closed, a higher, a

more sublime, a more principal and universal force is

required wherein is the beginning of the will....

Consequently there is a spirituous fluid wherein is life and

so the soul" (n. 160).

This soul, he continues, is equally present in the whole of

the body, but it is only in the cortex that it can determine

its will; hence it equally represents its ends in the idiot

as in the wise man, the mediate and subdertminating organs

alone disturbing the actions of the will (n. 161).

Swedenborg is fully aware that there are some who deny the

existence of "animal spirit proper and indigenous to each

separate kingdom, denying also the conspiriability and

perspirability of all the parts," but, he says, "with such

men, as being deniers of principles, I have no dispute; for

with them, the sons of a coarse Minerva, the mind resides in

the eye alone, and every confused cause in the effect; and

often the glass penetrates more deeply than their rational

sight" (n. 165).

As to the origin of this purest spirituous fluid, for this,

says Swedenborg, we must go beyond nature to the "first aura

of the world (mundus) wherein is no inertia, no material, and

which is not subject to accident," etc. (n. 166).

He even ventures some thought as to its creation:

"The proximate cause of its conception is the soul's

representation of its universe, which in order to be

understood may be compared by analogy with an idea embracing

at once the state of its kingdom, and which alone is

sufficient to enable the first aura of the world to be

determined into a spiritous fluid of this nature most fitly

corresponding to its kingdom; for within such an aura formed

after the most perfect forces of nature, is contained the

possibility of applying itself to every incomprehensible

minutia of variety, and so of concurring with every possible

determination. What does not a mere idea effect in an

inferior organism in the case of the pregnant?.... But I am

forbidden to go further lest I speak things little

understood, in that, being destitute of words which shall be

expressive, I must betake myself wholly to analogies and

eminences by abstraction from things investigated by the

senses; in which case, even truths savor of hypothesis" (n.

167).

Here we call to mind his note on "Eminent Generation" and his

"Corpuscular Philosophy in a Compendium." Of the latter, he

had written: "This is true because I have had the sign."

Naturally nothing is said of this in the published work.

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A little later, Swedenborg has something further to say about the aura, something which indicates that he considers the first aura of the world not as the immediate determiner of forms but as something without, which according to the Principia is the first natural point.

"By the mediation of the auras," he says, Awe move only but

do not live. The beginning of life must be sought for more

deeply. An aura, even the most eminent, is not living, but

is an instrumental and auxiliary cause to the end that while

living we may be distinctly modified and may move. It is

thus and no otherwise that will, which is an attribute of

life, could go forth into any effect. 'The heavens (or the

auras of the world),' says Aristotle, speaking from the

instinct of a sound reason, 'are not animated but have an

assistant soul which does not have intellect'" (n. 199).

Swedenborg continues: "Since we enjoy fluids, and parts

organized therefrom which conspire with the auras of the

world, we are necessarily wonderfully affected in accordance

with these auras and their state, to wit, with them we grow

warm, expand, harden, are disturbed, grow cold, etc." (n.

200). Hence also our subjection to infectious diseases, and

the fact that the more imperfect creatures derive their

nature from the auras, and live under the government of the

world (n. 201).

In this connection, Swedenborg is led, in passing, to make an interesting observation on brute animals.

An examination of their brain shows that the blood suffuses

the cortical substance much more easily than in man, the

result being that "their determinations, emulous of voluntary

determinations, necessarily flow from the temperament and

state of their blood, especially of their purer blood, and on

their immutable disposition according to the seasons of the

year, and according to the contingencies and excitations of

their external senses. Whereas brains truly human are

endowed with the ability of holding the blood away from the

cortical substance and keeping it at some distance, so long

as the mind is revolving its reasons; nay, and of finally

depriving the external organs of sensation of their acumen in

respect to the distinct perceptions of the things that come

to them" (n. 164).

Another interesting observation concerns the localization of sensations in the brain.

"No individual part of the cerebrum," says Swedenborg,

"corresponds to any one sensory organ of the body, but what

corresponds is the substance of the cortex in general, which

receives the modifications of every degree according to the

series into which it is disposed, and suitably refers it to

the judgment of the soul, which perceives, understands and

savors every mutation that comes in; the harmonic and

suitable with delight, and the unsuitable with undelight or

grief" (n. 193).

Swedenborg ends the chapter with a restatement of his doctrine concerning the cortical gland as being a subdeterminant which itself is determined by fibrils, and a fluid within which is the soul (n. 204).

In this chapter he gives a complete doctrine concerning the use of the cortex, both as a chemical laboratory, as the little heart of the animal spirits, as the seat of the will and understanding, and, finally, as the seat of the soul itself.

In his next and final chapter he treats directly of the human soul. But before continuing with this, I should like to make certain observations

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concerning the two preceding chapters, on the Motion of the Brain and on its Cortical Substance, namely, that they cover the same subject that is covered in Transactions II and I respectively of the earlier work on the Cerebrum, from which Transactions so many pages are missing. There is at least one interesting addition which Swedenborg made as a result of his visit to Amsterdam, namely, the addition of the testimony of Leeuwenhoek and Swammerdam.

The third and last chapter of the second Part of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom treats of the human soul, and Swedenborg here again introduces the human spirituous fluid as distinct from the spirituous fluid or animal spirits which courses through the nerves.

The chapter opens with reflections that give us some insight into the process of thought which led Swedenborg to his undertaking. The doctrine of series and degrees has been laid down, he writes,

"because I have long reflected and, with many other men, have

been led to doubt whether the human soul is accessible to any

understanding of the mind.... When I slightly considered the

matter, I could not share the common opinion that it is

permitted to approach her either from bare rational

philosophy or immediately from the anatomy of the human body.

But when I attempted this hidden shrine, I found myself still

standing far removed from the soul, and when I seemed to have

seized her, she seemed as often to have fled from me into

deeper recesses, though never wholly disappearing from all

rational sight. Thus hope was not lost for me but only

postponed. Often I have cried out against myself, and

reproached myself with stupidity that I should be ignorant of

that which I found to be everywhere most nearly present, it

being from the soul that we ... sensate ... perceive ...

imagine, think, desire, and will.... And so I seemed to

myself both to see and not to see that which I burned with

the desire to know. But at last I woke up as from a deep

sleep when I came to realize that nothing is more remote from

the human understanding than that which is near by, and that

nothing is nearer by than that which is universal, prior and

superior.... What is more omnipresent than the Deity of the

universe? in Him we live and are and move; but what is more

remote from the sphere of our understanding? .... But

nothing is more common to the human race than to wish to

mount at once from the lowest things to the highest ... from

geometry to the squaring of the circle, from mechanics to

perpetual motion ... from philosophical subjects to the first

substance of the world, who is there that does not long for

the supreme heights, and strive in his mind for honors after

honors and for a fullness and superfluity of goods? Thus,

Adam's ambition remains deeply rooted in the nature of his

descendants" (nos. 208-9).

Swedenborg then speaks of the necessity of a doctrine of series and degrees; to approach the shrine of nature without this is like "wishing to mount to heaven by the tower of Babel." They who are ignorant of this doctrine,

"when they have made the leap and think they stand at the

very height, do not see that they have been cast down

headlong and lie prone on the ground, and their place must be

searched out by their friends through all the globe; but they

will finally be found in some obscure hole, that is to say,

in an occultism, the nature of which is unknown to themselves

and to the wisest of men" (n. 210).

We need also, he continues, a "mathematical philosophy

of universals" whereby distinctly to express the things in

different

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degrees without confusion (nos. 211-12). And lastly, we need

the facts of experience, without which we would be mere

theorists. Thus he is "utterly persuaded" that without these

doctrines joined to anatomical, pathological and

psychological experience of the human body, and to the

physical experience of the world, especially of its auras,

"there can be no knowledge of the soul" (n. 213).

This is the sole reason why he has searched into anatomy

"with prolonged studies and intense mental application,"

going perhaps beyond the ordinary bounds of study (n. 214).

Some there are who "stubbornly refuse to advance the

least step beyond visible phenomena," while others "immerse

their ideas in the occult at the very outset." It is no for

such that Swedenborg's demonstrations are adapted; for "truth

is to be sought far beyond the eye" and in all nature there

is no occult quality; it may not be demonstrated in fact, but

still it can be demonstrated (n. 217).

Swedenborg ends this Introduction by declaring that he has no desire to detract from the authority of learned men of genius.

"Of what advantage is it to me," he says, "to persuade

another; his own reason must persuade him. I do not pursue

this work for the sake of honor or gain - these I shun rather

than seek, both because they disturb the mind and perhaps

because I am content with my lot - but for the sake of truth

which alone is immortal" (n. 218).

After these preliminaries, Swedenborg proceeds to show that there is in the body a "most universal fluid" which is the "all-determining principle" of its body, and which is to that body what the first aura is to the world (n. 223).

This fluid, although the first and formative substance of its

own body or series, is not the first substance of the world;

for it is enclosed within fibres, and "a large form of it may

be seen by the microscope" (this refers to the blood

globules). It must itself be formed, and this by what the

ancients called the heavenly aura (n. 227). Being the

formative force of its body, this fluid has within it a

force, but itself is a substantial form being the form of the

organic forms of its body (n. 228). This fluid derives its

form "from the first substances of the world" or "the first

living point" (n. 229), and therefore cannot itself be said

to live, nature in herself being merely an instrumental

cause. Therefore, its principle of life is to be sought only

in the Deity who is the Fount of life and the Sun of wisdom.

In support of this, Swedenborg quotes from Aristotle. He does this because he is pursuing the thread of reason and not with any idea of depriving Christian philosophers of their just laurels - although, he adds,

"some there are who, though most highly instructed, dare to

rise up against both the Divine dictate and the dictate of

reason. These are not the ones to whom the philosopher

refers when he says 'God has adorned prophets and

philosophers with the spirit of divine wisdom'" (n. 239).

Necessarily this life can flow into the "most simple,

universal and perfect substances of the animal body, that is,

into its purest fluid," and thereby into the subsequent

substances. For which reason, "this purest fluid, which is

the instrumental cause, is to be called the spirit and soul

of its body" (n. 240).

In commenting on this, Swedenborg shows that "anatomy itself" involves the truth that the first substance flows into all the subsequent substances (n. 243) - a statement which illustrates how much the word "anatomy" meant to Swedenborg.

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But although Swedenborg calls the human spirituous fluid the soul, he so calls it only as an instrumental cause, the essential soul being life from God (n. 245).

"From a certain common consent of minds," he say,

"innumerable naked truths come to light which later must be

confirmed by an abundant series and a well constructed chain

of causes and effects. So also with the present position that

this fluid is the spirit and soul of its body. For the

learned world, and especially the anatomical world, call this

fluid, as though from the consent of each one's soul, the

animal spirit, which they declare runs through the most

delicate stamens of the nerves, excites the forces of the

muscles, and draws its origin in the brain from a more

sublime blood.... Nay, substances of the brain. What is more

familiar than that these spirits are the emissaries and

heralds of their soul, without whose service touching this

fluid, every one in some way in his thought touches the soul.

But they seem not to have dared to call this fluid the soul,

being fearful that they would inadvertently perhaps fall into

quicksands or into some philosophical dictum from which they

were conscious that no power of theirs would avail to

extricate them.... Meanwhile, the common view stands,

namely, that by this animal spirit the will is determined

into act. If now it is asked, By what spirit is the will

itself determined before being called will, surely we need

not go far from this fluid; for it is the conclusion of

judgment that is called will, and this so concurs with its

determinant that it must be sought either in its own nature

or outside. In the former case, the determinant concurs with

the will, consequently, with the judgment and the

understanding and so with the whole of sensation; for

volition and sensation constitute not two souls but one. If

it is to be sought outside its own nature, the thought is

wholly diffused into the accidental and not the permanent, or

perchance into an essence to be sought for far and wise in

the universe, whereas the search is within ourselves. But

lest evident be shaded by reasons from within, it must be

held as granted that if this fluid and the soul agree in

their must be rejected. Nay, as one is a lover of truth, so

more than all other men he will reject this as repugnant" (n.

246).

Thus, he continues, "each individual has his own proper soul;

it is circumscribed with limits in that it is a substance;

but in respect to intentions and representations, it has the

same limits as the universe. Consequently, to it as a

substance, the predicates of substance, habitation and place,

also of part, size, force, form, are all suitable provided

only we abstract properties which are ingenerated in

compounds, both as compounds and as borrowing many things

from other series which will enter into them for the sake of

composition." Yet, even so, to the lower senses, when most

highly armed, the soul still appears incomprehensible and as

though continuous (n. 247).

In support of this view of the soul, he quotes abundantly from Aristotle.* He suspects that this philosopher came very near to the doctrine of a human spirituous fluid.

* It may be noted that among Aristotle's works quoted by Swedenborg is one De Causis. This is included only in Italian editions of Aristotle, and doubtless Swedenborg came across it in Italy.

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Aristotle, he writes, "even suspected that a certain pure

fluid enters into organisms and perfects the sensations.

'Sense,' he says, 'is perfected by parts having a purer

blood' (De Partib. Animal. Lib. ii:x), whereby he indicates

in no obscure way that the blood can be exalted to the utmost

purity. I believe that had the philosopher not fallen into

the thought that the fibres were solid and earthly (Ibid.

:iv) ... he would open have recognized a pure fluid to have

existed in the simplest fibres, in that he says, 'Fibres go

from the nerves to the veins, and again to the nerves' (De

Histor. Animal. iii:vi), just as we assert" (n. 248).

Swedenborg then turns to the question of the influx of life.

"To know in what way this life flows in, is infinitely

above the sphere of the human mind; there is no analysis, no

abstraction that reaches thither" (n. 252).

Ours is the posterior way, and to go to God is above that

way. "None can enter into God save God Himself who wills

that our thoughts end in an infinite and an abyss of things,

that thus men may be thrown into holy amazement, whence come

profound adoration of Him and sacred honor without limit.

Then He receives us, grants faith, and stretches out His hand

that we perish not in shipwreck."

Reason and philosophy must be silent at the threshold of the

infinite, he continues. "They, therefore, who dare to

attempt this abyss under the guidance of the philosophy of

the mind, are cursed by their own rashness. They return with

tottering knees as though impotent, like men who have looked

into the utmost deep; or s though deprived of light like men

who fix their gaze on the sun. Nay, and at this I have often

grieved, a spot or shadow flits before their rational sight,

in itself so dull, making them blind in broad daylight, and

dependent on the mere concern of the animus. So do they

suffer the punishment of their presumption" (Ibid.)

As for Swedenborg himself, it is sufficient for him that god is the I AM (n. 253). The subject of the influx of life can be approached, however, if not directly yet by way of comparison with light;

"and in the Scriptures, God is frequently compared with the

sun; his life with its light; his wisdom with the

distinctions of light; his operation with its rays" (n. 254).

Pursuing this comparison, Swedenborg then declares that

"as the sun in its universe is the fount of light and of its

distinctions, so the Deity is the Sun of life and wisdom";

and he justifies the comparison by Romans i:20, that God has

so ordered the world that in it we can see Him. He adds that

"In that God is life and wisdom, it is improper to call Him

the Soul of the universe, the word soul involving that it is

a natural subject fitted at once for the beginning of motion

and the reception of life" (n. 255).

Continuing the comparison, he says that

"As the sun of the world flows into its subjects in one mode

only without unition, so also flows the Sun of life and

wisdom" (n. 257).

Reason convinces him of the truth of this; but

"that God [scanner's note: the word "life" was underneath the

word "God"] flows in with virtue without essential unition is

so deep a matter that we cannot be persuaded of it by mere

comparison" (n. 258).

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April

Swedenborg realized that here we come to the existence of human good or evil from an inflowing life that is Goodness itself; and it is to this question that he now addresses himself.

"That the sun thus flows in with its light is clear," for

there is no sight without its light. And we cannot doubt but

that by His spirit God from whom "comes vital light or life,

can be united with us essentially, as He was with Adam before

the fall; but the mind hesitates as to whether it can dare to

affirm, or whether it is proper to say that God is thus

united with souls that are corruptible, imperfect and mutable

in state; for if life were seated within, it would be

implanted from this very fount and origin, and so would be

incorruptible, perfect and immutable together with the

subject so long as it was within that subject... Thus, I

know not how the mutable and the immutable can be conceived

of as existing within simultaneously - at least, this is

beyond what I understand. If it flowed in, in one mode only,

it would be present in one only.... If we distinguish

between life and wise life, we then deduce life from a

fountain that can admit of degrees, such as nature whence the

error, that from itself it can live more perfectly even to

being wise. Yet, regarded in itself, nature is dead, which

would not be the case were life within it essentially.

Wisdom can indeed recede but not life, for there is life even

with insanity" (n. 258).

Finally he adds: "But I confess that I stop at this

threshold, from which the way lies almost outside nature; or

that, while daring to speak of the unition of God with souls,

a sacred tremor moves my mind, and at the same time advises

it to go no further. For the mind ... knows not whether

that which it thinks comes by the prior way or by the

posterior. And added to the tremor is also the love of

truth. That truth may hold the supreme place is the whole of

my aim. If the truth is departed from, this love turns into

a representation of justice and merited punishment, or into

fear, as is the wont with an inferior being as toward a

superior. Hence I prefer to leave this matter to those who

are better instructed. This only do I clearly perceive, that

the order of nature is for the sake of ends, which flow

through the whole of nature that they may return to the first

end; and that worshipers of nature are insane" (n. 259).

He then continues his comparison: "As the sun of the world

flows in by the mediation of auras, so does the Sun of life

and wisdom by the mediation of His spirit." As to the first,

he refers to his Principia, and adds that he cannot

understand those who make light to be an afflux of atoms

since this is opposed to all phenomena. As to the second, he

appeals to Scripture (n. 260).

But as the one sun flows into subjects and objects according

to their qualified disposition and capacity, so does the

other. Here Swedenborg approaches the doctrine of influx

according to reception, which he illustrates by the influx of

rays of light into different objects. Speaking

comparatively, he declares "that the objects in animate

beings are fluids of the utmost simplicity, so formed within,

that they are fitted for the reception of the eminent light

of the first cause; but that by virtue of the liberty of

action that is granted them, they can reflect it, infract,

vary, nay, and darken it; and, on the other hand, ... can

admit, exalt and enkindle it - but by what means, this must

be sought from revelation. Not that we can dispose ourselves

from inmosts at pleasure, and enkindle this light, but that

it is within our

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April

choice to use the means whereby we are disposed that we may

be enlightened by prayers, enkindled, nay, and forced. For it

is an eternal law that our willing excites His consent; but

His willing does not excite us to action. But of this later

when we speak of free will" (n. 261).

Considering then that some may pervert this light, he

concludes that, as sound is not in the ear nor light in the

eye, "so life cannot be in the organic substance itself

enabling it to live and understand, but approaches it from

without" according to its form and state induced by nature

and by use (n. 263); and he refers for confirmation to I

Corinthians xii:4, 6 "there are diversities of gifts, but

the same spirit" (n. 264).

It may here be noted that Swedenborg's occasional references to Scripture are of a nature such as to indicate that his rule "to read the Word daily" had been in use with him long before his spiritual eyes were opened.

But he hesitates to go further into this comparison, for the

one sun is within nature, while the other is "purely moral"

and so belongs to "the sacred things of theology, among which

are ends which it is impossible for human faculties to

transcend" (n. 266).

Finally he adds that by the influx of divine Lie, all things

flow in provident order "from an end through ends to an end."

A most universal providence is present in the least

singulars, a providence which forces us to silent amazement

(n. 267).

Advancing to another phase of his subject, Swedenborg then

declares that there are two distinct principles which

determine the spirituous fluid assumed as the soul: 1) A

natural principle enabling it to live and move in the world;

and 2) a spiritual principle enabling it to live and be wise.

From these comes a third principle compounded of the first

and second, namely, the principle determining itself into

acts in conformity with the ends of the universe. And since

this last principle has regard to the ultimate world, "the

soul must descend through as many degrees as are the distinct

substances and forces of the world; and so must form a body"

(n. 269).

Here Swedenborg clearly shows that he considers the first

aura as the first of the natural principles which act upon

the soul, while life acts into it (n. 270).

In fact, all four auras are "forces of the world." The

air gives hearing, the other sight, the magnetic aura animal

instinct - as shown "in my Philosophical and mineralogical

Works" - while the first aura, in its vortex of the universe,

"affects the superior human fluid; without its meditation, no

light from the sun, still less from the starts, could ever

reach eyes situated in our world; for there is no affecting a

vacuum, that is, there is no affecting nothing. Without this

aura, not even the minutest forms would be held in nexus, nor

would the effects of nature flow from their first causes in

harmonious order" (n. 272).

Having thus delivered himself on these abstruse subjects, which necessarily are a matter of purely rational sight though based on natural experience, Swedenborg continues:

"But perhaps I am narrating a fable to the deaf. Such

persons, however, are those whom Locke, an Englishman of

sublime genius, describes." then follows a long quotation

from the French translation

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April

of Locke's work on the Human Understanding, wherein the

author gives the various reasons why men refuse to accept the

probable, namely, from early training, addiction to

tradition, lack of ability to think consecutively, and

motives which lead them to accept popular opinions. "Could

we see the secret motives," says Locke, "of men who act the

part of men of name, we should not always find that it is the

pure love of truth" (n. 272).

As a consequence of his argument, Swedenborg concludes that

the existence of four auras postulates the descent of the

soul by four degrees, and therefore that its sensory and

motory organs are also of four degrees (n. 273).

He then takes up the nature of the spirituous fluid itself as the first or supereminent organ in its animal body; and he concludes that, being the soul,

it is "the order, truth, rule, law, science, art" of all the

other faculties. "Consequently, that to it belongs the

representing of the universe; the intuition of ends; the

knowing of single things; the determining principally." Thus

it is distinct from the rational mind, is superior to it, and

"hardly flows into it save as light inflows." Thus, while

living in the body we can acquire but a slight motion of it

(n. 274).

To suspend belief in these principles, says Swedenborg,

"until the optical lens shall disclose the matter to the eye,

is perhaps to appeal to ages which surely will make mock of

our hope. Does it not suffice that a host of effects is set

forth before our rational sight; and, at the same time, the

doctrine of the order of the universe, that all things must

be more perfectly present in first substances?" and that the

first substance exhibits its nature in its posterior?

(n. 275)

In saying that "the soul is a faculty distinct from the

intellectual mind," Swedenborg is well aware that he is going

"against the stream of common opinions; but what matters

this," he adds, "if all existing experience in the animal

kingdom unanimously confirms it as the truth? There is none

that is desirous of entering into his own mind, even

slightly, and of beholding by reflection, its operations, who

will not go further and acknowledge that there is something

that flows into that mind from above, and causes it to be

able to understand, think, judge, will, speak," etc.

(n. 277).

Swedenborg then considers the mind itself, and concludes that there are two minds, a mens and an animus, the one being truly human and the other being common to animals. The grounds for this conclusion are simple.

"Consider merely what imagination is, and what thought," and

it will be seen at once that the latter is superior to the

former, and that animals enjoy the one but not the other.

Here Swedenborg gives the definition: "The affection of the

cerebrum which is the common sensory is the animus, and the

operation of the soul in the organic cortical substance is

the mind" (n. 279).

Lastly, we have the senses and body, which thus complete

the four degrees answering to the four auras of the universe

(n. 281).

Swedenborg supports the existence of four distinct human faculties by an appeal to Augustine and to Deuteronomy vi:5, as to loving God with all the heart, soul and might. (n. 282).

Then follows a remarkable statement which is calculated to awaken much

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April

thought, the statement namely, that though there are these four degrees, yet

"the animal system consists only of soul and body; for the

mediate organisms are solely determinations of the soul of

which they partake when partaking of the body" (n. 283).
In this connection, Swedenborg defines the body as being "properly an earthly loan; but, considered apart from earthly matters, it is the ultimate form or organism of the soul, that is, is the soul itself" (ibid.), but the soul determining; and the nature of the determination will depend on the state of the recipient body or organ. Degrees of perfection, therefore, can be predicated not of the soul but only of its recipients.

This leads to a consideration of the formation of the mind, namely, that, being a receptacle, it must be formed a posteriori or by means of the senses, so that

"it may communicate with its soul, which has determined and

provided, that the way leading to herself shall be unfolded

in this order. From which it follows that not the mind but

only the soul has innate or connate ideas" (n. 292).

In discussing these points, Swedenborg lays down two principles:

1. That modification, which are ideas, cannot exist without

substances; and

2. That the soul, while acting on its enclosing fibre, cannot

produce modification thereon but only the faculty of

receiving modifications.
From these principles, it follows that ideas are possible only by the modifications of substances from without (n. 293).

Modifications alone, however, could not bring ideas. There is needed also reflection by the mind on the nature of the modifications. Nor is this alone sufficient. There must also be perception, and this can come only from connate ideas in the soul. Swedenborg confirms this position by a quotation from Locke:

"who has searched as diligently into the interior operations

of our mind as have anatomists into those of the body," but

who yet "confesses that there is something that flows in from

above whereby the mind is capable and potent for reflection

on the ideas acquired by the posterior way" (n. 294).
Thus Swedenborg agrees both with those who deny connate ideas, and with those who affirm them. He also finds an answer to a question he had previously raised, the answer namely, that the soul flows into the subjects of its universe without essential unition but according to the acquired form of each (n. 294) - from which results a co-established harmony between soul and body (n. 294) - leading to the conclusion that the soul communicates with the body by means of organs and according to the state of such organs (n. 301).

Here Swedenborg enters into a discussion as to whether the soul is or is not material. If by matter is meant extension endowed with inertia, then the soul is certainly not material; nor is it material in respect to its reception of life. Nevertheless, it is finite, being formed from the first aura which is from the first substance or prima materia of creation (n. 311).

Further discussing the soul, Swedenborg concludes that it is modifiable though not as to its essential determination; and to this modification he ascribes varieties in the human race (n. 314 seq.). He then enters into the nature of liberty or will. Will he defines as a conclusion made by the mind; and since the quality of conclusions is determined by the knowledges with which the soul is furnished, therefore, will or liberty goes pari passu with intelligence (n. 317 seq.)

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April

From the animus there come to the consciousness of the mind worldly delights, but not so the delights of the soul, and to this is due the fact

"that we are more capable of savoring truths than of willing

them, and that the liberty of acting as a bride is often

easily divorced from the intellect as a husband, and in the

more intelligent they live more separately in the bed than

with the most simple" (n. 323).

Yet the cupidities of the animus are not in themselves

hostile to the soul; rather they serve as stimulating means

for the promotion of ends. Therefore, in a certain way, they

seem to be insane who endeavor entirely to exterminate all

the delights of the senses and the pleasures of the world

(Ibid.).

But it is left to the mind to look at them as means or as

ends (n. 324).

In this connection, something noteworthy is said as to the means whereby man can be in equilibrium. Naturally, the weight on the side of the animus is heavier, and therefore it is necessary that

"the mind which holds the fulcrum of the scale, study to

withdraw itself from the animus, and, so far as it is able,

give itself up to the intuition of superior things."
And all human minds have this ability. It then receives fuller light from the soul, and "all but flows into its pure intellectual sphere." Furthermore, that the scales may incline to the side of the Spirit of wisdom,

"He has most mercifully provided that man can approach Him by

means of a mediator who, being united in man to God, has most

exactly fulfilled the utmost essentials" (n. 332),

To this, Swedenborg adds some observations on separating faith from will (n. 333).

After treating of the nature of brute animals whose purest fluid receives its form from the ether, and who, consequently, are born to a communication between soul and body, Swedenborg concludes his work by some observations concerning the soul after death.

The soul or human spirituous fluid is immune from injury and

so is immortal. This we accept as by natural instinct, and it

is confirmed by our own aspirations after immortal fame, and

also by the doctrine of order which dictates that the simple

can exist without the compound. Therefore, after death of

the body, "the soul will coalesce into the whole form of its

body." This form, indeed, is the complex of the forms of the

soul, and it necessarily follows that the soul "can return

into no other form, that is, only into the human form," it

being this into which "it is necessarily determined when left

to itself." The soul loves that form and works for its

preservation, and grieves when it is injured. When the body

is destroyed, it is to this form that the soul returns, "but

in such way that it is no longer a body but a soul under the

form of a body; a spirit without red blood and the flesh and

hard bone made up therefrom. Thus, from an inferior life it

is changed to a superior. Nor can it again acquire elements

from the triple kingdom of the world, and so coalesce once

more into flesh such as it had hitherto carried about with

it; for no natural ways are constructed from earthly mater

for the insinuation and adaptation of such things in

order.... Moreover, with appetite which lays them open,

perishes also the necessity for them. Nor can it again

emigrate into life from some egg, as many of old believed,

for there is a great volume of animal fluid, and this cannot

commence again from its minimum" (n. 351).

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Swedenborg now anticipates the objection that after death the soul - if it is the spirituous fluid - would fall apart since it consists of separate parts. The objection, he says, can come only from ignorance of the perfection of entities of supreme nature; for

"that the contrary is the case will, I think, be established

by a comparison of the nature of the most universal aura with

that of this fluid."

Here he refers to previous numbers and to chapter VI of his

Principia, from which it appears that he considers the first

aura will make a vortex around the spirituous fluid after the

manner of the vortex around the earth. Moreover, the soul is

in all parts of this spirituous fluid, and its intuitions

terminate only in the universe.

"Thus perpetual vital rays, extending to the ends of the

universe, reciprocally discover where are similar lives

(supposing they are separated, though this is not granted)

with whom they are associated by a similar necessity and love

as in the body; nor can they be held asunder by space, since

this is no obstacle."

Swedenborg, however, confesses that since so little progress

has been made in the doctrine of order, his statements are

not unlike conjectures, "although, when we mount from

perfection by the path of degrees, they follow as

consequences from the laws themselves. But if things are not

comprehended as they are in themselves, it is not the fault

of the teacher but of the perceiver. Meanwhile, I feel it a

duty to assert this natural law lest arguments be deduced

solely from the copulative influx of God" (n. 352).

But granting that this assertion is possible by mediation of the first aura,

"how much deeper and more intimate must it not be

supernaturally by the action of the spirit of life,

especially since between souls or human forms and essences

there is a moral distinction according to which each soul

enacts its own life and happiness, arising from the endowment

of free decision ... to the end perhaps that thence may

result an harmonic variety of souls, or a most perfect form

of universal society" (n. 353).

The matter is illustrated by the love of parents for their

little children with whom their soul ardently desires to be

united (n. 354), and also by the resuscitation of plants from

their ashes by virtue of the force of the ether (n. 355).

Yet, Swedenborg adds:

"I had not dared to pronounce as my opinion that it is the

spirituous fluid which will live after death of the body, had

not I discovered that the most Christian Fathers consented,

who hold it as certain that we shall be angelic essences."

Here Swedenborg quotes from Dupleix, whose work he had

studied in Paris, and who quotes the Church Fathers at

length. Some had believed "that angels are natural bodies.

Augustis pronounced doubtfully what he dared not boldly

assert, that spirits are clothed with a body composed of air

- as though he would say, composed, not of our gross

atmospheric air but of a purer aura, just as we assert of the

spirituous fluid." Others of the Fathers said that "angels

are incorporeal"; while still others "took a middle course

and said that in respect to God, angels seem to be corporeal,

while in respect to man they are incorporeal.

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[1740
April

But at this day all grant that they are purified bodies, or

spirits without flesh and bones" (n. 356).

Swedenborg then turns to the quality of souls after death:

"There is no least action committed from purpose," he says,

"and no least word put forth during the life of its body,

from consent, which, with the afflugence of the light of

wisdom, will not then appear before the judgment of

conscience" (n. 358).

In treating of this, Swedenborg is not clear, but it is quite

evident that he considers the state acquired on earth remains

after death.

His concluding theme concerns the formation of the kingdom of God - the very end and object of his work.

"There is in the heavens," he says, "a society of souls, the

seminary whereof is the city of God on earth, in which and

from which regard is had to the end of ends" (n. 364).

It is for this end that all the means - from the first

aura downward - exist. And "the codex of precepts for the

obtaining of eh end by means, is the Sacred Scripture. Its

precepts are not so obscurely hidden as the philosophy of the

mind and the love of self and the world enwrap them. Nor are

they so deeply concealed but that they can be brought out

from this pure fount by a soul that is sincere and suffers

itself to be ruled by the Spirit of God; and brought out so

pure that they can serve the members of the City of God

scattered over the universe without the violation of any form

of ecclesiastical government. It is foretold that the

kingdom of God is to come; that the guests shall finally be

assembled to the marriage feast; that the wolf shall lie down

with the lamb, the lion with the cattle; that a child shall

play with serpents; that the mountain of God shall rise above

all other mountains; that thither shall come the stronger to

perform his sacred rites" (n. 366).

And so, with a final reference to passages in the Epistles concerning false philosophers, Swedenborg ends this his first venture into the mysteries of the animal kingdom in search of the human soul.

Here then we have the teaching of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom; the ordered philosophy to which Swedenborg had attained in 1740. No one acquainted with the Writings can doubt but that this philosophy makes one with the teachings of the Writings, unless, indeed, he assumes on the one hand that those teachings concern merely abstract tings apart from any substantial actuality, or that the substantiality on which they rest is a substantiality of an order entirely alien to anything comprehensible to human beings all whose ideas are founded on a world of there dimensions. Or, on the other hand, unless they assume that Swedenborg was a materialist, whose ideal thus powerfully presented in 1740 must be wholly uprooted before he could write the Arcana Coelestia in 1748.

To the rational mind, such assumptions are untenable, if only for the reason that they ignore the obvious truth that preparation for an event is long and momentous according to the importance of the event itself. They involve that the doctrines of the Economy were a philosophical system invented by Swedenborg and having no essential relation to his later writings.

An acute critic outside the New Church has clearly seen the similarity, or the harmony, between the teachings of the Economy and those of the Writings; but this has led him to place the Writings on the same plane as the Economy, and to ascribe to both no more than the authority of Swedenborg's own learning and genius. To maintain such a position, however, would necessitate the assumption

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that he was a wilful deceiver or a deluded victim of fantasies, and both assumptions are incompatible with the simple sincerity coupled with the profound thought that characterizes the Writings.

The only position that can find any justification in the facts of the case is that which Swedenborg himself indicated when he spoke of the necessity that he first become a natural fisherman, i. e., "an investigator of natural truths" (Influx 20).

The Revelation to the New Church is a rational Revelation, the characteristic whereof is expressed by the inscription Nunc licet seen by Swedenborg on a temple in the spiritual world, after he had completed his Universal Theology. If a revelation is to be rational, it must be clothed in and rest upon a foundation of a true natural philosophy - using the term in a broad sense; a philosophy not poured in by some miraculous divine obsession - for this would be anything but rational; but a philosophy which is the fruit of deep reflection on the phenomena of nature in the light of Divine Revelation as than existing. We can see, then, why Swedenborg was the son of a God-fearing priest; why he was brought up as a lover of the Word of God; why the influences surrounding his boyhood and youth encouraged him to investigate the mysteries of nature; why he was led to the English world of though untrammeled by the shackles of dogmatic theology, yet ensouled by the acknowledgment of God.

It was necessary that Swedenborg should, as of himself, discover the truths of nature, that in him vessels might be proffered to the Lord for the service of a Divine yet rational Revelation.

This thought is confirmed by the fact that the Writings deal mainly with purely spiritual things, but touch comparatively lightly on the organic forms, or organic mechanism, if I might use this term, by which the Divine of the Lord received by man is presented as the world of thoughts and affections presented to view in the mind and seen objectively in the phenomena of the spiritual world. Yet a rational theology cannot be purely abstract; it must rest on foundations of natural truth. To be a complete and final revelation, it must comprise not only a knowledge of the qualities of the mind, its virtues and its vices; it must also comprise a knowledge of the organic forms from which those qualities are inseparable - a true system of natural philosophy.

It may be said that such a system is to be drawn from the Writings themselves. But granting this, it yet remains the fact that for the revelator himself, it was necessary that his mind be previously formed by truths harmonious with the future revelation. And this fact is emphasized when we find that in the field of cosmology and physiology, the natural philosophy which can supply those ultimate foundations whereon Revelation can rest is to be found only in Swedenborg's earlier works. It cannot be found in the works of other scientific or philosophical writers, whether of Swedenborg's day or of our own.

We are brought then to the conclusion that in Swedenborg's philosophical works and, as regards our present study, in the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, we have testimony to the leadings of Divine Providence preparing Swedenborg, all unknown to himself, for his future office. This, moreover, is confirmed by Swedenborg himself, writing in 1745:

"I could at last plainly see that the tenor of Divine

Providence has ruled the acts of my life from my very youth,

and has so governed them that I might finally come to the

present end; that thus, by means of the knowledges of natural

things, I might be able to understand those things which lie

more interiorly within the Word of God Messiah, and so, of

the Divine mercy of God Messiah, might serve as

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[1740

an instrument for opening them" (WE n. 2532).

And there are abundant more confirmations of the same kind.

In the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, Swedenborg was pursuing the path first clearly opened in the Principia, and in a very literal way was fulfilling his purpose, as announced to the King of Sweden, of continuing the work he had commenced. Nor, when we consider the immense amount of study and research, of deep and original thought requiring quiet and concentration, can we wonder that for his purpose he required entire freedom from his official duties, and the opportunity to study in foreign lands for some years.

In the Principia he had developed a doctrine of creation from the Infinite by discreted atmospheres, finally coming to rest in inert matter which yet contained deeply concealed within it the conatus to ascend to the Creator.

In the Infinite he had followed the lines of this doctrine, and put forth a philosophy of the soul showing that the soul is finite, and therefore consists of parts subject to the laws of geometry; and yet that it is immortal and capable of conjunction with God. In this philosophy he entirely removes himself from the vague idea of the soul currently received, and which involves either that the soul is nothing of which nothing can be predicated; or that it is something airy and insubstantial, having nothing organic, and of which mode, modification, and quality can never be predicated.

The Infinite, however, was but a "Forerunner" to the greater work which Swedenborg had in mind - the Commerce between the Soul and the Body, and by means of the Body, the Perfection of the Soul until from Souls might arise the City of God as the end of creation. For this work, further study was necessary, intensive study in a field which Swedenborg had not as yet deeply entered into - the field of human anatomy, including also the study of diseases, especially the diseases of the brain.

In a sense, the Economy of the Animal Kingdom was the "work itself" promised in the Infinite; yet Swedenborg saw that the Economy also was but a Forerunner. He saw that much remained to be done, and it was to this that he now consecrated his life. It seems clear that this period of the Economy marks that period in Swedenborg's life when he lost interest in mineralogical studies, and when his ambition no longer looked to preferment and preeminence in his chosen work in the College of Mines. Not for a moment did he dream of entering upon theology. This he regarded as the work of those in the sacred calling of the ministry. He was a philosopher. His sin was not to teach with the object of the salvation of souls, but to study nature, to see the presence of God in nature, to set it forth before men in simple and direct language, and thus to found a philosophy which would lead men to the worship of God, that so they might be disposed to receive and obey the teachings of theology. We have his own testimony to this effect as given by his friend Robsahm after his death, who reports him as saying:

"I had never expected to come into the spiritual state in

which I am now. My purpose previously had been to explore

nature, chemistry and the science of mining and anatomy"

(Doc. I:35).

As we have said, Swedenborg soon saw that the Economy was but the commencement of his work; and seeing this, he laid down a programme of further publications which were to culminate in 1747 with a work on the City of God. Yet, though in the Economy Swedenborg many times indicates that matters are as yet obscure to him and need further study, there are certain great general lines of thought of which he is sure, which he sees in clear light, and which we may all clearly discern as constituting the guiding thread which runs through all his remaining scientific works.

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Chief among these is his doctrine of degrees. Some have maintained that this doctrine is on the purely material or natural plane. But Swedenborg certainly did not so contemplate it. His degrees in nature and in the human being make one. In nature they were the degrees by which the Infinite created the ultimate finite. In man they were the degrees between God and man's ultimate life. Did Swedenborg in his theological works give up this doctrine? Probability and intrinsic evidence must at once answer no; and the answer will be confirmed by the Writings if we truly consider what is involved in the doctrine that the spiritual world and the natural are one world, and neither can possibly exist without the other - for this involves that the two worlds contribute to the formation of each degree in descent from the Infinite and ascent thereto.

To the doctrine of degrees must also be added its concomitant, the doctrine of correspondences, a doctrine which Swedenborg here clearly sees exemplified in the human body, and the further knowledge of which he thinks will be the key to the mysteries of nature.

In the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, Swedenborg evinces his belief in the reality of the spiritual world, and that man will be judged after death according to his deeds. Here also we find the doctrine of the church universal. Here Swedenborg shows that the soul is finite and consists of finite parts; that by means of this, the character of each individual can be impressed upon it; that it is immortal, and immortally retains the character that the man has given it; that in itself, however, it is unpervertible, incorruptible, ever giving to the man the gift of life and human reason; that after death souls are in the human form; that they live in a real spiritual world independent of space while yet within space; that they live in societies where like is associated with like - how different from the unordered throngs of angels contemplated by current theology; and, lastly, he utters the thought - tentatively perhaps, though with sureness - that from the souls of the dead will result "a most perfect form of society," the City of God; here we have the first perception of theat Maximo Homo of which Swedenborg was later to be so fully instructed.

Part II of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom was commenced in April 1740, and was probably finished early in the summer, for it was in print by September. (We may add here that it was printed at Swedenborg's own expense.) The speed with which it was written can be accounted for, not only by Swedenborg's readiness as a writer, but also by the fact that much of the material contained in its first two chapters - The Motion of the Brain and The Cortex - was taken from Transactions I and II of the work on the Cerebrum written in Venice, of which Transactions over two hundred pages are now missing. It had probably been Swedenborg's intention to publish this second volume of the Economy in 1740, but there was evidently some delay as the work was not published until January 174, being reviewed in February of that year (see "Swedenborg and his Scientific Reviewers" in the New Philosophy for October 1931, pp. 415-16). Probably the delay was due to Swedenborg's desire to include an index to the work, which perhaps he intended to send to the publisher from Stockholm. The index was, indeed, prepared by Swedenborg though much too late, as it is contained in a volume together with the index to the Animal Kingdom. At any rate, it was not in time to be included in volume II when issued from the press. Part I, we may add, appeared in July 1740, and was reviewed on August 4th of the same year (see New Philosophy for April 1930, p. 202).

In June 1740, the printers of Leipzig celebrated the 300th Anniversary of book printing by a great jubilee festival, and it was doubtless while Swedenborg was in Amsterdam that he was approached by the Leipzig printers - who included his friend and publisher Hakel - to contribute some laudatory words to be included in the festival publication Gepriesenes Andencken von Erfindung der Buchdruckerey (Laudatory Reflections on the Discovery of Printing) which was

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published after the festival, in Leipzig, 1740. He, of course, consented, and his contribution was printed on page 93 of the above mentioned work. It consists of a few Latin lines which may be translated as follows: (OP p. 39)

While learned Leipzig sounds again the praise of that great Art

Which frames the utterances of man in forms of brazen type and not of human lips:

I sing to boot the praise of him that found that art, and yet

To sing that praise in numbers that were meet to equal the deserts I know him have, ah! this I cannot do.

Dost ask his name? if but we take the evidence of witnesses,

No Belgian, Frenchman, nay, nor Englishman was he, but Teuton.

Schefferus was by Fustus* taught, but first came Guttenberg, who taught them both

And 'tis from him and from his work the press now grows.

He rose from stream from whence came Athene's fount

And from his presses springs a fount which flows from her.

* Peter Scheffer and Johan Fust, early German printers who in 1457 became partners.

We may add that, in inviting Swedenborg to contribute to their festal publication, the Leipzig Publishers paid him a signal honor, seeing that the only other non-German contributors were an Italian and Swedenborg's friend Niclas Oelreich, Professor of Philosophy at Lund.

During Swedenborg's stay in Holland, he had renewed his old friendship with Ambassador Preis at The Hague, and on one of his visits to him had presented him with the first volume of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom. Preis was two years older than Swedenborg, and they had been friends since the day of Utrecht Conference (see above, p. 58).

On Saturday, September 10th 1740, Swedenborg, his long work now finished, was evidently preparing to leave for Stockholm, for on that day he writes to Preis that he will not be able to call upon him; see Letters and Memorials of Emanuel Swedenborg., pp. 486-87. (OQ. 3:335)

Preis appears to have written to Desaguilliers asking for the above information to be communicated through Swedenborg, whom doubtless he expected again to be his guest. That Swedenborg should meet Desaguilliers (1683-1744) is not surprising since the two men were nearly of an age and both were interested in mechanics.

It will be seen from the above letter that Swedenborg already had a copy of volume II of the Economy; indeed, it is probable that he had a number of such copies, as will be seen later.*

* That Swedenborg did not read the proofs of this volume is indicated by the fact that, unlike the first volume, it contains no list of emendenda.

He left Amsterdam probably on Sunday, September 11th, taking the route by which he had previously traveled, and arriving in Copenhagen after the middle of October. There he presented to the Royal Library a copy of his OEconomia I and II. This copy is still preserved there, inscribed in the well known handwriting of the Librarian, the learned Gram (see above, p. 449) with the words "Auctor est Emman. Swedenborg, a quo anno 1740 d. 24 Oct. Hafniae dono

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October

accepi" - Swedenborg met the Librarian himself on this visit; indeed, he probably saw something of him, for in a letter to Benzelius dated November 1740, Gram says he entrusted to Swedenborg a letter to Benzelius. On his way to Stockholm from Copenhagen, he undoubtedly visited his friend and brother-in-law Eric Benzelius, and it is from a letter written by the latter to his son Carl Jesper that we learn of his presence in Stockholm on October 25th (= N. S. Nov. 5th). This nephew, who in his later years bore a striking resemblance to his uncle Emanuel, Carl Jesper, a young man of 26 years, had just returned from a foreign tour and was soon to be Court Preacher in Stockholm.

"Visit your Uncle as often as is convenient and frequently,"

writes Eric Benzelius to his son, "but at hours which he

shall set for you, for he is not always at leisure, being

most economical of his time."

While Swedenborg is thus on his way home, let us take a glance over the reviews of his recently published Economy of the Animal Kingdom. Of course, these came to his notice at various later times, but to give a picture of the scientific world of thought in which Swedenborg was living, it will be best to present them now.

The earliest was a short review of volume I which appeared in the Neue Zeitungen von Gelehrten Sachen for August 1740, where the reviewer estimates Swedenborg's psychology in the following words:

"In the appended Introduction to Psychology, the anonymous

author shows himself not satisfied either with the

philosophical system of Physical Influx or with Occasional

Causes or with Preestablished harmony, but makes for himself

a new system which he calls Coestablished Harmony. The

system seems somewhat medical, and so far as we have been

able to see, it consists in this, namely, that all things

proceed in certain series from the highest to the lowest and

according to certain degrees from the most perfect to the

most imperfect, and that, at the same time, they are all in

harmony one with another and the one is determined by the

other." (Np. 1930 April p. 202)

A more ambitious review appeared in June 174, in the Zuverlssige Nachrichten, the learned successor of the Deutsche Acta Eruditorum:

"For this volume," says the Reviewer, Awe have to thank

the industry of the famous Swedish Philosopher, Herr

Swedenborg. Although he does not wish to set his name to the

work, nevertheless, by other works he has already earned such

a reputation for learning, and has made his ideas on

philosophy so well known that, from the nature of the work

itself, one can easily guess its author. His purpose in this

work is a commendable one, namely, to lay before the eyes of

the student of natural science, assembled in a single work,

the most noteworthy and excellent new discoveries and

observations of what is new in respect to the structure of

the human body, and the manifold composition of its parts -

discoveries and observations which are scattered about in

many different books to which not every one can obtain

access, or here and there in learned journals. The store of

such observations which we now possess is uncountable; but

they are not all of equal worth, and many of them are of no

service whatever in bringing out that solid system of medical

art which has been so long desired and so long sought for.

Moreover, it is only a few who posses these riches and are

thus in a position to give a helping hand by the careful

selection and wise choice of such things as shall be useful

for the advancement of medical science; and still fewer have

the necessary experience and insight to make such choice

according to their desire. Bearing these considerations in

mind, one can easily see that one is under great obligations

to the famous author for

593

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 594

[1740
October

the work he has done, than would be the case if one should

rashly imagine that this work were a mere compilation of

things which one already finds in other books. The learned

Herr Swedenborg has not let the matter rest at a number of

experiments and experiences, told in a dry way; but he makes

genuine use of these, and imparts a wealth of instruction

concerning the noble truths which follow from them. He does

indeed frequently present these as nothing more than

conjectures; but to the learned reader, it is well known how

great a distinction must be made between the opinions of the

ordinary physician and the opinions - which, from modesty,

they call conjectural - of men who are solidly experienced in

the structure of the human body." (NP 1930:204)

Reviewing Swedenborg's Introduction, the reviewer expatiates on Swedenborg's statement that he had laid aside the scalpel:

"He made the resolution," says the reviewer, "to leave

untouched the stock of costly instruments which he had

procured for this purpose." He continues: "Since in this

work the author now intends to present an entirely new system

of philosophy, therefore, before speaking of the matters

contained therein, we consider ourselves bound to impart some

further information with respect to his opinion as to how he

would have this system ordered. Because he speaks everywhere

of manifold species, we ourselves found it very hard to

obtain an insight into his thoughts, until in the last

chapter of this first Part, we came across some further

explanation. This we will impart to the reader at once,

before proceeding further." (Ibid., 206)

The reviewer then quotes the headings of Swedenborg's chapter on Psychology, in the course of which he adds one or two comments by way of footnotes. Of Swedenborg's statement that "each single thing is a particular series," he notes:

"Herr Privy Councillor Wolff has made use of these series,

especially in his so-called Metaphysics; but his conception

was not so much that each thing is a definite series in the

world, but rather that all on single things are taken as

members of particular series. The author, on the other hand,

makes a particular series out of each member. Experience

must decide whether, with this conception, he will accomplish

the great things in natural philosophy which he designs."

(Ibid. 208 n. 3)

With respect to Swedenborg's universal mathesis comes the following note:

"The author here appeals to the great philosopher Herr Wolff,

who likewise hoped that keen minds would undertake the

working out of a science wherein should be contained the

general principles of the knowledge of all finite things; a

science which not only would be of good service in

mathematics but could likewise be used in many ways by

philosophers. So far as we can see, however, the science

proposed by Herr Wolff is far from being the same as that

which is desired by the author. At least, Herr Wolff, unlike

the author, does not give it as a key to open all the

mysteries of the many movements of the body in nature"

(Ibid. 212n)

The reviewer then sums up his survey of Swedenborg's Psychology by saying:

"We justly hesitate to enter into the far-reaching deductions

which he bring sup for this purpose; and so can give our

readers no further information than that he utterly rejects

both the Cartesian doctrine concerning causes which afford to

the motions of the body merely an occasion, and also the

doctrine of preestablished harmony; and in their place he

would introduce a doctrine which he calls Coestablished

Harmony." (Ibid.)

594

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 595

[1740
October

"His manner of writing, "continues the reviewer,

"concerning this his new discovery, is so obscure that we

cannot get at any of his thoughts except with trouble; nor

have we any confidence in our ability to make them so clear

to another that he might be helped by our information.

Moreover, we entertain the hope that it will not be a

hardship to our reader if, for a few pages, we detain him

with a presentation of these profound principles of natural

philosophy, so far removed from the senses, as the author has

framed them." (NP 1930:213)

Then follows a detailed capitulation of the contents of the first part of the work.

The third review appeared in the French journal Bibliothque Raisonne for Oct.-Dec. 1741, and is equally long as the preceding but, on the other hand, it is a review rather than a recapitulation, and is written in a lively and readable style:

"There are so many works on the matters treated of in

this volume," says the reviewer, "that I am not surprised

that the Bookseller, ignorant of its value, did not want to

risk printing it at his own expense. Most doctors and, above

all, most professors in any of the Faculties, would think

their reputation to be injured if they did not offer their

lessons or the fruit of their studies to the public. They

would think themselves to have assigned over-narrow limits to

their glory, did they not transmit that glory to posterity in

the form of the public monuments they erect to it.

"The book, the title of which I have just given,

certainly deserves to be read. I do not know whether or not

the anonymous author is one of these disinterested men who

toil and sweet, only to communicate to others the fruit of

their labors. May I be permitted, however, to remind the

reader of the incontestable truth, which concerns medicine

equally as theology, that the more we study this mysterious

science, the more we speak of it and write about it, the less

clearly do we understand it. (Ibid. 219)

"The work before us, however, is as good as all others

of this kind, though it contains only a theoretical knowledge

of the principles of life and health." (Ibid. 220)

On Swedenborg's teaching that in the lungs the blood enriches itself from the air, the reviewer says:

"It seems to me that all the physicists will not admit

this principle. No one doubts that the air is the reservoir

of the corpuscles which become detained from all bodies, both

the harmful and poisonous, and the harmless and salutary.

But no one will admit that the animal seeks to appropriate

the one kind or the other indifferently. Such is not the

purpose of Nature. Nature has an unconquerable inclination

to remove from herself all that may destroy her. Now the

atmosphere is only too often impregnated with arsenical,

acrid, poisonous and harmful corpuscles; and these little

bodies are certainly not fit to enrich Nature; they can but

make her the poorer. If the blood, therefore, presents

itself to this unhealthy air, it is not for the purpose of

drawing from it, nor of receiving what it contains; but,

being forced by the inviolable rules of mechanics to present

itself to the air, it is unfortunately so exposed to

appropriate from it that which impoverishes as well as that

which may enrich it. Hence the common contagions - epidemic

diseases, which, making the blood too thin or too thick,

destroy the animal of which it is the soul and motory. I

ascribe this inaccuracy on the author's part, however, to his

undoubted purpose of avoiding prolixity; though,

595

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 596

[1740
October

writing many lines to express truth would not be prolixity,

and expressing error in two words is already too much

prolixity." (NP 1930:220-21)

The reviewer is pleased with Swedenborg's treatment of the circulation of the blood, which he deems to be

"made with as much method as eloquence"; and he considers his

conclusions "just and generally acceptable." (Ibid. p. 225)

As to what Swedenborg says of the circulation of the pure and white blood, he says:

"His reasonings are in harmony with the mechanism accepted by

the learned. No new discovery is found here which can

derogate from the opinions established in the faculties and

in the writings of individual doctors." (Ibid. p. 228)

On Swedenborg's doctrine of the spirituous fluid as the only living thing in the body, and of the causes of the motions of the heart, the reviewer speaks with high praise, saying:

"The rational arguments which this author makes in treating

of these matters are as solid as they are profound. Here one

finds the doctrine of the Ancients united with that of the

Moderns. The experiences of the one and of the other are set

forth to be seen at a single glance. All that is said in

this work, and all that is cited, is said and cited with much

discernment. Good taste is evidenced throughout. Nothing is

clearer, nothing more familiar, than the author's

expressions. The experiments he relates are as convincing as

though they concerned a mechanism which could be seen and

judged by the eyes." (Ibid. p. 230).

The reviewer turns then to the last chapter of the work, "Rational Psychology or the Nature and Essence of the Soul." Of this he says:

"The author's efforts would be worthy of praise, and his

memory precious to posterity, if he could bring some feeble

ray of light on so obscure a chaos, which none has thus far

been able to unfold. But the darkness is too great for us to

expect to see it dissipated. One may say that this

phenomenon is carried on in an inaccessible place, and that

he would insist on penetrating thither would thereby risk

being dazzled and even losing his sight.

"Our anonymous author is, however, worthy of praise for

having dared to open for himself a career so extraordinary.

In magnis tentasse sat est. He submits that to attain to so

elevated an object, even though it is within ourselves, we

must mount up to it by the same steps or degrees as Nature

uses in the production of her effects. It is for this reason

that he here undertakes to explain that doctrine of series

and degrees which he mentioned in the preceding paragraphs.

He speaks rightly; for the human mind that busies itself in

the research of causes by the analysis of their effects, can

never find these save in the subordination of things And in

the arrangement of these subordinates. Therefore, the influx

of he soul into the operations of the body can be explained

only the doctrine of Physical Action or of Occasional Causes;

and if these two means do not succeed, a third offers itself

of which one must needs make use, namely, the harmony of all

the organs and of all the parts of the human body. A fine

subject of contemplation for those speculative minds which

live on ideas; but very wearisome for those which yield only

to evidence." (Ibid p. 231)

596

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 597

[1740
October

Finally, the review concludes with the observation that

"this work is as singular in its synthesis as it is in the

analysis it makes of the noble and essential parts of the

human body. The authors quoted are weighty and respectable;

the experiments set forth have a verisimilitude and perhaps a

character of truth that satisfies the mind; the rhetoric and

style of the author cannot but please the judicious and men

of good taste, who love the solidity of the subject and the

purity, the clearness and the beauty of the diction."

(NP 1930:232)

The last review of volume I of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom is also a length one and appeared in the Nova Acta Eruditorum for November 1742, but it is little more than a very excellent summary of the work, for the most part in the author's own words. The reviewer, however, expresses appreciation of the work in his opening words:

"We are in the possession of a great accumulation of physical

observations," he says; "but those who use them rightly for

the confirmation and amplification of natural philosophy and

a true theory of medicine, have been few in number."

(Ibid. Oct. p. 269)

Paying tribute to the author, the reviewer continues:

"In like manner as the illustrious Swedenborg, who according

to common report must be accounted as the author of this

book, has already acquired a great name for himself by other

works - works which are remarkable monuments of his genius -

so the present specimen of the new work, which we now have

before us, abundantly declares the breadth of his doctrine,

the great keenness of his genius, the admirable force of his

judgment, and his exquisite ability in perceiving the

connection of things abstracted from the senses, besides

other gifts." (Ibid. pp. 269-70)

The reviewer apparently did not know of the second edition of the Economy which had been published in the beginning of 1742, and which gave the name of the author.

Volume II of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom was briefly noted in the Neue Zeitungen von Celehrten Sachen for February 6, 1741, but the first serious review of the work appeared in the Zuverlssige Nachrichten for August of the same year. Despite the anonymity of the work, the author's name is evidently well known, for the reviewer commences:

"The contribution made by Herr Swedenborg in the first part

of this work, to a greater knowledge of the structure of the

human body and of the connection of its members one with

another, has been so well received by those skilled in this

subject that he has been encouraged to give the press this

second Part."

From this Part, continues the reviewer, "one can clearly

gather how that the author has intended to set on a firmer

and better foundation that science of medicine which, in

northern lands and in a large part of Germany, still stands

on its old basis; and to lay before the eyes of lovers of the

medical art who lack a good supply of foreign books, the gist

of the most important observations made by English, Dutch,

Italian and French authors, and their latest discoveries.

With many German and northern physicians, ignorance is still

so great that they readily agree with certain theologians

when the latter proclaimed it as a deadly sin in a man

because he represented the human body as a more machine, for

the calculation of which the same geometrical rules might be

used as in the case of ordinary machines. Such notions as

these are steadily combated in the present work, and it is

shown by clear truths which are of the utmost usefulness,

that much greater

597

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 598

[1740
October

evidence can be made in every branch of medical science if

one calls into aid the immutable laws of the lever, rather

than resorting to the dreams and surmises of the ordinary

physician. Herr Swedenborg has already brought out so many

proofs of his experience in all branches of the science of

mathematics, that one can have more confidence in the

mathematical principles of medical science which he employs,

then would be the case if other physicians, who have not the

least knowledge of the art of measuring, would desire to

persuade the world that they are guided by mathematical

methods.

"In addition to all this, the selected store of fine

experiences which is here brought together is of such a

nature that a keen intellect can use it as he desires, in

order to make still further advance; and from it he can

deduce and discover many weighty truths which the present

author may perhaps have overlooked." (NP 1931 Oct. p. 416)

The reviewer then gives an excellent summary of

Swedenborg's teachings, generally in Swedenborg's own

language (though only up to n. 300, being three-fourths of

the work). But his concluding remarks are sufficiently

eloquent as to his own comprehension of Swedenborg's

teachings:

"Here," he says, "a question will probably occur to the

reader, as to whether we ourselves understand that we have

been quoting from the author concerning the soul, and this in

his own words. We would be shameless, indeed, and the world

would have little faith in us, were we to answer Yes to this

question. It is certainly advisable that we present nothing

further from this work. Moreover, the appended elucidation

concerning the union between the body and the soul has cost

the author so many strange words in order to make himself

intelligible that if we desired to give any one any

comprehension of them we would be obliged to delay all too

long. And his whole treatment, not only of the human soul of

animals, is so constructed that, from the ideas presented,

one might easily surmise that he holds the rational soul to

be a material entity. To this the theologians will never

assent, and for this reason we justly hesitate to present

further quotations." (Ibid. pp. 429-30)

The Bibliothque Raisonne's review appeared a little later, namely, in the spring of 1742, and was based on the second edition of the work - the edition, namely, which give the name of the author. The review opens with the words:

"When the public, in a former issue of the Bibliothque

Raisonne, was given extracts from the first Transaction of

this work, the name of the author was unknown; the publisher

announced it as having been printed at the expense of the

author. But now that the author has thought proper to make

himself known, doubtless in order to reap the honor that his

erudition gives him, the publisher has adopted his work,

believing no doubt that the book is not unworthy a place in

his catalogue.

"However this may be, M. Swedenborg should not be

ashamed to have enriched the republic of letters with this

work on an abstruse matter which he treats with as much

delicacy as penetration. He sustains with honor the

reputation he acquired for himself among the learned by

several fine treatises which came from his pen.... These

works have merited the applause of all inquiring minds, and,

with the possible exception of the Latin style which is

somewhat harsh, nothing better has been published on these

interesting subjects. I doubt not but that the learned

writings which the author will unceasingly give

598

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 599

[1740
October

to the press will be received with no less favor.... The

republic of letters would be much more flourishing if all

writings strove to enrich it equally well."

(NP 1932: Apr.: 33-34)

The reviewer then deals mainly with Swedenborg's chapter on the Soul, of which, says the reviewer:

"he gives a knowledge so much the more clear and exact than

that given by the metaphysicians who have preceded him, in

that it is founded on reason and experience through physics

and anatomy." (Ibid. p. 35)

Later the reviewer says:

"Metaphysical as, in itself, this subject may be, he treats

it nevertheless in an order so clear that it can be

understood by the most ordinary mind." (Ibid. p. 37)

In regard to Swedenborg's doctrine of the spirituous fluid, which he presents in the author's own words, he says:

"This doctrine is confirmed by rational arguments fitted

to satisfy the most enlightened. There is indeed no doctrine

more interesting or more suited to calm the human mind, but

there is none that is more neglected, and this perhaps

because it requires the most serious application. But in

this work, the author, by reducing, so to speak, metaphysics

which is so insipid and abstract, to physics which is

sensible and pleasant, makes the study of the doctrine less

laborious." (Ibid. p. 38)

After noting Swedenborg's teaching as to the immortality of the soul or spirituous fluid, the reviewer concludes:

"This system runs violently counter to the opinion of

those who, believing the human soul to be mortal, think that

the mind alone is immortal. It also conflicts in no less

degree with the sentiments of those who will not grant that

matter thinks. Finally, the system utterly upsets the

obviously false opinion which refuses immortality to any part

of man whatsoever. But what man does not in his soul have a

feeling of immortality?.... At first view, this system is

revolting, but when one understands the strength of the

author's reasonings, it is sensible and acceptable. Abstract

as this subject may appear at first, it becomes palpable of

this philosophy. He leads the reader by the hand, as it

were, to the laboratory of nature and the sanctuary of

reason, and there he shows him these paradoxes unraveled and

clarified. He proceeds with such clearness from the inferior

to the superior, from the exterior to the interior, from the

streams to their source, in a word, he makes so many

combinations, that he comes finally to the knowledge of the

soul; and this it is which one calls proceeding methodically

and reasoning with justice." (Ibid. pp. 40-41)

The review in the Nova Acta Eruditorum appeared in the issue for July 1743. It is somewhat long but is no more than an abstract of the work itself.

That Swedenborg saw some, if not all, these reviews, is evident from the fact that he showed them to Prince Adolf Frederick in 1743 when he met that Prince in Hamburg (J. Of Dreams p. 6). He was by no means indifferent to the manner in which his writings were received. Moreover, we know that he read the reviews in the Bibliothque Raisonne, for the two volumes containing these reviews were in his library. Indeed, in a note written on the inside back cover of one of his MS. books, he says:

"Concerning the things that men write concerning

extensibility, simplicity, etc.; and they reason in front of

the threshold. From what is written in the Bibliothque

Raisonne" (A Phil. NB., p. 503)
- from which we conclude that Swedenborg did not have a very high opinion of the man who wrote the review in question.

599

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 600

[1740
October

When he returned to Stockholm in the autumn of 1740, Swedenborg found himself somewhat the richer from the sale of the stone house which had been owned by his father on Stor Torget in Upsala. Probably, this was a welcome fact to him in view of the expense not only of his journey and studies but also of his printing the two volumes of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom. This money was probably a surprise to Swedenborg as, to judge from a letter his brother Jesper wrote to Eric Benzelius as late as October 1740, he had not kept his family informed as to his whereabouts. Jesper writes: (ACSD 640)

"Whether brother Emanuel is living or dead, I know not."
And at the time this letter was written, Swedenborg was actually visiting his brother-in-law.

But when Swedenborg returned to Sweden, he had also a disappointment in that he found that his cousin, Colonel Petter Schönström, had not repaid his indebtedness contracted with Swedenborg in April 1736 just prior to the latter's departure for France. The total sum due was 9,615 dalers. This was to be repaid in the summer of 1738, and meanwhile interest at 6 per cent was to be paid, amounting to over 575 dalers annually (see above, p. 445). Accordingly, Swedenborg applied to Skinnskatteberg Court where Schönström's property lay, and on the 3rd of February 1741, the Court

"resolved that Schönström shall be ordered to attend the next

court day to tell what he has to say on this matter."
It seems that Schönström, being unable to pay, agreed in the following April to give a mortgage on his property for the total amount of indebtedness. At Swedenborg's request, such a mortgage was granted to Swedenborg by the Skinnskatteberg Court on September 16, 1741. (ACSD 647D1, 667N5)

Before taking up this matter, however, I would note the contents of a page which is included among the Notes on the Brain, and which throws an interesting side light on Swedenborg the traveler. It was perhaps written in connection with this moving that he entered the following note on a blank page in Codex 57: (Cod. 57:24b)

"In the trunk are traveling things.

Old clothes

Books

6 or 8 small bottles with medicine in a case

A little copper tea kettle, used

A teapot, a tea cup

A little pocket pistol, old."

This list is apparently a list of tings used on the journey, for Swedenborg naturally had other luggage. This is indicated by a line written on the same page but crossed off, which commences: "In 6 packets."

On his return to Stockholm, he doubtless returned to his former lodgings in the Rntmstare's house at Slussen, nos. 63A and - directly over - coffee shop. Here, according to Mr. F. G. Lindh, "he probably took over his relative Carl v. Linne's apartment." Perhaps, however, not before October 9th 1741, on which day he is excused from the Bergscollegium "on account of moving." (NKTid. 1921: 137; 1923: 134)

Having settled down, Swedenborg resumed his old duties at the Bergscollegium on Monday, November 3rd. He was now the second Assessor in rank.

Outside his regular duties, he was soon called upon by Doctor Nordberg to contribute to the latter's History of Carl XII. In 1716, Doctor Nordberg

600

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 601

[1741
January

had been Charles XII's Chaplain in Lund, and doubtless Swedenborg had met him on one of Swedenborg's visits to that city; at any rate, Nordberg must have known of Swedenborg's interview with Charles XII when they talked of a new system of numbering, and it was on this matter that he wished Swedenborg to write as a contribution to the History of Charles XII which Doctor Nordberg had been commissioned to write. Part I of this work appeared in November 1740, and Part II - pages 599-602 of which contained Swedenborg's contribution - in the following December. The contribution in question consisted of a detailed account of his conversations with Charles XII on a new system of numbering, of which conversations Swedenborg writes, "no other person can give so detailed an account" (see above p. 137 seq.). (Stock. Post Tidn. 1740 Nov. 17; Doc. 1:560).

Swedenborg had now acquired considerable European fame as a learned scientist, and it is not to be wondered at that shortly after his arrival home he was made a member of the Kungliga Vetenskaps Akademie. There had been some talk several years ago about establishing such an Academy, but nothing was done, and Swedenborg expressed some impatience at what he called "mere talk." Subsequently, in 1729, he became a member of the Upsala Literary and Scientific Society.

The Kungliga Vetenskaps Akademie had been founded in June 1739 while Swedenborg was in Holland, and met once or twice a week at the House of Nobles. On November 26th, Linnaeus, Swedenborg's relative, proposed Swedenborg for membership, and on December 10th he was unanimously elected (see above, p. 214). His first appearance at the meetings was not until January 8, 1741, as we read in the Minutes:

"The meeting was informed that Herr Assessor Swedenborg had

arrived and wished to take his seat as a sitting member;

whereupon, and after he had been brought in, he made a speech

which was answered orally by Herr Höpken."

(KVA. Prot. 1 pp. 282-85).

Swedenborg's speech was a written one, as he was not a ready speaker. It had first been written as a letter, and this identifies it as a document preserved in the Kungliga Vetenskapskademien's Arkiv which reads: (Stroh, E. S. p. 56)

"I have the honor to convey humble thanks for the kind and

unanimous favor mine Herrar have been pleased to confer upon

me in choosing me as a member in their learned Scientific

Society. On my part, I assure you, I will steadily use all

diligence and unsparing work in whatever can serve for the

advancement of the sciences; to which advancement, moreover,

each one ought to be pledged with a view to and treasuring of

that at which the sciences really aim and set before

themselves as their object, namely, by their means to forward

the best good of the community and the glory of the Most

High. For the attaining of which object, I should not

neglect to contribute for the Society's service, whatever I

can bring forth according to my small ability. Remaining

thus in this a sin all else, with all affectionate respect."

(LM. p. 487)

During 1741, Swedenborg attended the meetings of the Academy (all of which were held in a room on the second story of the Riddarhus) only rarely: On this birthday, January 29th, when he presented the Academy with a copy of his Oeconomia; twice in February, once in April, and once in July. In December, however, he presented to the Academy a copy of his Om Jordens och Planeternes Gang och Stand and of his Frslag til mynt och mtts Indelning. (KVA. Prot. 1:pp. 291, 364, 2:p. 6)

601

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 602

[1741

Swedenborg's entrance into the Vetenskapskademien was contemporaneous with a controversy he had with one of its eminent members, the learned Anders Celsius, Professor of Astronomy in Upsala. Although not yet forty years of age, Celsius had earned a European reputation and was already a member of the Royal Societies in Berlin, London and Bologna, besides being a fellow member with Swedenborg in the Upsala Scientific Society.

In May 1740, Prof. Celsius, who had already expressed himself as unfavorable to Swedenborg's Principia (see above, p. 418), read a paper before the Academy which was subsequently printed in the Academy Proceedings for April-June. (KVA. Prot. 1:p. 236:5)

Celsius opens his article by reciting that recent experiments

had shown that the variation in the declination of the needle

was greater than had formerly been thought. Swedenborg, in

his work on the Magnet [namely, in chapter XIV], had thrown

doubt on these experiments and thought their conclusions were

due to some error in observation. Celsius was therefore

moved to make an observation in Upsala, and to take every

precaution against the possibility of error. After

describing these precautions, Celsius shows that in 12 hours

the needle constantly varied, there being within 6 hours a

variation amounting to 27 degrees. As to whether temperature

had any effect on this variation, he would reserve for a

future experiment. (NP 1930 Jan. pp. 175 seq.)

In his work on the Magnet (in the Opera Phil. Et Mineralis), Swedenborg had been led by his theory confirmed by observed facts to postulate that the earth, besides having a north and south planetary pole, had also a north and south magnetic pole; that these poles were at some distance from the planetary poles; and that they were in a revolutionary motion from west to east. On the basis of observed declinations of the needle during long periods, he further concluded that the north magnetic pole made a complete revolution in 386 years, and the south pole in 1080 years, and thus that the diameter of the circular path of the magnetic pole was greater in the south than in the north (Magnet XV:6).

Basing himself on these principles, then by a series of twenty-eight mathematical operations, Swedenborg, in his 16th chapter proceeds to calculate the declination of the needle at Paris, London, etc., for certain years both past and future. In the case of the past years, he finds that the result of his calculations agree within a few minutes with actual observations; but, as ably shown by Prof. R. W. Brown, the calculations for the future are shown by actual observation to be progressively erroneous. (NP 1924: 307s.; see 1936:240) Swedenborg himself admitted this possibility when he wrote, before presenting his calculations:

"I have no reason to doubt but that experience also will add

its consent, seeing that the foundation of the calculation

rests both on theory and also on experience; nor am I so vain

as to dare to air theoretical calculations unless experience

is in harmony with them, and adds its consent. Unless the

latter shed light on theory, theory will only produce

blindness and draw one into errors of the most diverse sort."

(Prin. II; xxiii)

We may add that Swedenborg was among the first, if not the first, to discover the true magnetic poles, and was undoubtedly the first to discover the motion of these poles, which now is universally admitted. In Swedenborg's day, these poles were unknown, as indeed is suggested by Celsius, as will be seen presently. They and their motion are now fully recognized, though whether this motion forms a revolution or is of some other nature cannot be determined ex posteriori since observations would be required covering many hundreds of years.

602

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 603

[1741
January

In August 1740, Celsius, in fulfillment of his promise, submitted to the Academy a second paper which later was printed in the Academy's Handlingar for 1740 July-Sept. (KVA. Prot. 1:253.2)

In this paper, after speaking of the need navigators have of

possessing accurate knowledge of the variations in the

declination of the needle, Celsius says (evidently referring

to Swedenborg):

"One can well imagine that philosophers, who are usually

impatient of waiting for a long extended experience, have

already offered to explain the cause of these marvelous

properties of the magnetic needle. And the most probable

guesses on this subject amount to this, namely, that they

represent our globe as a great magnet, having its two poles

[Celsius means the magnetic poles], one in the north and the

other in the south, which move very slowly around the earth's

true axillary poles, at a certain distance, and so cause the

difference in the direction of the magnetic needle."

Experiments do not as yet suffice, continues Celsius, to

enable the situation of these magnetic poles to be fixed

geometrically, and this can only be done by experiments,

carried on at different places. He himself, therefore,

determined with the utmost care the declination of the needle

at Upsala, and found it to be 8 degrees 49" westerly.

Turning then to Swedenborg's Principia, he observes that there Swedenborg

"has shown how one can find a priori the declination of the

needle for any given place."

Accordingly, Celsius had his Assistant Professor Magister

Hiorter calculate the present declination of the needle at

Upsala a priori by using the 28 mathematical operations used

by Swedenborg. The result was 17 degrees 2-1/2", being an

error, as shown by the actual observation, of 8 degrees 13-

1/2". Hiorter made a similar calculation for Torne in April

1736, which showed an error of 7 degrees 17" as compared with

the actual observation made by Celsius, when as a member of

the French Royal Commission headed by Maupertius and

appointed at Celsius's own suggestion, he had visited Torne

to determine the question of the earth's figure at the poles.

(Np. 1930: pp. 178s., 180)

It was after the appearance of these two papers by Celsius that Swedenborg returned to Stockholm and was introduced as a member into the Kungliga Vetenskaps-Societet. As already noted, Swedenborg took his seat on January 8, 1741, and it appears to be immediately after this meeting that Swedenborg prepared an answer to Celsius. This was read before the Academy at its next meeting, January 14th, which Swedenborg did not attend. It is somewhat surprising that it was not published in the Academy's Proceedings, for which apparently it was written.

Swedenborg's reply is headed:

"A Calculation of the Declination of the Magnet for the

Meridian of Upsala; and what use such a Calculation can

contribute to the Discovery of the East and West Longitude."

"It seems generally known that the old learned world was

unable to bring the knowledge of nature to such a height as

the later world, especially in the century just past and that

now present. For without the help of experiment and

investigation, the former world must needs hunt thoughts out

of themselves, or get their science out of their own brain,

when, without the guidance or leading of visible signs, they

must necessarily have been misled. Yet, through their deep

mindedness they have encouraged their succeeding world more

closely to make piercing search, and from effects to prove

how far and when their discoveries agree with nature's own

discoveries and its rules.

603

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 604

[1741
January

"The way to learn that which both shows and conceals itself

in nature is two-handed, to wit, a priori, likewise called

the via synthetica, and a posteriori, being the via

analytica. Both ways are necessary in reflecting on and

unravelling one and the same thing; for to this end is

demanded both light a priori and experience a posteriori.

Now, as the former learned world followed this light to the

height and the depth that was possible to them, so the later

world has found reason to give their seal to nothing which

experience did not likewise confirm. For some of the moderns

are confirmed in letting thoughts rest, and making

investigation by means of the service of the outward mind,

though ever with the design and intention that experience may

at some time be knitted in with theory; for an experiment

without a resultant gain of insight into matters is a mere

piece of knowledge without learning, and a ground without a

building. The experience of the outward mind informs and

instructs us only as to what the understanding ought to

search into and judge, this being the chief property of an

intelligent men, whose capacity above the soulless fool

consists in the improving of his understanding led by

experience.

"For the attainment of this noble object, learned men of

letters in these later times have assembled and laid together

a treasury of investigation so exuberant and priceless that

one seems to be in a position soon to go forward and bring

out the concealed properties of nature ex posteriori or by

the analytical method, and thus to meet our learned

forefathers who betook themselves thither a priori; and with

their help to climb to a higher Parnassus than was possible

to them in their time.

"Two objections are usually cast in the way. The first

is that one has not as yet a sufficient store of experience,

one requiring many hundreds of years hence for the foundation

and assemblage wherewith the building is to be erected; nay,

some go even so far that they find it premature even for our

successors to raise up the foundation. But in itself, this

is a pretext to escape the deep and laborious reflections

which the great weight of the matter demands. For to carry

oneself to the height where theory is, that is to say, above

probability, to where pure truths meet, then must be taken

for help and advancement, all that has hitherto been

discovered in nature. This I call general experience. For

every single thing has a common bond with every other, so

that without the aid of all one gains little knowledge of any

single one, there being equally a bond between all the

phenomena of nature as there is between all the sciences.

Thus, if one is lacking, then a link is lacking from the

chain. But for this work is required a singular bent,

inclination, attention, coordination and time, for at this

time such things do not flow in of themselves, nor without a

separation from that which brings enjoyment and pleasure to

the outward mind. They who have not this ability and

inclination, nevertheless do the public such good service as

to investigate the treasure chamber of experience which will

never be filled even to the last time of the world; for

nature is an ocean without bottom. Without their help,

foundation laying and acquisition, the understanding can

climb no height within its own sphere.

"The second objection is that there is doubt concerning

the advantage and use that theory can contribute as against

experience. For the resolution of this doubt, a single

example shall make the matter clear. To wit, if the true

cause of the magnet's attractive force, declination and

inclination were so brought to light that one could construct

correct ophemerides or make maps in respect to its

variations, then to the eternal

604

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 605

[1740
January

advantage of navigation, geology and geography, one would

have found that longitudinal of places which is so desired

and sought after. Then also would disappear the

controversies and doubts one has concerning the inconstancy

in the progress and advancement of he declination, etc.,

which unnecessarily burden the researches of the learned, and

hinder its progress. So also is it in all else. Merely to

seek and search after what reveals itself outwardly in

nature, and also to have the ability to know it, may be

likened to a man who, in a valley, fumbles and searches among

bushes, trees, and stones, which are in the way, and reaches

out to his true home place, as compared with one who has come

to a high tower from which the whole wide territory with its

angles and corners and many trips can be discovered at a

single eye glance.

"And now, since I find in our Scientific Academy's

Proceedings, August and September 1740, page 384, that Prof.

Anders Celsius has been pleased to take on himself the

trouble to compare my calculation of the declination of the

magnet with an exact observation of his own, made in Upsala

on the 28th July 1740, I therefore convey to him a gratitude

that is due him for a service actually shown; for if a

calculation founded on theory is to stand, it must be proved

by observation. But I wish first to have the honor to relate

that in my philosophical and physical work ... I put forward

in my calculation no other declinations than some few to the

meridian of London, and a number to the meridian of Paris,

besides one or two to the meridian in Rome, Uranienberg, the

Cape of Good Hope, but not a single one for the latitude and

longitude of Upsala. Therefore the Herr Professor requested

Magister Hjorter to make the calculation for the above named

place and time according to my published method. This came

to 17 degrees 2-1/2" minutes, while observation shows it to

be only 8 degrees 49" minutes. Thus the calculation is in an

error of 8 degrees 13-1/2". But, in order to bring to light

who it is to whom this error must be ascribed, I am compelled

to append my own calculation is in an error of 8 degrees 13-

1/2". But, in order to bring to light who it is to whom this

error must be ascribed, I am compelled to append my own

calculation, in which I must necessarily make use of the same

Latin phrases I used throughout in my former work, to the end

that it may be seen at a glance that I have not departed a

hair's breadth from my former series of calculation and the

rules there established."

Then follows Swedenborg's own calculation of the declination

at Upsala, using his 28 mathematical processes. The result

is that the declination at Upsala for the time given by

Celsius in his experiment, comes to 8 degrees 52", being a

difference, as compared with Celsius's actual observation, of

3".

It would be beyond our purpose to go into the details of Hjorter's and Swedenborg's calculations. It will be enough to state:

1. That Hjorter's calculations contain some mathematical

errors.

2. That Swedenborg accepted the actual observation as the

criterion of any and every theory; and

3. That his theoretical declination according to his own

calculation differed but slightly from the observation

actually made by Celsius.

In any case, Swedenborg's a priori conclusions as to the declination of the magnet in future years have been shown to be erroneous to the extent of about fifty degrees by actual experience. Thus, there was something wrong in Swedenborg's conclusions (though not with his basic theory), and manifestly so, since these conclusions were based on observations within far too limited a space of time. It is all the more to be wondered at that, even with his insufficient evidence, he yet could propound the doctrine of magnetic poles and the procession

605

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 606

[1740
January

of these poles. To claim infallibility for Swedenborg's conclusions would be presumptuous; moreover, it would militate against the spirit of investigation which Swedenborg so strongly championed. Swedenborg's claim to greatness lies not in any infallibility of his conclusions but in the truth of the fundamental principles which he enunciated as the result of profound reflection on a multitude of hardly earned facts. He saw the essential thing as to the magnetic pole and its procession, and his other errors are plainly due to a lack of sufficient evidence. (KVA. Prot. 2:p. 123)

For the rest, Swedenborg cannot accept the daily variation in the declination (as much as 27" in six hours) shown in Celsius's table. If such variations were actual, there could be no safe guidance for navigators. He therefore suggests that those recorded by Celsius were due to extraneous causes.

"For if the least breadth of iron should be brought in by the

air or wind, it would go without hindrance through the glass,

yea, through metals, gold, silver, water and fire, according

to many tried experiments, and cause a variation of from 30

to 40 minutes, and especially upon a compass whose graduated

circle is small, and the needle set somewhat high above it.

The same thing can be concluded from the fact that for the

most part, all observations made by a single compass at many

places or with many compasses at the same place are wont to

show considerable differences; from which one has had

occasion to turn the fault away from himself to the

unsteadiness of the declinations themselves in one and the

same place and at one and the same time."

Celsius's answer was given to the Academy at its meeting on January 23rd, and was handed to Swedenborg when he attended the meeting on the following Thursday. He returned the MS. in a couple of days when it was referred to the Mathematical Committee. This is the last we hear of the matter so far as the Minutes of the Academy are concerned. (Ibid. 1:pp. 289, 291, 292)

In his reply, Celsius says that he had examined both Hiorter's and Swedenborg's calculations of the decline of the magnet according to the latter's rules, and while he found Hiorter's correct, he discovered several errors in Swedenborg's. He encloses the mathematical documents

"from which," he says, "the Vetenskapskademien can clearly

see that the difference which I brought out consists not in

any error on the part of Magister Hiorter but in the theory

itself, which seems the less remarkable since Herr Assessor

Swedenborg could not yet present sufficient investigations

made with all possible exactness as to the declination of the

needle and its inclination around the whole globe, to enable

him to be in a position to construct so complete a theory

which would not need to be improved in accordance with later

observations." (Np. 1930:Jan.:182)

With regard to Swedenborg's statement that the hourly changes in the declination must be due to some extraneous cause, Celsius notes that the presence of iron in window frames, etc., and other such causes, being constant during the observation could not produce variations, and that it would not have been caused by a draught of air since the instrument was enclosed in glass.

"From this," he continues, "it would seem possible exactly to

conclude that this hourly change in the needle does not

depend on any error in the observations, however some certain

supposed hypothesis may demand this, but that its cause is

still unknown." (Ibid. p. 184)

606

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 607

[1741
February

We may add that the cause is still unknown except that it consists in what are called electrical disturbances - which, I suppose, Swedenborg would have classed with his "breath of iron," to which Celsius in his answer does not refer.

The controversy comes to an end with Swedenborg's answer of February 1st. Here he explains his calculations; but he admits some errors, one of which was due to a misprint in Vlac's Printed Tables. Of the rest of Celsius's observations, he says,
"they are of so little value that they do not deserve an answer."

In the main, Hoirter, despite some errors (which Swedenborg did not fail to see 'at first examination"), was correct in his calculations. The truth was that Swedenborg's mind was no longer active on this subject, his interest now being wholly centered in the consideration of the human soul and body. (Doc. I:p. 585)

Before leaving this subject, I may quote the words of Professor V. Carlheim-Gyllenskld who digests the whole controversy for the Kongliga Vetenskapsakademien:

"Despite its lack," he says, Aone must give acknowledgment to

Swedenborg for the great investigation which he made to

create a general theory of magnetism.... For the rest,

Swedenborg did not possess the strict logic in his

mathematical thinking which was demanded and which matches

the great mathematicians of his time, Euler, Newton,

Huyghens.... We now know through later investigations that

the changing of the earth's magnetic axis which Swedenborg

and many others thought they could calculate, does not depend

on the change of the magnetic axis itself but is an effect of

terms of a higher order, which in high degree complicate the

phenomenon." (KVA Prot. 2:125)

We turn now to Swedenborg's work in the political field.

As a member of the House of Nobles, Swedenborg occasionally attended the debates which took place in this the most important of the four Estates, but to judge from his attendance, his interest does not seem to have been very great, or perhaps we should say, he felt that in the heated state of politics, nothing was to be done. The political state of Sweden had vastly changed since the last Diet Swedenborg had attended, namely, in 1734 (see above, p. 430), though even then the Chauvenistic Party was beginning to show its strength.

At the Diet of 1738, the forces for an alliance with

France and the receiving of subsidies with a view to war

against Russia and the recovery of the lost Provinces, came

into the ascendency. Their greatest opponent, the respected

Arvid Horn, was now an old man and was not in good health.

Bribery and every kind of propaganda in the way of pamphlets

were used to represent his policy as pusillanimous.

Political clubs were rampant, and many of the poorer nobles

in the House of Nobles were glad of the opportunity of

receiving bribes in return for their votes. It was at this

time that the name Hats and Caps was given to the two

opposing parties. It is said that the King had at one time,

when annoyed at Horn's opposition to his plans, called Horn

and his followers "night Caps." This soon came to the ears

of the brothers Gyllenborg who were the leaders of Horn's

opponents, and was taken up as expressive of the "cautious

and unmanly attitude of Horn's party toward Russia. The

French party, by contrast, called themselves the Hats, the

hat being the sign of a free

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 608

[1741

man. The Secret Committee was in the possession of the Hats;

it dared not openly attack Horn, but when the latter resigned

at the end of the 1738 Diet, they were relieved of their only

great restraint. Then commenced that policy which soon

proved so disastrous to Sweden now, under Horn's wise

guidance, almost fully recovered from the terrible effects of

Charles XII's wars. The Secret Committee immediately took

all the reins of government into their own hands, ignoring

both the King and his Council and the Estates. By political

maneuvering it now forced Horn's friends out of the Council

or to inactivity within it. Against the constitution they

took over the government and bent all their efforts to an

alliance with France and Turkey (then at war with Russia and

Australia) and an attack on Russia. Against every right

granted by the constitution, they appointed a "most Secret

Committee" of seven men who were practically independent of

all legal restraints. In their eagerness for war with

Russia, they had over dispatched soldiers to Finland in 1739,

without any legal authority. Their cause was greatly aided

when, in June 1739, Malcolm Sinclair, their special

Ambassador to Turkey, was murdered by Russian agents while on

his way home. The whole atmosphere of Stockholm was

electrified by the news, and the Chauvinistic spirit grew

beyond bound. Talk of avenging the blood of Abel, of

recovering the lost Provinces, even of demanding St.

Petersburg itself was rife. (Montelius V:p. 89)

The projected war with Russia was delayed, however,

because Austria had made peace with Turkey, and French plans

had turned against subsidizing Sweden as a tool to be used in

fighting Russia. The Secret Committee was in trouble, and

this the more since it found it difficult to feed the troops

dispatched to Finland on its own authority. The Committee

then resolved to convene a special Diet for the end of 1740.

It was this Diet that Swedenborg occasionally attended.

Indeed, he seems to have been a member of the Urskillnings

Deputation - the Committee that decided on the memorials,

etc., that were to be brought before the House of Nobles.

It appears that Swedenborg attended the Diet eleven or twelve times during the whole of the Diet's duration from October 1740 to August 22, 1741, though he did not commence his attendance until January 1741, and therefore was not present with Gref Lewenhaupt, the leader of the Hats, was elected Landmarshal almost unanimously. It is not possible to tell from the subjects discussed on the days when he was present, what, if any, was his special interest in attending., though we may mention that he was present on August 17th when a vain attempt was made to revive the work on the Gteborg Canal. On one occasion when he was present, a spirited fight was conducted by the minority against the despotic power of the most Secret Committee, the real issue being against the ill-considered but powerful drift toward war with Russia. There can be no doubt as to what Swedenborg's attitude was in this question, he being a supporter of Horn's policy and so, for the time at least, a "cap." (Sv. R. o. Ad. R-P Feb. 19; 12:p. 144)

On another occasion, the House discussed a proposition to forward the cultivation of the land. Those who had reclaimed useless land or improved their farms were to be given the assurance that they would freely enjoy the fruit of their labor without being disheartened by the imposition of new taxes and tithes because of their industry. (Ibid. Feb. 7:p. 118)

On still another occasion, the House considered the provision of funds for sending Linnaeus to various places in Sweden for scientific investigations; and on yet another, College of Mines matters came up. (Ibid. Mar. 12:209, July 30:512)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 609

[1741

Before passing on to Swedenborg's literary work, we may now consider his work in the College of Mines.

That College was a vastly important institution, having the

control of the most valuable of Sweden's industries, mining

and forging. To the Bergscollegium belonged the regulations,

the permits, the leases, etc., connected with the working of

the mines; the settling of disputes arising under the royal

ordinances; and the nominations to hundreds of offices. The

College combined the duties of a technician, a governor and a

judge, and naturally was a well manned organization, from its

president to its copyists, its servants and its watchmen.

Next to the President - who was always a nobleman - came two

Counsellors and five "Assessors." Swedenborg, who, as the

second Assessor in rank, held a place of high responsibility,

attended the meetings of the Bergscollegium with great

regularity. To obtain some idea of his work at this time, I

shall review some of the cases that came before the College.

In May 1741, the Mining Commission of the Diet referred

to the College a Memorial by some mine owners asking the

clear definition of an ordinance respecting a forger who left

an employer while owing him money. According to the

ordinance, the forger's new employer was liable for the debt,

and the question arose whether the same responsibility rested

on the third, fourth and later employers. Swedenborg

expressed himself on this question in some detail:

"In the mining district, when a forger changes masters,

it has been the general custom that the second master pays to

the first 400 dal.K.mt. , and then 100 dal. A year ... and

so, if the forger later goes to service with a third master

and a fourth. Here, however, the question is not what has

been customary but what is more reasonable and just and more

useful for the mining district, to wit, whether the first

master should look only to the second as his surety ... or

whether he is to seek his due from each master in turn. The

former position is that of the memorialist, and is in

agreement with the thoughts of the Assessors [who had already

expressed themselves]. I also find this to be best, because

whenever, by death or by other causes, it happens that the

forge owner must procure a new smith that his work may not

stop, he is obliged to get one who is free and is indebted to

his first master to the ext of from 2 to 4,000 dalers. In

the following year, when he as the opportunity of getting a

better one, he dismisses this smith. In such a case, I do

not find it reasonable that he who unfortunately had come

upon such a smith should be responsible to the first master

for all his debts, howsoever many times the smith has changed

masters. This would be a burden and misfortune for the

master who first took the dismissed smith, and a greater

burden if he did it several times and did the same with many

smiths. On the other hand, it would be a great advantage and

a piece of good fortune for the first master who, it may be,

would be willing that the smith enters into considerable

debt. For example, if the same smith came into the service

of a third mater a hundred miles distant ... the last master

who unfortunately had previously employed him perhaps for a

year, will be at trouble for twenty years or more in

correspondence, law processes, seeking from executors, and

obtaining cash payment for the first master; and at the same

time, he would be equally liable as though he had gone surety

for a great smith-debt just as the preceding master - which

were against all reason. And if the same smith later came

into the service of ten to twenty miners, then he must

proceed against them all. Not to speak of many

unpleasantnesses they would unavoidably take on themselves if

a forging debt, which, for

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 610

[1741

the most part, is reckoned as lost, should be recoverable

from his neighbor without further trouble, if only by some

plot he can induce the smith into that neighbor's service for

one or two years. Then no one would be very willing to

employ such a debt-bound smith, however clever he may be, but

will let him go without work rather than take on such a

burden."

For these and other reasons, Swedenborg therefore agreed with

the Memorialist. But, he added, if it should be found that a

smith was enticed away from a master, in such case it seems

reasonable that the new master shall satisfy the first

master. But inasmuch as this is not so easy of proof, it

would be best that one law be made in this matter without

exception.

This was agreed to by the whole College.

Another discussion involved the interpretation of a

Royal Ordinance for forbidding the Stora Kopparberg under

fine to mine iron. Two of the Assessors though that the fine

was for the purpose of protecting the city iron exporters;

another thought that it was for the saving of the woods, but

Swedenborg thought it was A judicial case came before the

Bergscollegium in August 1741. A few days previously, a

dealer in old iron had noticed on the street some iron bars

belonging to a merchant Theel, which to him did not seem to

be up to the standard required by law. He therefore

confiscated them and put the matter into the hands of the

Attorney for the Bergscollegium. Theel and his accuser were

accordingly called before the Bergscollegium. The former

stated that if any defect should be found in the iron, it was

not he who was responsible but the forger, "it being very

hard to get capable forgers" in the place where the iron had

been made. The College then appointed Swedenborg and

Valerius to test the iron in question. A few days later they

sent in their report. Most of the iron had already been sold

to two dealers, who in time had sold it for export.

Swedenborg and Valerius visited the two dealers and took

samples of what remained unsold, and on the basis of these

samples they declared that most of the bars were badly

forged.

Swedenborg's position concerning the state control of

manufactures is shown in his opinion given in October 1741,

concerning an application to establish a furnace near Nystad,

Finland. Swedenborg was opposed to permitting this except on

the condition that the furnace used charcoal derived from its

own woods; otherwise, the woods belonging to the peasants

around Nystad would be used, and this would be to the

detriment of the great trade in wooden wares which was

carried on between Nystad and Stockholm. (ACSD 667 p)

A similar case illustrating the value of the privileges

dependent on the will of the Bergscollegium came up in April

1743. A forge where anchors were made had many years

previously been privileged to forge also bar iron up to a

certain fixed quantity, since the anchor forging by itself

did not pay. In view of the decreased demand for anchors,

the forge now prayed for an increase in the amount of bar

iron it could forge (ACSD 697i)

In his opinion on this case, Swedenborg pointed out that

he large stock of anchors, the small scale, and the necessity

of supporting the workmen made the manufacture of bar iron

absolutely necessary if the anchor forging was to be

maintained. Although the yearly charcoal

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 611

[1741

allowance for this forge had been cut to less than one-half,

yet last August, after all permitted forging had been

completed, there remained a very considerable quantity of

charcoal unused. Consequently, the peasant were complaining

that they could not sell their charcoal, and the owner, that

he had to support workmen without having work for them to do.

In view of this, Swedenborg considered that the forge's

allowance of bar iron be increased by over fifty per cent,

but with the express provision that anchor forging shall be

the main work and bar iron only a side line. He also

suggested that the matter of reducing the tax on anchors

might be considered.

The increased allowance of bar iron was granted by the College, with the strict provision that the anchor forging be kept up sufficiently to supply the Admiralty and general demand.

Much of the business of the College concerned nominations for appointments to offices under the jurisdiction of the Bergscolleegium. In December 1741, when explaining his reasons for making certain nominations, Swedenborg gives us a glimpse of the principles which actuated him in these important matters. Referring to a candidate whom he had refused to nominate as bergmstare and whose protest was before the College, Swedenborg said that as notary this man had done his work well and deserved advancement; but he was unwilling to compare his merits with those of another seeing that the one may make a good bergmstare and the other a good attorney general and secretary, etc.

"In nominations should be considered, not seniority or age of

service, but what is the most important - ability; for it is

on this that the service of the State depends." (ACSD 668e)

A few days later came a protest from another unsuccessful candidate for the same office. This led Swedenborg to say:

"The protestor appeals to his seniority as ground for being

preferred to the two nominees [one of whom was Swedenborg's

favorite nephew Erik now a man of 36 years], but for my part

I see no reason why any one should be considered as coming

prior to another because he was auscultant at an earlier

date, for this is no office and a young man of few studies

may thus be taken above one of ripe years and studies."

(ACSD 668f)

In a case that came up in February 1742, Swedenborg objected to an assessment of the products of a mine owner made with a view to producing a certain sum as his tythe to the crown.

"Because the owner of these furnaces is a mine owner, he

ought not in my opinion to pay a higher tax to the crown than

a miner, for the law is the same for all. Moreover, I

consider that the Royal College has no right to lay on more

than one-tenth of the furnace's produce ... for what is over

this, is an added tax. But in case the owner should be

induced to pay more, so much the better. Such, however, is

not the case here."
In this case, Swedenborg was over-ruled.

A case involving a patent came up in December 1742, when application was made for executive right to use a wind-driven pump for mines. After the members of the College had viewed the pump, Swedenborg stated that its winch had long since been invented by Polhem. He thought, therefore, that, while the requested privilege might be given to the applicant, others should not be prevented from using a pump with a similar winch. (ACSD 686dd)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 612

[1741

Valerius also found nothing new in the pump except that there were two driving wings, one on either side. Nevertheless, the College granted the applicant exclusive use of his machine for ten years, others using it without his consent being subject to a fine of 500 dal.s.m.

A somewhat similar case came up a few days later. The applicant stated that at a cost of about 40,000 dal.k.m., he had discovered calamine and the way of treating it. On behalf of a group of investors, he petitioned for the exclusive right of making and selling of it for nine years; for a great deal of this ore would likely be found, said the applicant, and they who had seen his process had already asked if the College for permission to work it. (ACSD 686e)

The Councillor and Swedenborg's brother-in-law, the senior Assessor favored granting the desired privilege, whereupon Swedenborg expressed his view.

He noted that the exclusive preparation of calamine for nine years was asked for on three grounds: One, on the ground of the money expended on the discovery of new sources of this ore. As regards this, Swedenborg said that the petitioners should receive some reward, but, he added, when the discovery rewards itself and repays the original cost (as seems likely), the petitioners will have gained their end.
As to the second point, That were it not for this discovery, other sources for this ore would not have been found. Swedenborg pointed out that calamine had first been found by Swab.
As to the third point, That if others were allowed equal privileges, the investors would be injured, Swedenborg said that time alone would show this. If one may compare this working with the working of alum, it would seem that to exclude every person who discovers a like or better ore on his own property, is a doubtful procedure, especially in view of the fact that calamine is a mineral found in the earth, the use of which was discovered by Swab who, for this purpose, was salaried by the Diet.

Swedenborg's conclusion, therefore, was that it were better if the petition could be satisfied in some other way - which also he has made use of - rather than by the exclusion of others from the use of this mineral. But in case the exclusive privilege should be given, it should be only for three or four years. Since the domestic consumption of calamine amounts to about 150,000 dal.k.m. a year and will advance to 200,000 dalers, it is likely to repay the cost.

There was some disagreement with this opinion, and this led Swedenborg to give his grounds for his estimate of the advance in this manufacture which was based (1) on the present high cost of the imported mineral, to which must be added freight and customs; and (2) on the abundant store of domestic ore which, according to the petitioners, would be discovered, so that the manufacturer would have to spend little more than the cost of baking and calcining. Thus, the profits will be considerable for the investors, and he would willingly see them have these profits.

"But," he concluded, "since public use is my object, I could

not do otherwise than measure the profits of the investors as

above."
The College finally granted the privilege for six years.

A case of an entirely different sort and one which involved a considerable human interest was the examination into the conduct of Dusen, a copiest in the Bergscollegium. This investigation had been before the

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College during Swedenborg's absence, and much sworn testimony had been taken in 1739 and the Spring of 1740. He final decision had been reached, but the matter again came up in November 1740, after Swedenborg's return, when further testimony was heard for three days, not to speak of conferences in the College; but again no final decision was arrived at. Then, to quote Swedenborg's on words,

"came the Diet where some of the College members became

hindered in the Secret Committee Deputations and the House of

Nobles." (ACSD 667 pp. Page 2)

But on the following January 12 (1741), the Attorney General, impatient at delay, submitted to the Bergscollegium his conclusions drawn from the testimony. Nothing appears to have been done about the matter - probably because of political activities - until march, when Swedenborg was appointed referenctary in the case, an office, the duties of which consisted in arranging and digesting the evidence and presenting the case for open discussion by the College.

The College - or it may be some sympathy for Dusen - still delayed decision. But in May, Porath - the youngest of the Assessors - complained that Dusen had used strong threats against him; whereupon the Attorney General sent in a bulky Memorial submitting to the College the question as to whether Dusen should be imprisoned in order to prevent the execution of his threats.

At its meeting on May 15, 1741, this Memorial was discussed by the College.

Assessor Collins advocated that, since the threats had been proved by witnesses, Dusen should be called in and, after hearing the Memorial, should be required to make immediate defense though he might be allowed a coy of the charges if he so desired.

Swedenborg agreed that Dusen was entitled to a copy of the charges, but the question was how this should be given.

"If Dusen should get notification in hastiness, he might

come into his former mental confusion. He ought, therefore,

to be dealt with prudently, and, in my opinion, that can best

be done by Dusen and the Attorney General being called in

together, and the Memorial being read to them when all the

Assessors are present."

The matter was postponed to a fuller meeting. This was held on the next day when it was decided to treat Dusen in a friendly manner, securing to him all his rights. It was therefore decided that, after receiving a copy of the Memorial, Dusen was to return an answer within eight days.

A month later, Dusen defence of May 30th was read to the College. He requests that one of the watchmen be with him for one or two hours to see to what a miserable condition of temptation and vexation he was subjected. (ACSD 667 pp., page 3)

The College thereupon appointed the city physician to visit him. In two weeks, namely, on June 30th, the physician reported that during two visits he had not found any unusual condition in Dusen, or any signs of an unbalanced mind.

Evidently the Diet, Committees, and the excitement of the times prevailed, for nothing further was done at the time. Nor was anything done after the adjournment of the Diet on August 22nd. This did not satisfy the Attorney General as it left the matter on his file. Therefore,

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on October 22nd, after repeated unofficial attempts to prevail on the Assessors to have the matter settled, he sent in a new Memorial. He had supposed that the case, being a criminal one, would have been quickly decide, although he knows the many hindrances to such decision caused by the past Diet, etc. The law, however, demanded that a criminal case shall be settled speedily. Moreover, during his fifteen years serving in the College, Dusen had been repeatedly rebuked and complained against, and by his continual debauches he daily increases his guilt; and since no decision has been reached, he continues to receive from the Crown his full salary wherewith he continues in his dissolutions like a madman.

When the above mentioned Memorial was read, Swedenborg, as Referent in the case, took upon himself to answer. After reviewing the past proceedings and the delays caused by the Diet, etc., he continued that after the Diet had adjourned it devolved upon him to assemble and order the documents in the case, which had greatly increased in number.

"These are the hindrances, or more correctly, the

impossibilities which thus far have been in the way."

Still no decision was come to by the College, and so on December 8th, the Attorney General presented himself in person and asked for a settling of the matter; for otherwise he would never be free from the receipt of stories concerning Dusen's persistent drunkenness. Only two days before he had received attestations from two men, to the effect that they had lately seen Dusen lying on the street drunk, etc. He asked that the College hear these new witnesses. Swedenborg and his brother-in-law Lars held that the presentation of the case had been closed, and to call more witnesses was unnecessary and would only make for delay.

After the Attorney General had withdrawn, Swedenborg opened the discussion of his Memorial.

"For my part," he said, "I claim to be without responsibility

for the circumstance that this action which has been so long

continued, again comes to the force and becomes drawn out

because many witnesses are to be heard in a case which

already is fully testified and sworn to, and in which no

further witnesses are necessary."

The College then had read to them the attestations referred to in the Memorial; after which it called in Dusen and the Attorney General. After Dusen had heard the attestations, he was asked if they were true.

"Dusen: It is certain and true that I was run over on the

street and fell down. But I have in no way shown negligence

in my office."

The Attorney General said the only question was as to the attestations exposing Dusen's improper life and his delight in drunkenness wherever it was possible to him.

The College required Dusen to answer whether or not the charges were true.

"Dusen: I do not deny that as per the attestations, I did

indeed fall over on the street and hurt myself, but I was not

at all intoxicated or drunk, and no one can reprove me of

having been negligent in my duty. Besides this, I do not

know these witnesses and am not aware whether they live in

this city or come from the country, and therefore their

character is entirely unknown to me.

"The College asked if Dusen had just before been to any tavern and drunken.

"Dusen: No! God knows I was not.

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"Attorney General: Since Dusen will not stand to what is

said of him in the attestations, I demand that the attestors

be called and give their sworn story to the College.

"Dusen: Do you think they were there and saw me drink myself

drunk because they so testify? My condition, I hope, will

soon improve if the Royal College will be pleased graciously

to help me in this matter. There is nothing I desire more

than to come to an end with whatever the Royal College can

find with me; and then become free and at liberty from my

vexations temptations."

The parties then withdrew, and in some further discussion that followed, Swedenborg again repeated his reservation, after which it was decided that both prosecutor and defendant and also the two attestants appear before the College the next morning.

I do not have the record of the next two meetings on this case before the final discussion on December 17th. On the latter day, "after the doors had been shut," the discussion was opened by Swedenborg as referent. Swedenborg, who probably had himself questioned Dusen, seems to have been genuinely sorry for the man, thinking probably that the trouble he was in was due to some mental disturbance; and his conduct of the case illustrates not only his quality of kindliness and mercy but also his ability to marshal facts and arguments.

In opening, he stated that

"for the past 15 years, the attorneys had frequently

complained to the College about Dusen's neglect of duty,

and, as a consequence, Dusen had many times been warned both

orally and in writing. But since, despite these warnings, he

continued in his course, the Attorney General had requested

that "for negligence and other behavior" he be dismissed from

his office. Dusen had then prayed that he be relieved of

the Attorney's reproaches, representing that what was charged

to him had its origin only in sickness and weakness of the

head; but the Attorney General and particularly his

successor, the present Attorney General, seek in the most

powerful way to combat the statement that Dusen's negligence

comes from any such sickness, and are of the opinion that

drunkenness is the main cause. For proof and enlightenment

on this, attestations were brought forward by both sides and

a large number of witnesses was heard, the one and other of

whom made their own conclusions and have filled

correspondence files, not to speak of conferences. Yet,

though in this case there are twenty-four attestors and

thirty-four oral testimonies, and the attestors were sworn as

to a large part, or were recognized as sworn, I do not find

that one ought to uphold what the Attorney General on his

side, and Dusen on his, bring forward in such abundance and

insist on, especially since it is due the Royal College to

give decision not from any of their talk but from facts and

proofs; and to lay in clear daylight the many testifications

as to how it is with Dusen. Since it is now urged that

Dusen shall be removed from his position, one ought

especially to be advised as to the source of his question,

Whether Dusen has been and sometimes is troubled with the

head weakness he puts forward; or whether he is given to

drunkenness; and wishes to cover this under the prextext of

headweakness. In case it be found that it is the one or the

other with him, the question then becomes, Whether his

headweakness comes from his drunkenness or his drunkenness

from his headweakness. When these two matters have been well

investigated and decided, on the basis of witnesses and their

declarations, it can more easily be judged from whence come

these neglects, and what ought lawfully to be done with him."

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Swedenborg then takes up each of these two points separately and marshals the testimony bearing on them.

As to the first question, Whether Dusen was and is troubled with head weakness, the testimony was as follows:

In 1739, a Curate testified that he could account for Dusen's conduct only on the basis

"that he was plagued by the Devil's temptations, as shown by

his conduct, e.g., running out on the street in night shirt

and night cap."
The witness had no knowledge of his being given to drunkenness.

An army Lieutenant: That Dusen when in health was just like other men but not when he is in temptations. He had no knowledge of his being given to drunkenness.

His Landlord: That he lived a god-fearing life; that at Advent 1732 he suffered from melancholy lasting till Easter 1733. He had to be watched, and many priests visited him. For all the 14 years he had known him, he had never seen him drink too much.

A naval Chaplain: That he had known Dusen for 15 years and had never found him given to drunkenness, but, on the other hand, led a god-fearing life. At great festivals, however, he became melancholy and had mental vexations.

A Barber Surgeon: That Dusen had a strong inclination to melancholy, raging, taking off his shirt, running naked, and that this sickness is the result of a fermentation in the blood which results from emotions of the mind and also from drunkenness.

A Peasant who had known Dusen for 3 years: That he had never found him given to drunkenness. Dusen led a god-fearing life, but was troubled by visitations of the devil.

A Cottager who was constantly with Dusen from Easter to July, 1738: That he had twice witnessed his vexations and furies, how that he writhed and had strange gestures and voices; but he had never seen him take strong drink when he was well, though he had seen this when he was sick.

The Pastor of Dusen parish: That Dusen came running to him like a madman without hat or shoes; that at home he crept under the bed. He had heard from Dusen's mother, that his father suffered from head weakness, but did not know whether Dusen was given to drunkenness.

A Shopman who had lived in the same house with Dusen for 10 years: That he ran into the church barelegged, and was generally thought to be half-witted. Also that his affliction seized him at the time of high festivals; that he was weak in the head and had vexations; that his sickness sprang mainly from his process with the Attorney General of which he had heard him make much complaint. Otherwise he found him decent and god-fearing, and had never seen him drunk inordinately.

The Wife of the above: That Dusen was out of his mind especially at high festivals, ran out without his shirt, wished to hang himself; that he is equally mad, whether he drinks or not. Otherwise he lived a quiet life and never drank beyond reason; and that he became sick when he was bothered and got stern orders from the Bergscollegium.

The Keeper of a Tavern: That at ever festival he is foolish; but when in good health, is very proper and sensible.

An Alderman, 80 years old, who had known Dusen 22 years: That he had a weakness of the heart, but he had never found him given to drunkenness.

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A Curate who had known Dusen from Upsala days: That he had drunk beer with him and had seen him to be a good churchgoer.

A Clergyman: That he had found Dusen weak and so tongue-tied that he could not read. He supposed his sickness to be a strong melancholy caused by opposition, and he could never prove whether it came from drunkenness or from anger.

A Captain who had known Dusen socially for 17 years: That he had seen his sickness at Christmas time 1740, and that he was never given to drink but was always of a proper behavior.

Two other Witnesses: That they had heard Dusen say that his bewildered condition was the result of the Attorney General's Memorial.

An Ensign: That he was with Dusen at a tavern, when he conducted himself properly.

A Jnkping Pastor: That Dusen's father had a bad head weakness during his whole life.

A Stockholm Pastor: That from Christmas to Easter 1740, Dusen had many temptations and vexations.

An out-of-town Pastor: That he had found Dusen sick in the mind, and had cautioned him to beware of strong drink.

"From these twenty witnesses," says Swedenborg, "of whom

eight are priests who had known Dusen and constantly

associated with him for from six months to twenty years, it

can be clearly deduced that time after time Dusen was weak

in the head, and this to such an extent that, like a madman,

he ran out in his night shirt, barelegged into the church,

and that from Advent to Easter he was afflicted and had to be

watched, as is well known to the city watch and the

Bergscollegium. It is also proved beyond doubt that he

inherited this sickness from his father; and since according

to law two witnesses are complete proof if they agree, one

should doubt this the less when so many give the same

testimony."

Turning then to the second question, namely, whether Dusen is given to drunkenness, and whether he wishes to shield it under the pretext of head sickness, Swedenborg again arrays the witnesses, since testimony alone can decided the matter. The testimony is as follows:

A Tavernkeeper: That Dusen amused his dining comrades so that they could see no other than that he was drunk; yet he did not drink brandy, and what he received he gave back.

The Tavernkeeper's Wife: That she could not exculpate Dusen from having been drunk, yet neither could she prove it with certainty; and that he ordered weak ale and seldom strong ale.

A Manservant in the College: That he had found Dusen in the office all absorbed, and had struck his head on the floor, and by order had kept watch over him; had often found him intoxicated and in a tipsy condition in a tavern; had seen him drinking, though not to the neglect of his duties; once, however, so that he several times threw the pen out of his hand, Dusen asserting that this was due to some business with a butcher's boy.

Another Manservant: That he had often seen Dusen drink; the last time was eight days ago; yet he had done his work.

Dusen Pastor: That Dusen was at times much troubled with mental disturbance and anguish which is increased by entertainment;

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that on Advent Sunday he had been at church with all the signs of drunkenness, but cannot state with certainty that he was drunk.

A Follow Convist: That on one occasion he could see no other than that Dusen was drunk, yet he could walk steadily.

A College Manservant: That he had seen Dusen drink many times; once he staggered at his desk and made a disturbance.

A Maidservant: That he had had an incident with a butcher's boy and his wig had fallen off; he and the others owed 6 styfers for brandy; did not know whether he was drunk but could see he was not all right.

A Vintner: That he had drunk half a stoop of wine or less in his place; that before this, he seemed to have something in his head; and so was advised not to drink since he had just been sick; that a lieutenant had told him that Dusen had already visited two wine cellars; still he behaved himself properly.

A Tavernkeeper: That Dusen had been with him from two to nine in the evening and had drunk seven half pints of ale; made no disturbance; could not say whether or not he was intoxicated.

Another Witness: That Dusen was beside himself so that he let out against Assessor Porath and the last Attorney General in disparaging language.

A Master Cook: That one evening he had seen Dusen at Count Bjelke's house quite drunk; he had fallen down and was taken home by a servant who then drank half a pint of ale with him.

A Lieutenant: That Dusen with others had come to his place and had fallen to the ground; being helped up, he asked for a drink which was sent for; used insulting words to an ensign who boxed his ears; the witness checked the row and had Dusen taken out; he went in a proper way but was plainly intoxicated.

A Fire Watchman who had known Dusen 14 or 15 years: That eight days ago he had been lying on the street; had taken up his wig, hat and cane and accompanied him home, finding him somewhat argumentative but using no bad language.

A Sergeant and a Bookkeeper: That at 10.30 p.m. the found Dusen fallen on the street near a tavern. He was pretty well intoxicated and they had to help him home.

"These then are the witnesses," says Swedenborg, "called

by the Attorney General to show that Dusen was given to

drunkenness. Yet, like many of the other witnesses who had

known Dusen for many years, they prove that he was never

given to drunkenness. Therefore, before charging him with

this, it is necessary to weigh each of these testimonies

separately. The Innkeeper and his wife, while thinking

Dusen drunk, could not be sure. The three servants in the

College and Dusen's fellow copyist say they had seen Dusen

drunk several times, yet whether he was or not is left in

doubt since the sickness and head weakness that had overcome

Dusen at different times, easily produce the appearance that

he is giddy from strong drink. The testimony of the

tavernkeeper's wife shows that Dusen is equally mad whether

he drinks or not. But that he is well behaved when in good

health is told by his Pastor who testifies that Dusen has

all the signs of a drunkard but yet he could not prove this

with any certainty because he had never seen him drink; and

he adds that he knew him to be troubled at times with mental

anguish;

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[1741

and several other witnesses agree with this. Other

witnesses show that he was very argumentative.

"And now it must be considered whether these head

weaknesses spring from drunkenness, or the drunkenness from

them. As to the sickness, it is clearly proved by testimony

that Dusen was altogether out of his consciousness and

understanding. Such sicknesses are morbi critic* which have

their ebb and flow whenever something disturbs the mind; and

there is probably hardly an example of any who, like Dusen,

have been thus affected from Advent to Easter, who can

altogether overcome it, and still less so if it is

hereditary. It is also clear that when this sickness comes

on him, in his weakness, a very little ale, wine or brandy

soon causes him to become seized and to take on the same

appearance as though intoxicated; for if, according to the

Barber Surgeon's testimony, this sickness is a ferment in the

blood, it is soon enkindled if something is added which

increases the ferment. If to this be added what the ten

witnesses, cited under the first heading, who had gone with

Dusen many years, insist on and confirm, to wit, that they

had never found Dusen given to drink, there follows of

itself the conclusion and answer to this question, that the

head weakness did not have its origin in the drunkenness, but

that the drunkenness came from it; and that he was not then

in possession of his mind. To judge otherwise is to judge

against the testimony of ten witnesses.

* It was about this time that Swedenborg wrote Diseases of the Fibre.

"As to the testimony of five witnesses who had said that

Dusen had been found entirely intoxicated, this happened

recently,* after Dusen had received Attorney General

Malmeen's very severe Memorial of May 8, 1740, a Memorial

which could have no other effect on such a man than to

bewilder his mind and put it out of condition - which was

entertained and talked about in the Royal College when

decision was made as to this communication on May 15, 1741,

and which two later witnesses confirm in that they heard

Dusen was in much anguish and pain on this account.

* The testimony in question was taken from November 1740 to December 1741.

"In view of this, I for my part can find no convincing

reason for any other conclusion than that given above. And

however likely it seems that Dusen, when it happens that he

has intoxicated himself with drink, seeks to shelter himself

under his sickness, yet, in face of so many sworn witnesses,

I do not, nor can I as judge, presume to make this general

church against him with the certainty which is required.

"In conclusion comes now to be considered how under such

circumstances Dusen should be dealt with. Entirely to

dismiss him from his office and take away his salary and

support - for this I see no reason; but his negligence comes

from his sickness; moreover, this would place him in a very

miserable condition both as to body and as to soul. Besides

this, he has desired to prove in a special memorial and

listing, that in some part he has made up by diligence what

in these times he has lost. Yet, since it is clear from the

testimonies brought forward, and also from his own

acknowledgment, that he is not always in possession of his

mind but is sometimes bewildered and dizzy, and therefore it

comes about

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that he cannot withhold himself from drink, whereby the

King's service is the loser and in the Chancellory great

disorder may result, therefore for my part I find it

reasonable that Dusen should refrain from his office and

should give up some part of his salary to the one who fills

this place in his stead.

With one exception, the Assessors, the Counsellor and the President agreed with Swedenborg's conclusion. The College accordingly resolved that Dusen should be deposed.

As to how much of his salary Dusen should retain so long as he has no other means of support, Swedenborg declared that he should receive at least one-half his salary, and this because of his severe sickness; but after discussion, the other members of the College, while holding that he deserved sympathy and for his support should receive some yearly sum so long as he behaved and had no other means of support, yet they felt they could do nothing in the matter since it is a matter of established statute.

But the matter did not end here, for toward the end of the following January, the Attorney demanded of the College that Dusen be lawfully punished for disparaging expressions he had lately used against Assessor Porath. The case was heard on January 21, 1742, and the testimony given a year ago as to Dusen's former use of insulting remarks against Porath and the Attorney General was read. In the discussion that followed, Collins, the only Assessor who had voted against Dusen, stated that his position was vindicated and that Dusen was simply a drunkard. (ASCD 680a)

Swedenborg, however, presumably acting on the laws of evidence recognized by the College, discussed the value of the witness's testimony. Dusen had challenged the latter at the time on the ground that he was a spreader of infamy in repeating what he and the witness had talked of in private. Dusen's challenge had not been allowed, yet in testimony the witness had admitted that what he reported was said between him and Dusen alone, showing that it was he who had spread the defamation. Therefore, said Swedenborg,

"nothing can be based on this testimony, it being a great

crime in a criminal matter if one spreads abroad what was

talked of between two privately; in such case, any one might

easily be in danger of losing his property, life or honor."

Councillor Bergenstierna agreed with this view, and held that, according to law Dusen should therefore be exonerated rather than attacked.

Dusen and the Attorney General were then called in, and Dusen was asked to say on oath whether he could free himself from the testimony referred to. He answered that it was hard for him to lay hand on the book and swear this, in view of his severe condition of vexation and of his leaving been so often bothered by this legal action.

"But I have always insisted that this witness was a tale

bearer."
Later he added that it was impossible that he consciously let fall words against Assessor Porath,

"whom I had thought to be my best wellwisher. But if

something should have slipped out, nothing else than my

inherited condition as well as this affair is the cause of

it."

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The next day, January 29th, it was decided by a majority

vote, that Dusen should be freed from the Attorney General's

accusation. (ACSD 680b)

The upshot was that Dusen was dismissed in the

following April 1742, but was reinstated in 1744, "although

his subsequent improvement was no greater"; the next year he

had a stroke of paralysis and died in 1748.

(Almquist, Bergscol. p. 191; ACSD 680b)

And now to Swedenborg's literary work. It will be recalled that on the flyleaf of Codex 86, the Codex which accompanied him during his travels in France, Italy and Holland, Swedenborg wrote a list of works to be written, one a year, from 1740 after the publication of volume 1 of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom to 1747. The list is as follows:

1740 The Brain

1741 The Muscles, Glands and Nerves

1742 The Senses

1743 The other Members and Viscera of the Body

1744 Generation

1745 Diseases

1746 The Passions and Affections of the Mind

1747 The City of God

At this time, then, Swedenborg's intention was to follow volume 1 of the Economy by a volume on the Brain, that is to say, a volume similar to that which had already been written in Venice; this to be followed by a treatise on the Muscles, and so forth. This intention is plainly seen in the published volume 1 of the Economy. According to references made in that work, its continuation was to be as follows:

Transactions II VI were to deal with the Brain (n. 92) in this order:
Trans. II - The Blood vessels (n. 135), the motion (nos. 192, 282-83) and the sinuses of the brains (n. 284).
Trans. III - The Cortical and Medullary Substances (n. 147).
Trans. IV - The Meninges (n. 157).

Probably all these Transactions were to be incorporated in a single volume, Transactions V and VI to be a detailed treatment of the Cerebrum and Cerebellum (1:559) including its poles and axes (1:301); the fluids in its ventricles (1:556), and the variations found in the Cerebrum (1:269).

But after giving volume 1 of the Economy to the printer, Swedenborg, as we have already seen, determined to make a hasty excursion in his search for the soul. Consequently, instead of following the plan indicated in volume 1, he at once took up the Cortex of the Brain and its motion (making large use of the Venice work for this purpose), and then proceeded to the Soul. This volume he published as Transaction II of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom. This anticipated treatment of the cortex and motion of the brain necessarily involved some change in the plan of the subsequent work, and such change is indicated in the work itself. References given in that work show that the plan, as now modified, was as follows:

Transaction III: The Medullary Substance of the Brain (2:115) - the Cortical having already been treated of - and the Fibre and its fluids (2:122, 127, 130).
" IV: The Medulla Spinalis
" [V and VI: probably the Cerebrum and Cerebellum; see 2:269.
" [VII: perhaps the Tongue, etc.
" VIII: The characteristic Philosophy of Universals (2:167, 206) and of Series and Degrees.

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[1741

There was also to be a Transaction on Generation (2:295).

Accordingly, when Swedenborg returned to Stockholm after publishing the two volumes of his Economy of the Animal Kingdom, his intention was to write a work on the Fibre as Transaction III. But, just as he had done an abundance of reading in anatomy and philosophy preparatory to writing his work on the Cerebrum, so now he engages in a lengthy course of reading in preparation for the work on the Fibre. And since this work closely concerned the descent of the soul into the body, his reading was largely concerned with the writings of the ancient and modern philosophers on this subject, particularly Aristotle, Plato, Augustine, Leibnitz, and Malebranche and the Sacred Scripture. Here we have the first evidence of Swedenborg's systematic study of the Scriptures.*

* It should be noted, however, that the Scripture passages from p. 204 of A Philosopher's Note Book (expecting possibly short entries on pp. 212, 213, and 246) were probably written much later. See The Fibre. Introduction p. xiii.

This reading resulted in a MS. volume of quotations from the authors read, published in English under the title A Philosopher's Note Book. The work is of great interest and of much importance in the study of Swedenborg's philosophy as giving a view of the intellectual world of which he was cognizant.

At the commencement of this Note Book, Swedenborg gives a list of the authors whom he read, as follows:

Rydelius

Plato

Aristotle

Augustine

Grotius

Leibnitz

Wolff

Malebranche

Descartes

Bilfinger

Sacred Scripture

He does indeed quote from other authors but only a little, and the indication is that he read them only incidentally. Among these other authors we note Pliny and Spinoza.

The authors read are invariably quoted in the same order. Rydelius was the first, then Augustine, Aristotle, Plato, Malebranche, Bilfinger, Wolff, Grotius, Leibnitz and Descartes; and the fact that occasionally spaces have been left for the insertion of Scripture passages indicates that the study of the Scriptures was made last of all.

It seems clear that Swedenborg, soon after his arrival in Sweden in September 1740, set out on a course of reading whose extent is so amazing that he must needs have been gifted with the ability judiciously to skip; and it is also clear that as he read he entered various passages which interested him into Note Book under specified heads.

The first work he read was Rydelius, Ndiga Frnufts fningar. This work was first published in 1718, but the fact that a second edition had been published in Linking only a short time before Swedenborg's return home, suggests that his attention had been called to it by Rydelius's fellow Bishop, Eric Benzelius. Rydelius was a man of eminent ability and learning; indeed,

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he was held to be the most learned man in Sweden.

The principle works by Aristotle which Swedenborg read were De Anima, De Coelo, Magna Moralia, Metaphysica, Nichomachean Ethics, and Physics, and also the pseudo-works De Mundo and De Div. Sapientia secundum Aegyptios. Doubtless Swedenborg had been more or less familiar with Aristotle since his school days, but in none of his works are the works of Aristotle quoted until we come to the second volume of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, and in that work we have direct evidence that, sometimes at least, he used an edition of Aristotle published in Venice in the 17th century in a number of duodecimo volumes. (NP 1920:2)

The work he quoted from most frequently is not really by Aristotle but savors rather of Plotinus and the Neo-Platonic School. Its title is Divine Wisdom according to the Egyptians. Swedenborg himself doubted Aristotle's authorship of this work, for he writes:

"I do not think it is Aristotle's work because it is so

sublime. Its fundamental position is that God or the

Architect of things procreated the intellect; the intellect,

the common mind; and this, nature. Thus he made the

intelligible world and the natural or elementary world, which

latter is ruled by the intelligible world by influx."

(A Phil. NB. p. 508)
Swedenborg then quotes from the Latin Editor of the work, who writes:

"In many passages in this work is seen a divinity which is so

far above nature that it could not have emanated from a

genius confined within the bounds of nature." (Ibid.)

Of Plato, Swedenborg cites principally the Epinomis, Leges, Parmenides, Phaedo, Phaedrus, Republicum and Timaeus. In every case, Swedenborg quotes the translations given in the Stephenus edition in three volumes folio, 1578.

Augustine's work are abundantly quoted, the main citations being from his De anima et ejus Orig., De Civitate Dei, De Genesi ad Literam, Octoginti Quaestiones, and De Spipritu et Anima. Swedenborg used the folio edition edited by the Louvain Fathers (Ibid. p. 524 note).

The only work by Grotius which Swedenborg read is the famous De Veritate Religinis Christianae; a copy of this work in duodecimo, Amsterdam 1662, was contained in his library (Ibid. p. 528 note).

Of Leibnitz, he read volume 3 of the Epistolae (in Latin and French), published in Leipzzig 1738, and his Tentamina Theodiceae, 2 vols. published in Leipzig 1739. The latter work was in Swedenborg's library, and Swedenborg probably procured both works when he was in Amsterdam in 1740.

The only work by Wolff that is included in this Note Book is his Psychologia Rationalis. Swedenborg appears to have used the second edition of this work, published in Leipzig 1740, and which he probably procured in Amsterdam. It is a large work, and Swedenborg's citations indicate that he went through the whole of it.

Father Malebranche was the leading exponent of Cartesianism, but he so developed the philosophy of Descartes that it became Malebranchianism rather than Cartesianism. Swedenborg's quotations, which are exceedingly numerous, are all taken from De Inquirenda Veritate (Gen. 1691), a copy of which work was in Swedenborg's library.

From Descartes, comparatively few citations appear in the Note Book. They are made from Descartes' De Homine, Principia Philosophiae, De Passionibus, and Meditationes.

From Bilfinger, on the other hand, the quotations are both lengthy and numerous, and very naturally so, for Bilfinger was probably the most faithful

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exponent of the Leibnitizan philosophy of preestablished harmony. This he set forth in plain language, with abundant references to other philosophical writers, in a small work Harmonia Animae et Corporis, published in a second and improved edition in Leipzig 1735, which was the edition used by Swedenborg.

In his citations from the Sacred Scripture, Swedenborg used both Castellio's somewhat free version (see WE. I:34 note) and also - and by far the more frequently - the version of the Epistles and Revelation by Beza. By far the most of the citations are from the Epistles; those from the Old Testament and the Gospels are al from Castellio.

In addition to the above works, citations are made also from Pliny, Spinoza, Comete de Gabalis - a fantastical writer on Fairies and Damons, published in Paris 1715 and with additions in Amsterdam 1715, and reputed to be the Abb Monfaucon de Villars; and the famous Anatomist Fred. Hoffman's Obs. Physico-Chemicae, who is quoted on the nature of the blood.

But merely to cite the authors whom Swedenborg has read, and from whose works he quotes, were not enough; more important is it to give some attention to the subjects treated of by these authors, which were of sufficient interest to Swedenborg to put him to the labor of copying them.

At the very outset of the work we note a list of the

"Literary Arts, Studies, Doctrines, Sciences." This is taken

for the most part from Rydelius, but with some significant

addition by Swedenborg. (A Phil. NB p. 7)

Among the definitions we note:

"Pneumatics: Treats of spirits, and also of souls." And of

Swedenborg's additions we note:

"Physiology: By this I understand the things of the animus,

imagination, affections, etc.

"The Science of Sciences. Mathesis of universals. The

doctrine of order, of series, and of degrees."

(Ibid. pp. 8-9)

The fact of Swedenborg's making this list would seem to indicate his desire to embrace in his philosophy the key to all human knowledge or its universal principles.

On the subject of Philosophy he quotes Plato's saying that

the student should search into the first causes of nature,

and contemplate things divine; for God could not be angry

with one who wills to learn; also his condemnation of those

gross persons who believe nothing save what they sensate.

(Ibid. pp. 3-4, 7)

Here comes the sole quotation from Pliny, to the effect that

esteem is paid to what a man says according to the obscurity

or eminence of the man who says it. (Ibid. p. 7).

Most striking, however, are the quotations from the Divine Wisdom according to the Egyptians, where the author quotes Plato as saying:

"Often, when my soul, leaving the body, has been in

contemplation, I seemed to enjoy the highest good, and this

with incredible pleasure. Wherefore I was in a manner struck

with astonishment, perceiving in clearest light that I was a

part of a superior world, and feeling myself to be endowed

with immortality; which perception can neither be expressed

in speech nor perceived by ears nor comprehended by thought.

At last, wearied with this contemplation, the intellect fell

back into fantasy; and then, with the ceasing of that light,

I became sad. Once again leaving

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the body and returning to that world, I perceived the soul

abounding in light, and this light then flowing into the

body, and afterwards raised up above the latter.... The

soul, released from the body, ascends and is enlightened;

descending, it comes into obscurity; but being afterwards

purged, it again ascends." (A Phil. NB pp. 6-7)

Remembrance of this passage was perhaps in Swedenborg's mind when he wrote in the Arcana Coelestia n. 6201:

"When one thinks interiorly, he said to be withdrawn from

things sensual. That man can be withdrawn from things

sensual was known to the ancients, and therefore some of them

have written concerning this state."

Many pages are given to quotations on the Soul, among which we note a statement which perhaps in Swedenborg's own observation, that

"had the soul remained in its primitive integrity, there

would have been no difference between art and nature" -

(Ibid. p. 11)

A statement which is frequently reflected in Swedenborg's writings, even the theological.

Many pages are quoted from Augustine. Among them we find

this argument that there are seven degrees of the soul,

namely, body, sense, ingenuity, virtue, turning to God,

contemplation of God, conjunction with God. (Ibid. p. 12)

He also states that the soul is wholly present in each single

part of the body, but more intensely in the heart and brain,

and more laxly elsewhere; just as God is present everywhere.

(Ibid. p. 23)

Swedenborg notes Augustine's remark that in Scripture a distinction is made between soul and spirit, and then adds:

"according to my theory, they should be distinguished."

(Ibid. p. 27)

Interesting is a long quotation from Aristotle reciting the definitions of the soul as given by various of the ancient philosophers. Among them we note the definition

that the soul is blood, because sentience, the main property

of the soul, is within the soul by reason of the blood.

(Ibid. p. 165)

Others have though that the soul is a something of the

elements or air or a fine perpetually fluent exhalation.

(Ibid. p. 174)

Aristotle himself is quoted as saying that the soul is a

substance which is the first actuality of a natural organic

body, just as the sailor is the actuality of a ship.

(Ibid. pp. 166, 167)

The body cannot arise by accident, as taught by Empedocles,

but the soul must contain within itself the definite power of

producing it. This, however, is what he calls the nutritive

and sensitive soul which comes from within; but the rational

soul or mind comes from without. (Ibid. pp. 172, 173)

In the middle of his extensive quotations from Aristotle on the soul, Swedenborg interpolates the remark:

"Aristotle believes that the soul is immovable in the center,

and that it rules the peripheries like radii. This is also

the position of Descartes, who holds that the soul resides in

the pineal gland." (Ibid. pp. 1717-72)

This is opposed to the doctrine that the soul is wholly present in every part of the body.

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Particularly interesting are the many quotations from the Divine Wisdom according to the Egyptians on the subject of the soul and its life in the superior or intelligible world. Thus we read:

"When in the superior world, the soul beholds the nature of

the things that are therein; and it does not use the same

manner of reasoning as in the lower world; nay, it does not

even contemplate these lower things, since it beholds higher.

Thus, having returned to the nobler world, it has no

remembrance of things past." (A Phil. NB p. 179)

"The soul there contemplates forms apart from time.... It

can know many things simultaneously apart from time. It

discerns things not by thought but by intellect." (Ibid.)

Here Swedenborg adds the note: "When treating of the

intelligible world, Aristotle calls the Supreme or the Spirit

of God the Intellect, and the soul the animus."

(Ibid. p. 180)

Bearing this definition mind, we note with peculiar interest the quotation from the Divine Wisdom according to the Egyptians:

"In the intelligible world, the soul, being pure and

separated from every covering, is not changed but enjoys its

own action being adapted from an absolute knowledge of things

inferior. For there is united to the intellect without a

medium, while in this inferior world it was conjoined to the

senses. Therefore, being made immortal and more glorious, it

coheres with the intellect and is informed by the same....

The soul itself is preserved by the intellect while the

intellect is preserved by the first architect of all [the

italics are Swedenborg's]. The intellect was created prior

to all other things and without any interjected cause; and by

its mediation was created the soul...." (Ibid. pp. 182-83)

Further from the Divine Wisdom, Swedenborg quotes the

statement that while the soul is unique and simple, its

functions are distinguished according to the condition of its

body. Therefore variety lies not in the soul but in the

things themselves.

We note further the suggestive quotation that the bloods have

the same relation to the soul as the soul to the body. The

humors contain the animal materia, but the soul is the

efficient cause. (Ibid. p. 184)

Swedenborg also notes that, according to the Divine Wisdom,

the soul is not a body, not even a subtle body. Yet, unless

he were furnished with a body, man "would not be able to

discern good from evil without error, but would receive them

as heard and not as examined." (Ibid. pp. 259-60)

The soul was a man before it was conjoined to the body

which we sensate; it has formed this bodily man after the

likeness of the true man. And as the pictured image of a man

retains some likeness to the man, so the visible body is the

image of that first and divine man. Here we have the

suggestion, or more than suggestion, of the doctrine of the

Grand Man. (Ibid. pp. 260-61)

Suggestive of the same is the following quotation from Plato:

"God set a soul in the center of the world, and thus extended

it throughout the whole world; he then surrounded it and

clothed it on the outside with a body, and encompassed it

with a heaven and a wandering and revolving sun."

(Ibid. p. 265)

Suggestive of certain passages written by Swedenborg seven years later in The Word Explained is the citation from Plato to the effect that

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after death the impure soul "frequently wanders among

sepulchres and tombs; where also have been seen certain

shadowy images of souls."

Here Swedenborg italicizes the words: "But he holds that

souls come back to the earth." (A Phil. NB. P. 263)

Noting the strange punishments which Plato says await the wicked, Swedenborg comments: "He puts forward figments." (Ibid. p. 267)

On the other hand, it is undoubtedly with approval he quotes Plato's words:

"In death, the man does not perish, for his immortal soul,

which must be considered as the true man, still survives

after the death of the body."

The same sentiment is also quoted from Wolff.

(Ibid. pp. 269, 272-73)

He quotes from Leibnitz a statement which in the Writings he later many times refutes, the statement namely:

"I think that those souls which at some time will be human

were already in seeds, going back through our ancestors all

the way to Adam; and that thus, from the beginning of the

world, they always existed in some sort of organic body."

(Ibid. pp. 280-81)

A similar sentiment is quoted later from Malebranche, who

says: "What prevents us from believing that all the bodies

of men and of animals which shall ever be generated to the

end of ages, were produced from the creation of the world?

That is to say, that the females of the first animals were

perhaps created containing all females of the first animals

were perhaps created containing all the animals of the same

species . . . that will be born to the end."

(Ibid. pp. 399-400)

At the end of the quotations from Leibnitz, Swedenborg adds a number of passages from the Epistles teaching that we shall rise after death.

Later on he gives a quotation from Descartes, to the effect

that the principal seat of the soul is in the brain "wherein

alone it exercises not only understanding and imagination but

also sensation." (Ibid. p. 287)

Under the heading "Mind, Intellect, Reason," Swedenborg quotes from Augustine as to their being a light other than our earthly light.

"And perhaps," he continues, "when men become angels, what

they seek will be manifested to them by this very light - in

the briefest space indeed, but yet in a manner most highly

agreeable and seemly . . . . The light whereby the things of

the senses are manifest is undoubtedly interiorly present in

the soul, although the things that are thus sensed are

brought in by means of the body." (Ibid. p. 33)

Aristotle's definition of wisdom is also quoted:

"We esteem him wise, who can acquire the knowledge of things

difficult, such as are not easy for men to know; for merely

to sensate, is common to all."

In the same connection, Swedenborg quotes from the same

author the words: "The most difficult things for men to know

are those which are most highly universal, since they are the

farthest removed from the senses. And the most accurate of

the sciences are those which deal most especially with first

principles."

"As the eyes of bats," reads the next quotation, "in

respect to the light of day, so also is the intellect of our

soul in respect to things that are the most manifest of all.

The cause is not in the things but in ourselves."

(Ibid. p. 41)

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But, as usual, the most striking quotations are from the Divine Wisdom according to the Egyptians. Here the author says:

"The excellence of the intelligible world is supreme,

the light of all other lights, the good of goods." And he

continues:

"The first light sheds its lumen into the soul (animus)

of the upright man, and thereby enlightens his mind. . . .

But this first light is not within the soul but consists in

an essence of its own. For this reason - all its attributes

being circumscribed - it flows into the soul by the medium of

the intellect." (A Phil. NB p. 42)

"Spirits are pure," he says in another chapter, "and being

nothing but intellects, they have ineffable beauty; and to

him who contemplates them, will come a beauty like to

theirs."

"In the intelligible world everything moves with a vital

motion. . . . It is a living region." (Ibid. p. 43)

This author affirms that there is a first or divine

intellect, a second which is rational, and a third like that

of brutes which is devoid of reason. (Ibid. p. 45)

Concerning the spiritual world, we find the remarkable statement:

"No one can interiorly behold the things in the superior

world unless, by increasing the forces of his intellect, he

has allayed the senses, and has acquired knowledge by

assiduous contemplation of mind, and not by reasonings

derived from the images and signs of things." (Ibid.)

Suggestive also is the quotation from Grotius on the subject of angels:

"In their bodies," he says, "will be perpetual vigor and a

beauty exceeding that of the stars; in their mind, an

understanding without error, even of God and of His Divine

Providence, and of whatever may now be concealed. Their

will, will be tranquil and engaged most fully in the

beholding of God with wonder and praise. In fine, all things

will be far greater and better than can be conceived of by a

comparison with the best and greatest of things here."

(Ibid. p. 301)

Among the citations from Plato, we have the following:

"Many of the ancients affirm, that by Minerva, Homer pictured

the mind and thought, nay, and something still greater,

namely, intelligence." (Ibid. p. 292)

Leibnitz is quoted concerning the followers of Averroes who

held that reason was opposed to faith. Swedenborg then quotes

from Corinthians: "I will pray with the spirit, but I will

pray with the understanding also." (Ibid. p. 304)

From Malebranches comes a passage on perception:

The mind perceives things in three ways," he says. By

the pure intellect it perceives spiritual and universal

things and the idea of God. By the imagination, material

things; and by the senses, gross objects. The three

divisions of the mind are therefore pure intellect;

imagination and memory; and sense. (Ibid. pp. 305, 309)

By the Pure Intellect," he says elsewhere, "we designate

nothing else than the faculty, possessed by the mind, of

acquiring a knowledge of external objects without the

presence of the images of such objects, formed in the brain:'

and he says the mind is called sense or imagination when the

body is the cause of its thought, and intellect when God acts

in it and divine light shines upon it without any necessary

relation to what goes on in the body. (Ibid. pp. 306, 310)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 629

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Descartes is quoted as defining thought as that within us of

which we are conscious, mind being the substance in which

thought lies immediately. (A Phil. NB. P. 311)

After many pages from the philosophers on the subject of the mind, Swedenborg quotes from the New Testament:

"The spiritual body is one thing and the animal body

another," and "We are the building and the temple of God."

(Ibid. p. 314)

It is perhaps significant that he also quotes the following:

"Thou hast concealed these things from the wise and learned

and hast made them plain unto babes."

"It is given unto you to know the arcana of the heavenly

kingdom, but to them it is not given. For whosoever hath, to

him shall be given," etc.

"I will destroy the wisdom of the wise, and will abolish the

prudence of the prudent . . . God hath made foolish the

wisdom of this world." "I used a speech and a preaching

which consisted not of the persuasive words of human wisdom

but of spiritual demonstration and power; that your faith

should not be founded on the wisdom of men but on the

authority of God." (Ibid. pp. 313, 314)

"Professing to be wise, they showed themselves as fools."

(Ibid. p. 108)

But one wonders what was in his mind in quoting:

"No man knoweth the Father save the Son, and he to whom the

son will reveal him."

"Ye are Christ's and Christ is God's." (Ibid pp. 313, 314)

Interesting in this connection are the quotations under the

heading "Erudition, Wisdom, Intelligence, Being Learned."

Rydelius divides Erudition into

"False, Superficial and Solid. The False is error under the

appearance of science; the Superficial is either memory or is

science without intellect - as illustrated in the half

learned; the Solid conjoins sense and reason, science and

prudence."

"Wisdom," the same author says, "is founded on a true, inmost

and subtle sensation of the soul; and therefore it does not

easily go forth into speech." (Ibid. pp. 101, 101)

Augustine gives seven degrees leading to wisdom:

"1. Fear of God. 2. Piety. 3. The Knowing that God must be

loved for the sake of God, and the neighbor for the sake of

God. 4. Fortitude in the desire for righteousness. 5. The

exercise of love of the neighbor and even of the enemy. 6.

Dying as to this world that God may be seen. 7. Wisdom

enjoyed in peace and tranquillity." (Ibid. p. 101)

From Aristotle we learn that:

"The ancients estimated wisdom as consisting in the knowledge

of things most profound. Thus they called those wise who

discoursed concerning the causes of things, principles,

things divine, providence, virtues, etc." (Ibid. p. 102)

Plato is quoted as saying:

"There is a great and abundant multitude of men who suppose

that they know much and yet know little or nothing."

He defines Wisdom as "the mistress and queen of all the

sciences"; and elsewhere he says: "Wisdom can never be

perceived by the sight of the eyes. If her form and, as it

were, her face were discerned by the eyes, she would arouse a

marvelous love of herself." (Ibid. p. 104)

Swedenborg then quotes many passages from the Scripture. Among them we note:

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"When they professed themselves to be wise they became

fools."

"I will abolish the wisdom of the wise, and the intelligences

of the foolish the wisdom of this world?"

"let no man deceive himself. If any man seemeth to be wise

among you in this age, let him be a fool that he may be wise.

The wisdom of this world is foolishness with God."

(A Phil. NB. p. 108)

Finally, Swedenborg adds some observations of his own:

"Wisdom," he says, "is to intend uses and continually to

advance to them, favoring nothing except for the sake of

ends. The degree of the wisdom, or of its perfection,

depends on the manner in which it forms the connection of

ends. From the ends or uses themselves which the mind

intends and to which it advances, is known the quality of the

wisdom. We have also a lowest wisdom, which is for the sake

of one's own use alone; a greater for the sake of society;

and a greatest, for the glory of God. If these three are

together and are mutually subordinate to each other, it is

best of all. Prudence is the directing of these things.

Providence is the doing of this for the sake of things yet to

be. The ability to search into things is perspicacity,

ingenuity, clarity, hence intellect and reason.

"But in our present sate, for the obtaining of wisdom,

we need as a foundation, science, or the knowledge of good

and truth. For the knowledge of these, there is required

experience. With the knowledge of good, concurs nature with

its signs from harmonies." (Ibid. pp. 109-10)

On the subject of God, Swedenborg quotes from Augustine that

God is internal and the world external. Therefore, return

from the world to God must necessarily be made through man;

for "to ascend to God is to enter into oneself."

(Ibid., p. 137)

Augustine condemns as impious the opinion that God is the

soul of the world, and the world the body of God, for thus we

would be treading on a part of God. (Ibid., p. 138)

From Aristotle he quotes the words:

"All men have some conception concerning the Gods."

(Ibid., p. 139)

To this, Swedenborg subjoins a passage from the pseudo-Aristotelian work De Mundo:

"The old saying which has come down from the ancients and has

been carried to all men is, that the universe was established

and brought together both from God and by God; and that no

nature could be sufficiently instructed for its own

preservation as to be given this, many of the ancients went

so far as to say that all these things are full of the gods."

(Ibid. p. 141)

Then came the words, suggestive of the degrees of the heavens:

"That body most greatly feels His force and enjoys His

divinity which is situated nearest to Him; then, that which

holds the second position; and each body thereafter according

to the order of position as constituted by nature, all the

way to our position" - (Ibid.)

a passage which, in his Fibre, Swedenborg adduces to confirm

his doctrine of forms.

Again, from the same work, we have the words:

"Though God is one, He is called by many names, being

named from all those loves which He sets forth to view. He

is called Zen and Zeus, which names signify Him by whom we

live . . . , Anake because

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his nature is immovable . . . , Heimarmene (Fats) from the

series of things proceeding in a set and unchangeable tenor."

etc. (A Phil. NB. Pp. 142-43)

Later on in the Note Book Swedenborg quotes a long passage from Grotius:

"That there is a Deity," says this author, "is assumed by the

most manifest consent of all nations [in whom reason and good

morals have not been entirely extinguished . . . .] It surely

behooves us to give some cause for this fact, a cause that

applies to the whole human race. . . . The contrary

sentiment comes from depraved ingenuity." (Ibid. pp. 246-47)

- all of which suggests the teaching in True Christian

Religion no. 8.

From Plato also is drawn similar testimony:

"There is no need at all," he says, "of arguments to

prove that God is - a truth which all men know by nature, and

which even the most abandoned can never remove from their

souls. The contemplation of heaven and earth and of all

things contained in this universality of nature; the

unvarying consent of all nations; and the inner conscience of

our own souls, must be opposed to the barkings of mad men."

(Ibid. p. 245)

From the Divine Wisdom according to the Egyptians we find some remarkable quotations. After observing that

"Aristotle distinguishes between the intelligence and the

elementary world," Swedenborg quotes as follows:

"First of all God created the intellect, by whose power is

preserved the essence or being of all other things. Below

the intellect is the soul of the universe, which is the

absolute form of the universe and of all the things that

follow. . . . After the soul comes nature, by whose power

are created and preserved all things; which so cohere with

the prima materia that they cannot be separated therefrom."

(Ibid. pp. 145-46)

Suggestive of the doctrine of correspondences - a doctrine which had already been forming in Swedenborg's mind - and even of the doctrine of he Grand Man, is the following:

"The world that comes to the senses is an image both of

that world which is perceived by the intelligence alone, and

of the intelligences which are within it. In that world are

expressed superior, great, noble and perfect virtues, which

flow thence into the world of the senses. Substance also,

which are intelligences, contain those things that come to

the senses; and the First Architect, together with the

intellect, contains these intelligences." (Ibid. p. 146)

Elsewhere the Divine Wisdom speaks even more plainly:

"The wise men of Babylon and Egypt, penetrating into the

hidden things of the supreme world, comprised its appearances

into a science, which either they had received from others or

had themselves brought forth." (Ibid. p. 223)

"The principal essence which is infinite light can in no way

perish. . . . For which reason this secondary world also

. . . will endure forever as a branch sprung from the

primary world." (Ibid. p. 240)

Especially interesting and suggestive are the many quotations from the learned Leibnitz. Thus, speaking of fire worship among the Persians and Chaldeans,

he quotes an English author who "thinks that they used the

sun and fire only as symbols of Divinity," to which Leibnitz

adds:

"But in this respect a distinction should perhaps be made

between the wise and the common people." (Ibid. p. 251)

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Again Leibnitz asks: "Why should we not say with Spinoza

that God alone is substance, and that creatures are nothing

but accidents or modifications?" (A Phil. NB. P. 252)

"All things are created by God, and are also preserved by

God; nor is that teaching wrong which declares that Divine

preservation is continued creation, just as a ray goes forth

from the sun continually" - a doctrine which is sometimes

thought to be peculiar to the New Church. (Ibid. p. 253)

Among many passages quoted from the Epistles, we note particularly the following:

"The invisible things of God, even from the creation of the

world, are clearly seen by the reflecting mind, from the

things that he hath wrought, even his eternal power and

divinity; and this, that they may be without excuse."

(Ibid. p. 255)

Concerning the form of God, Swedenborg quotes the following

from Malebranche:

"It must not be imagined with the anthropomorphists that the

shape of God must be like the human shape because the latter

seems to be the most perfect of all." (Ibid p. 257)

Swedenborg concludes his quotations concerning God by some passages from the Old Testament:

"That God comes up to us so far as we go up to Him, and that

we can direct God, is clear from the fact that Moses was so

frequently able to bend God." (Ibid. p. 344)

"The spirit of the Lord filleth the world and, containing all

things, hath knowledge of its voice" (Wisdom of Solomon I:7).

(Ibid. p. 345)

A number of quotations are given under the heading "Faith and Good Works." Thus Rydelius is quoted as saying:

"Faith excels intellect; it neither sees nor perceives what

is believed. Otherwise it would be reason or intellect."

(Ibid. p. 45)

Augustine and Malebranche are quoted to the same effect, the latter saying:

"The man of faith ought to be blind, that is, he ought to

believe in revelation rather than in his own reason, even

when the latter resists." (Ibid. p. 46)

Most attention, however, is given to Leibnitz' book on the Conformity of Faith with Reason. Here he defines faith as being concerned with truths revealed in an extraordinary manner; while reason is a chain of truths attainable by the mind unaided by faith. Furthermore he says:

"I think that theologians of all opinions, excepting

mere fanatics, agree at any rate that no article of faith can

involve a contradiction or can be opposed to suitable

demonstrations equal in their certainty to mathematical

demonstrations.

"There is a distinction between things above reason and

things contrary to reason. [For what is contrary to reason

is opposed to truths which are absolutely sure; but] what is

above reason is in conflict only with those which we

customarily experience or understand. That truth is above

reason, which cannot be comprehended by our mind nor, indeed,

by any created mind. Of this kind is the Holy Trinity and

the miracles proper to God alone, such as creation" -

(Ibid. p. 48) an opinion with which the author of the

Principia did not wholly agree.

Leibnitz continues:

"That in us which is opposed to mysteries is not reason,

nor natural light, nor a chain of truths; it is corruption. . . .

"We can reach to that which is above us, not indeed by

penetrating

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 633

[1741

but by defending it; just as we can reach to the sky by

sight, but not by touch." (A Phil. NB. P. 49)

A related heading is Predestination. Rydelius is quoted as saying:

"The Socienians and Dippel deny that 'God knows further

contingencies. Leibnitz concedes it, but only for the reason

that God has predestined all things. They do not consider,

however, that God's knowledge is infinite, equally as God

himself is." (Ibid. pp. 117-18)

Augustine, Plato and Grotius are quoted - the latter as saying:

God's knowledge will not be infinite if it does not extend to

all single things. And if God also has knowledge of all

things, why shall He not also care for them, especially since

all single things, in that they are single, are appointed for

some certain end, both particular and universal."

(Ibid. p. 120)

But again most attention is given to the teaching of Leibnitz. He thinks

"that we are ruled by providence when we follow reason; and

by fate and like a machine when we are carried away by our

affections." (Ibid.)

On Predestination itself he quotes the common saying:

"If you are not predestined, then so act, that you may be

predestined." (Ibid. p. 122)

Furthermore he says:

"Foreknowledge does not in itself render a truth any more

determined; for it is foreseen, because it has been

determined because it is true; it is not true because it is

foreseen." (Ibid. pp. 120-21)

Men have sought to explain Divine foreknowledge by dividing

that knowledge into three parts, namely, the knowledge of

possibilities, the knowledge of actualities, and the

knowledge of conditional events. Leibnitz, however, finds no

explanation in this. (Ibid. p. 121)

He asks whether Divine predestination is absolute or

relative. All theologians, he says, agree that while some

may be predestined to physical evil, no one is destined to be

a moral sinner. "The wicked may be said to be destined to

damnation because they are known to be impenitent; but it

cannot equally be said that they are predestined to

damnation." (Ibid. p. 123)

"According to Supralapsarians, the decree of punishment

precedes the knowledge of the future existence of the sin."

According to the Infralapsarians, "after God, from just

causes though to us concealed, had [decreed] to permit the

sin of Adam, then, touched by His own mercy, He chose certain

men from out of that corrupt mass, that they might be freely

saved by reason of the merit of Jesus Christ; and, impelled

by His own justice, He left the others to be punished with

the damnation which they merited." (Ibid. pp. 123-24)

Leibnitz quotes from Descartes:

"that not the least thought comes to the human mind, which

God does not will to be therein, or which He has not so

willed from eternity"' and also from Calvin, who asserts that

God wills rather in whose hands the matter lies - what else

is it, I pray you, but will?" (Ibid.)

"The Socinians," he says, "are inexcusable in denying to God

a sure knowledge of the future volitions of a free creation .

. . for they ought to have reflected that the volition might

have been foreseen by God in the idea of the possible world

which he founded. . . . If God knew the future wills of men

only by conjecture, he would be living for the day and in

suspense." (Ibid. pp. 127-28)

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"Divine Providence shows itself in the whole series of the

universe; and we must declare that, from the infinitude of

the possible series of things, God elected the best, and that

it is this best that actually exists." Therefore God's

decree "is immutable, because all the reasons that can be

opposed to it have already come into consideration. But from

this, no other necessity arises than the necessity of the

consequent." (A Phil. NB. P. 130)

Clearer are Leibnitz' words:

"To perform industriously the duties of one's office,

and then to acquiesce in all that happens, is called

Christian Fate." (Ibid. p. 131)

Swedenborg then adds many Scripture passages.

The subject is resumed under the heading "Free Decision." Here Leibnitz' disciple Bilfinger is quoted (Ibid. p. 156)

Under the heading "Dreams, Visions seen in Sleep," Aristotle is quoted so saying that

"most can believe that visions seen in sleep have some

significance," and that "he must be held to be the most

skilled interpreter of dreams who is able to perceive

similitudes; for to interpret dreams that are straight and

clear is within the ability of any one."

(Ibid. pp. 203, 204)

Under "Immortality, Eternity," Plato is quoted as follows:

"When death comes to man, what dies is that part of him which

is mortal - as is evident; what is immortal yields its place

to death and withdraws safe and free of all corruption."

(Ibid. p. 211)

Connected with this heading is that of Immortality. Swedenborg's quotation from Aristotle under this heading is suggestive of what he had taught in the Economy of the Animal Kingdom concerning the first aura.

"We call the substance of heaven and the stars Ether," says

Aristotle.". . . At the limit of this comes a nature which

is entirely passive and changeable, being subject to

dissolution and destruction." (Ibid. p. 231)

The heading "Hell" comprises a passage from Plato's Republic which might almost be a relation from the spiritual world:

"Among the tyrants were some private persons who had

perpetrated great crimes. When they tried to pass out of the

gulf and had already come to the threshold, the gulf itself

pushed them back as usual; and this was accompanied by a

dreadful bellowing whenever any members of that incurable

band of criminals or any one who had not yet undergone his

just punishment attempted to pass out. And near by were

certain fierce wild men, fearful and fiery of aspect, who

when they heard the bellowing of the gulf flew speedily to

the place and seized them one by one, and after binding their

hands, feet and neck, threw them on the ground and flayed

them, and then, dragging them to a certain road, tore their

flesh with scourages." (Ibid. pp. 333-34)

A passage from Leibnitz recites three views concerning hell, current among the ancients:

1. The ancient view that few would be punished with

damnation.

2. That all men, or at any rate, all Christians will

finally be saved; and

3. That there is a middle place between hell and paradise.

(Ibid. p. 382)

One may wonder what was in Swedenborg's mind when, under the heading of

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"Type, Representation, Harmony, Correspondence," he copied the following from Bilfinger:

"If the union of the soul with the body consists in no more

then a simple concomitance of thoughts and motions, it is a

correspondence rather than a union. But the soul is really

united to the body, and therefore we must seek for something

more. (A Phil. NB. Pp. 336-337)

Turning again to the properties of the mind, we note under the heading "Love, Affection," a quotation from Augustine which distinguishes between the love of God and the love of the neighbor.

"By the love of God, we all cleave to him. By the love of

the neighbor, we are all one, among each other."

(Ibid. p. 148)

This is mentioned by Leibnitz, who says:

"When I see that a man has true zeal for procuring the

general good, he is not far from the love of God."

(Ibid. p. 151)

"There are three things which can be loved well or ill;

God, the neighbor, and the world. God is above us, the

neighbor is beside us, and the world beneath us."

(Ibid. p. 148)

We note also Plato's distinction:

"There are two Venuses: one who is the older and was born of

Heaven without a mother, whom we call the heavenly Venus; and

the other, who is the younger, and was begotten of Jupiter

and Dione, whom we call the vulgar and common Venus."

(Ibid. p. 150)

Under the heading "Will, Heart," Rydelius is quoted as saying:

"To the will pertains not truth but good"; and Aristotle, as

saying:

"Will is appetite. When one is moved by reason, he is also

moved by will. But appetite may move a man in the absence of

reason, for cupidity is a species of appetite. . . . Reason

and cupidity are opposing appetites." (Ibid. p. 54)

Descartes is quoted as distinguishing between wills:

"Our wills are twofold," he says. "For some are actions

of the soul which are terminated in the soul itself, as when

there is a will to love God, or, in general, to apply our

thought to an object which is not material; while others are

actions that are terminated toward our body." (Ibid. p. 59)

Under the heading "Piety, Religion," a notable passage is transcribed from Grotius:

"The Christian religion," he says, ". . . desires not

that the flesh shall be circumsized, but cupiditeis; it

desires not that we abstain from every work but from work

that is unlawful [not that we sacrifice the blood of animals

but, if need be], that we offer up our own blood for a

testimony of the truth; . . . that we obey the commandments,

not from fear of punishment but that we may please Him."

(Ibid. p. 340)

We note also the quotation from Grotius:

"We ought frequently to read the Sacred Scripture, by

which no one can be deceived who has not first deceived

himself." (Ibid. p. 341)

Under the heading "Sense, Sensation," a passage quoted from Malebranche is suggestive of what Swedenborg says both in his physiological works and in the Writings:

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 636

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"It devolves upon us to prove that there is no sensation

of external things which does not include some false

judgment. [This is proved as follows: Our minds cannot be

actually in the heavens when we see stars there; nor can they

leave our bodies when they see distant houses. Therefore,

the mind sees starts and houses when they are not. . . . It

follows that all men who see those stars in the heavens, and

who spontaneously judge them to be in the heavens, make two

false judgments, the one natural and the other free.] The

one is the judgment of the senses, or a compound sensation,

from which we ought not to judge; the other is the free

judgment of the will, from which we are able to abstain, and

which apparent that among all the things found in every

sensation, error lies only in those judgments whereby we

judge our sensations to be in the objects."

(A Phil. NB. Pp. 68-69)

Substituting cortical glands for fibres, we have in the following from Malebranche, listed under the heading "Imagination, Memory," something very similar to Swedenborg's own doctrine as given in his Rational Psychology:

"Imagination consists merely in the faculty possessed by the

mind of forming for itself images of objects, by inducing

some change upon the fibres of this part of the brain. . . .

The fibres of the brain, when by the coursing of the animal

spirits, and by the action of objects, they have once

received certain impressions, preserved for a considerable

time an aptitude for receiving the same disposition. Now the

memory consists only in this facility." (Ibid. pp. 78, 79)

"In infancy, the fibres of the brain are soft, flexible

and delicate; with age they become drier, harder and more

firm; but in older age they are highly inflexible and gross."

(Ibid. p. 79) Compare this with Divine Wisdom V ad fin.

Descartes puts the memory in the pineal gland, otherwise he has the same general idea as Melebranche:

"When the soul wishes to recollect anything, this desire

causes the gland to bend itself this way and that, and so to

impel the spirits . . . so that, these spirits again finding

the same pores, enter into them more easily than into others.

In this way they excite a special motion in the gland, which

represents to the soul the same object." (Ibid. p. 84)

Melebranche also gives some striking cases of birthmarks, which were doubtless present in Swedenborg's mind when a year or two later he wrote in his work on Generation concerning the origin of birthmarks.

"A young man in a Paris hospital, an idiot from birth

and with all those members broken that are usually broken on

the wheel, had lived in that condition for almost twenty

years. . . . His condition arose from the mother's

imagination, when an ocular witness of a punishment of this

sort." (Ibid. p. 79)

After giving another case, Malebranche continues:

"It is certainly true that the traces of the brain excite

sensations and ideas in the mind; and that emotions of the

animal spirits never exist in the body without motions

corresponding to them being at once excited in the mind.

Throughout his whole life, King James of England could not

bear to look at a naked sword, because his royal mother, Mary

Stuart [while carrying him in her womb], had seen the Lords

who slew her Italian secretary in her bedchamber."

(Ibid. p. 80)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 637

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Malebranche holds that generally birthmarks are soon obliterated. He also holds that the fibres of women are softer than those of men,

"which is the reason that they are so skilful in sensible

things."

Some interesting extracts are entered under the heading "Truth, Good, Felicity." Rydelius holds good to pertain to the will, and truth to the intellect.

"When we define anything as a good, we wish to persuade

ourselves, as the will frequently does persuade the

intellect, that it is true. . . . We must therefore search

[the will and see] what is the ruling and dominant thing in

us." (A Phil. NB. Pp. 84-85)

Perhaps Swedenborg thought of himself when he copied the following from Aristotle:

"The man who is happy, since he is a man, will need also

external prosperity. For his nature with its possessions is

not sufficient for the work of contemplation; it needs also

that the body be healthy, and that food and other services of

life be supplied. . . . Solon not unfittingly declared that

the happy are those who are moderately supplied with external

goods." (Ibid. p. 89)

Later Aristotle adds:

"A wise man is the most beloved of God; and it is probable

that he is also most happy." (Ibid. p. 90)

Plato has something to the same effect:

"If one is so occupied in the learning of things divine, that

he has a mind content with his lot, subordinates human

vicissitudes, and by this evenness of mind as by a favorable

current, aspires to a moderate and temperate life - such a

man has certainly entered upon the way of sure happiness; and

truly, he to whom God has assigned such fortunes, is led to

the happiest life, by means of opinion the most true."

(Ibid. p. 92)

Plato is further quoted as saying that none but God is the cause of all good things.

"Different are the causes of evil things; these must be

investigated; but in no way can God be thought of as the

author of evil."

"There should be not the least doubt, but that a good man

must be called a wise man." (Ibid. p. 93)

From Grotius comes a sentiment which Swedenborg also utters in one of his works:

"The demonstration of truth contains in itself the refutation

of error:" (Ibid. p. 95)

On the permission of evil, Leibnitz is quoted thus:

"God wills to permit moral evil, only as a condition without

which the best cannot be obtained." (Ibid.)

"In the schools it is constantly taught that as truth is the

object of the intellect, so good is the object of the will."

(Ibid. p. 96)

There are many interesting notes on purely philosophical subjects. Thus, on Creation the Divine Wisdom according to the Egyptians says:

"It is said by the wise that the prima materia is moved

with a motion which consists in receiving form; and that form

is desired by the materia, as perfection is desired by that

which is imperfect. . . . Therefore, in the nature of

things, the prima materia exists by means of motion, which is

perfect action." (Ibid. pp. 221-22)

"The First Architect gave forth a proprial and absolute

action, proximate to the intellect, whereby he then created

the intellect itself." (Ibid.)

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After a number of quotations from Plato as to the nature of the One, Swedenborg adds the note:

"By means of the One, Plato in his Permenides sets forth the

nature of Simple Substance." - (A Phil. NB. P. 318)

a comment which he repeats in the Fibre.

As to Leibnitz, he holds that

"True substances are nothing but simple substances, or what I

call monads; and I think that in nature there are nothing but

monads, all else being the phenomena resulting therefrom.

Each monad is a mirror of the universe according to its own

point of view, accompanied by a multitude of other monads

which compose its organic body, pained by a multitude of

other monads which compose its organic body, wherein itself

is the dominant monad. In this monad there are nothing but

perceptions and tendencies to new perceptions and appetitons;

just as in the universe of phenomena there are nothing but

figures and motions. The monad then already includes in

itself its own states, past or future, and this in such way

that an Omniscient Being can there read them; and the monads

bring themselves into mutual accord, being mirrors of one

and the same universe, but differently represented. It is,

as it were, a multiplication to infinity of one and the same

universe, although the universe is itself of infinite

diffusion. In this, consists my Preestablished Harmony."

These monads cannot undergo birth or destruction.

(Ibid. pp. 321-22)

The following from the Divine Wisdom according to the Egyptians is interesting in its bearing on the doctrine of degrees or correspondences:

"The soul is ever desirous that the active intellect

shall infuse all those things which it possesses inherently;

and when these have been received from the intellect, the

soul sends them down into nature. In this way is produced the

materiated form of the celestial world. This, in turn, is

the cause of those individual forms which are joined to

matter. . . . These latter forms are less illustrious and

beautiful. . . But heavenly effective forms are more

illustrious and noble. . . . Above all are essences . . .

supremely pure, illustrious and beautiful, and which contain

within themselves all other forms. These cannot come to the

comprehension of our soul. Every single thing is more noble

in its cause than in its effect." (Ibid. p. 238)

On miracles, Leibnitz is quoted as saying that many of them

"are brought about by the ministry of invisible substances,

such as angels - a view which is also held by Malebranche;

and these angels or substances act according to the usual

laws of their nature, and they are joined to bodies more

subtle and active than those which can be handled by us.

Miracles of this kind are not miracles, except in a

comparative sense and in relation to our own works."

The laws of nature are then "no more violated than they are

when men assist nature by art." (Ibid. pp. 384-85)

Curious, as being quoted by a natural philosopher, is the entry under "Theologian, Priest," where we read:

"As to how it should be with bishops and priests, see I

Timothy ii:1-14; Titus I:5-10." (Ibid. p. 395)

The subject which - next to the Soul - receives most attention in the Note Book is the Three Systems explaining the Harmony of Soul and Body. This subject greatly occupied Swedenborg's thought, for it vitally concerned the very essence of his philosophic studies, and soon after writing A Philosopher's Note Book, he pens for publication a short treatise in refutation of the Leibnitzian

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Preestablished Harmony as presented by Wolff in his Psychologia Rationalis. Perhaps nowhere else than in this Note Book can a reader so easily and readily acquire a clear conception of the three theories - Preestablished Harmony, Occasional Causes, and Physical Influx - though most of the extracts are concerned with the theory of Preestablished Harmony.

The opening quotations from Bilfinger and Wolff define the

three systems. Bilfinger shows there can be only three

Systems, viz., Physical Influx, the Occasional System, and

Preestablished Harmony. We quote the definitions of three

Systems from Wolff:

Physical Influx: "one substance is said to flow physically

into another, if some reality which was in the one substance

is transferred to the other, in which it was not previously

present. Hence our organic body is said to flow physically

into the soul, in that from the body there is transferred [to

the soul] some reality which, from being previously in the

body, is now in the soul. And contrarwise, the soul is said

to flow physically into the body when it transfers into that

body some reality which previously was not present therein.

The system of Physical Influx is that system whereby the

commerce between mind and body is explained by a physical

influx of the body into the soul, and of the soul into the

body; or, what is the same thing, by an action of the body

upon the soul whereby the body flows into the soul; and by an

action of the soul upon the body whereby the soul flows into

the body." (A Phil. NB. Pp. 193-94)

Wolff presents this as the doctrine of Aristotelian

Schoolmen.

Occasional Causes and Assistance: "The system of Occasional

Causes is that system in which the commerce between mind and

body is explained by harmonious modifications immediately

effected by God, or by means of the general will of God, most

freely restricted by certain laws. The author of this system

is Descartes, and it is developed by Malebranche. . . . Those

are called Occasional Causes which are destitute of a proper

force of acting, but which yet furnish God with an occasion

for acting. Whereas Physical Cause has its own proper force

of acting. According to the system, God modifies the soul

for the benefit of the body, and the body for the benefit of

the soul, and He does this by producing certain sensual ideas

and no others, because certain material ideas and no others

exist in the brain; and by producing certain motions in the

body and no others, because the soul appetizes or wills these

and no others." (Ibid. pp. 198-99)

Preestablished Harmony is defined by Bilfinger:

"A System in which each substance is so circumstanced, [1]

that it contains within itself the principle and the

effective reasons of its own mutations; [2] that from the

soul's own depth are evolved perceptions of the soul which

agree in their nature and the time of their occurrence with

the nature and the time of occurrence of motions impressed on

the human body; and [3] that from the antecedent state of the

body, and from the laws of motions, arise motions of the body

which agree in their nature and the time of their occurrence

with the nature and the time of occurrence of appetites and

volitions freely elicited from the soul." (Ibid. pp. 202-3)

Wolff's definition, which is the basis of the criticism by Swedenborg in the work to which we alluded above, is:

That it is a System "in which the commerce of soul and body

is explained by a series of perceptions and appetitions in

the soul, and a series of motions in the body, which two

series, by virtue of the nature of soul and body, are

harmonious or consentient. In the System of

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Preestablished Harmony, the soul, by a force proper to

itself, produces all its perceptions and appetitions in a

continuous series. Perceptions and appetitions in the soul

would following the same way as now, even if there were no

body; consequently else, the soul would represent this

universe to itself in the same way as now, even if there were

no visible world. In this System, by virtue of the mechanism

of the body, material ideas of sensible objects give rise to

motions answering to the volitions and appetitions of the

soul; and this, apart from any immediate extrinsic

determination. They would follow in the same way even if

there were no soul, except that we would be entirely

unconscious of them." (A Phil. NB. Pp. 364-65)

This is followed by a series of definitions given by Wolff, among which us note Monists, those who acknowledge only substance. Dualists, those who admit the existence of material and immaterial substances. (Ibid. pp. 371-72)

Swedenborg's sole quotation from the Scriptures on the influx of the soul into the body is:

"Paul speaks according to Preestablished Harmony when he

says: 'Whom he did foreknown, he also did predestine' (Roms.

viii: 29)." (Ibid. p. 374)

We conclude this review of a Philosopher's Note Book by quoting some original reflections made by Swedenborg himself. At the end of quotations on the subject of "Type, Representation, Harmony, Correspondence," he says:

"Some Reflections"

"[1] The superior life consists in a representation

which includes many things simultaneously. 2. Angelic speech

consists in representation. 3. This is the reason why almost

all things are represented by images and the like. 4. The

life of our soul consists in the representation of all the

things that are in the body. 5. The type of a like

representation exists in our rational mind; for thought first

comes forth under a species of representation, before we

utter it in speech. 6. We can represent to ourselves

simultaneously an infinitude of things which we cannot

express in an hour.

"[1] In God is a representation of all things that are

in the universe; for He represented all and single things in

Himself before the foundation of the world, and all come into

being according to this representation. 2. Things are not in

His direct representation are not among the parts of His

heaven; but are castigated or reduced or rejected. 3. Like

those things in the body which are not under the intuition of

our soul. 4. But these things are infinite; nor can the

matter be represented by any one unless by abstraction - for

it is infinite." (Ibid. p. 335)

Swedenborg made these extracts from the Philosophers more specifically with a view to continuing the theme of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom by a treatise on the Fibre and another on the Harmony between Soul and Body, and it is probable that he commenced the writing of the Fibre immediately after completing, or nearly completing, A Philosopher's Note Book, and thus in 1741. Among other proofs of this is the fact that the Fibre makes use of the quotations copied in the Note Book.

The work on the Fibre, which as now preserved lacks title-page, is written on its very face as Transaction III of the Economy, being written in the same style and constantly referring to Transactions I and II. It consists of three Parts or "Paragraphs" as Swedenborg here (as in the Economy) styles

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[1741

them, viz.:

1. The Medullary Fibre of the Brain and the Nerve Fibre of

the Body.

2. The Arachnoid Tunic; and

3. Diseases of the Fibre.

As now preserved, the manuscript commences with page 65, but it is evidence that the missing pages contained anatomical excerpts; furthermore, many of these excerpts can be exactly identified by means of references to them in the text.

In this work, Swedenborg for the first time makes a clear distinction between the animal spirit and the spirituous fluid, a distinction which had been implied in volume II of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, and which is more clearly implied in the unpublished index to that volume, but which yet was not distinctly formulated.

Much that had been stated in the Venice Cerebrum is here put forth in a different connection; for instance, the use of the cerebral laboratory and the pituitary gland in the renovation of the blood; but the specific object of the work is the course and nature of the medullary fibre, as distinguished from the nerve which it ultimately forms, and this leads the author to many conclusions which, while new, are quite evidently the development of what he had laid down in preceding works.

Thus his doctrine of degrees leads him now to postulate that there are three degrees of fibres - of which presently; and his doctrine of the animal spirit leads him to postulate the corporeal fibre as a necessary part in the circulation of the spirit. For if the animal spirit, manufactured in the brains, runs through the nervous fibres, then there must by all means be a circulation of that spirit. This leads Swedenborg to write a long chapter on a comparison of the circulation of the red blood from the heart as its center, to the circulation of the animal spirit from the cortical glands to an infinitude of centers.

But how is this circulation effected? The blood return to the heart by means of veins which also carry an undigested mass of nourishment for the renovation of the life stream. Must there not be something similar in respect to the fibre? Swedenborg concludes that the very nature of the case demands the existence of a return fibre; and that, in like manner as the vein originates not in the heart but in the ultimates of the body. Hence he calls it "the corporeal fibre." This fibre he maintains is the nervous fibre of the arteries which ultimately constitutes the delicate web of the pia mater, and which forms a meninx to the cortical glands. The actual existence of these fibres in the pia mater, and their connections with the cortex, he bases on the observations of Leeuwenhoek, and to this investigator he is led to pay a high tribute of praise, saying:

"It is to be reckoned among the highest tribute of praise due

to the illustrious Leeuwenhoek, that he has given to the

learned world a knowledge of these fibrils, as he calls them,

discovered by the microscope." (The Fibre n. 181)

Entering then into the question of the ultimate origin of these corporeal fibres, and of the humor they carry, Swedenborg writes:

"Under the epidermis, in the stomach, in both lungs, and

elsewhere, are most delicate glandular and organic forms, not

unlike those of the cortical glands, which are raised up by

propagations from the nerves. From these proceed little

canals or ducts, emulating fibres, which are reflected toward

the vessels of the body, larger and smaller, and which, as it

appears, weave the inmost tunic of the arteries and the

outmost of the veins. These fibres, resuscitated from this

origin, are not the genuine fibres of the cerebrum but,

depending on their glands

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[1741

as on renewed origins, they are the re-formed fibres of the

body; and hence they are vessels of a middle nature, or

vessels emulous of the fibre, and are the genuine corporeal

fibres." (The Fibre n. 183)

"Furnished as they are with little mouths," he continues,

"they imbibe from the circumfluent atmospheres and from the

inmost essence of the food that is taken in, effluvial

exhalations and the primitive elements of salts; and by their

emissary ducts, emulous of fibres, they transfer these, by

way of the arteries, to the substances of the cortex." This

he confirms by the effect of the atmospheres upon us, and

also by contagious diseases. (Ibid. n. 184)

The corporeal fibres carry these exhalations to the cortex,

and so by their means, "the outmost parts of the body

communicate with the inmost parts of the brain; and thus the

most select and highly purged elementary and animal humor is

laid down in the beds and little sinuses of the cortical

substances, and is then derived into the appended fibres,"

and he adds that here can be seen the causes of many mental

diseases, melancholia, hysteria, etc. (Ibid. n. 185)

Finally, as to the use of these corporeal fibres, he says

that "they minister to the cortical glands as to so many most

highly simple and perfect laboratories, the essences and

quintessences of purer nature, upon which these glands may

pour their own vital essence; from the commingling of which

two essences the animal spirit is conceived, prepared and

given forth." (Ibid. n. 186)

We may note that we have here an ultimate manifestation of the different nourishment taken in by the blood according to the state of the man, as sated in Divine Love and Wisdom n. 420.

The statement in the last citation, that these imported essences of nature are mingled with the glands' "own vital essence," naturally leads to the consideration of a distinct spirituous fluid, such as had been identified in the Economy of the Animal Kingdom with the human soul. But before entering into this, Swedenborg proceeds to discuss the origin and nature of the humours which lie between the medullary fibres when the latter are bound together into fascicles and nerves, the tunics of fibres and nerves, the nerve ganglions, plexuses, etc., all of which subjects had already been more or less dealt with in the Venice Cerebrum. He then passes on to the Simple Fibre as distinct from the medullary fibre. This fibre and its fluid, Swedenborg states, is the only truly living thing in the body, and to it he ascribes

"the philosophical cannon: That in the animal system, in that

it is animal, there is nothing that is truly substantial

except this fibre, and that the rest of the composition

consist of mere accidents." (Ibid. n. 250 fin)

"It is the pathway of the determinations of the soul," he

continues, "and, as it were, the ray of its intellectual

light, and the veriest force of forces and form of forms in

its kingdom." (Ibid. n. 251)

This fibre, however, is so remote from the sphere of anatomy

that it can be learned only by the analytical way, that is,

by the analysis of effects and phenomena. From this,

however, it can be seen that the fibre must have a tunic and

a cavity, and consequently a fluid. (Ibid. nos. 252-53)

- "an uttermost fluidity" called fluid only by eminence.

"This," Swedenborg concludes, "can be no other than that

first and pure essence, truly animal and partaker of life,

which is called the spirituous essence, and which is

conceived in the inmost penetralia, vesicles, and fistulas -

also so called by eminence - of the cortical

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[1741

glands, and is brought forth and transmitted in accordance

with every need of nature." Concluding this, all observed

phenomena come into harmonic order; otherwise, no law can

have any place in the animal kingdom. (The Fibre n. 254)

The consideration of this spirituous fluid leads Swedenborg to a doctrine which thus far had not appeared in his previous writings, but which is constantly appealed to in his later, even including The Word Explained and the Memorabilia. We refer to the doctrine of Forms. Here he unfolds the nature of all the forms of the universe, from the ultimate imperfect or angular to the Divine form itself. His enumeration is the angular, the perpetuo-angular or circular, the perpertuo-circular or spiral, the perpetuao-spiral or vortical, the perpetuo-vortical or celestial. The latter is the highest of natural forms, being the form which constitutes the great expanse of the starry heavens. (Ibid. n. 266)

Swedenborg sees this form described by Aristotle in Divine Wisdom according to the Egyptians in the following words:

"Every natural form has in the supreme world some other and

similar form corresponding to itself but more noble. . . .

An inferior condition (or state, ratio) depends on another,

and conditions of this kind are many and singular. But that

which is single depends on that which is universal"; and in

his Metaphysics, Aristotle says:

"Nature is defined in one way as the genesis of things

nascent. Secondly, as that from which is born all that is

born, the same being first existent within it. Again, as

that from which arises, in each of the things that are in

nature, that first motion which lies within it by virtue of

the fact that it is itself. We say that as yet a thing has

no nature if it has no appearance and form. Nature,

therefore, is that which consists of both these. Strictly

speaking, nature is the substance of those things which have

in themselves for their individual existence, the principle

of motion. But matter is called nature by reason of the fact

that it is susceptible of this motion." (Ibid. n. 266)

This form can be understood only by eminence, or we can know that it is, but cannot visualize it, just as we can know that numbers can be raised or extracted to the fourth or fifth power, but we cannot express this geometrically. It is a form void of figure, extension, magnitude, and therefore not material; it has no "above" and no "below," but one and the same point in fluxion is in the centre and in every periphery. Plato refers to it when he says:

"It is necessary that that which receives forms of all kinds

should itself be void of all form" - a form which he calls

"an invisible form void of figure and yet capable of all

figures - a form which is perceived with difficulty."

(Ibid. pp. 190-91)

He is speaking, adds Swedenborg "of the simple body, which he

places midway between the infinite and the compound body.

'Every body must be either simple or compound, and therefore

the infinite itself must be either simple or compound' (De

Coelo, lib. I, cap. V)." (Ibid. p. 191)

"The phenomena that emerge from this aura or form, and reach

our senses, are exceeding few; for they lie inmostly

concealed in nature. Nevertheless, the real existence of

this form cannot be doubted; for without it there would be in

the world neither vortical forms nor the forms succeeding

thereto; neither, in the animal kingdom, could simple fibres

have existence, nor those infinite marvels of nature which

flow out from her inmost bosom and from the simple fibril and

its purest essence, both immediately and mediately."

(Ibid. n. 266b)

The next highest form is the Perpetuo-celestial or spiritual form. Here form and substance coincide; yet, Swedenborg adds:

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"Angels and our souls cannot properly be styled spiritual

forms, but rather more perfect celestial forms which, unlike

those forms of which we have just treated, are created for

the reception and influx of the spiritual form, to which also

they are accommodated. Nevertheless, they merit the name

spirits inasmuch as these forms, to wit, angelic forms and

our souls, unlike the celestial forms of which the starry

heavens consist, are images of the spiritual form; for they

owe their operations to the spiritual form immediately,

since, in themselves, they are inferior and posterior and are

subject to the spiritual." (The Fibre n. 267)

This form is incomprehensible and inexpressible "by the most

subtle analysis of the human mind," and therefore, Swedenborg

adds, "a more abstract speech, which may be spiritual and

angelic, or a more sublimated thought, must be used in

expressing and determining the powers and essences of this

form." (Ibid.)

Lastly comes the Divine Form -

"not properly a form but pure essence, life, intelligence,

wisdom, and most utterly abstracted from space, time, matter,

figure, motion, change, destruction." (Ibid. n. 268)

It is referred to by Plato when he says:

"The One is infinite since it has neither beginning nor end?

Yes, infinite.... Therefore it is without figure since it

partakes neither of the round nor of the straight.... Nor

can it be carried around in a circle." The creator of all

things, the beginning and the end. "There is a conviction in

the souls of men," says Plato, "that God is the commencement

and the end of all things, and that his force and power

efficaciously permeate all parts of the universe. All things

are full of the gods. For above nature, and outside of which

are all things." (Ibid. n. 268 pp. 194-95)

"'The infinite,' says Aristotle, 'is not that outside of

which is nothing, but that outside of which is always

something.' Thus he wishes to make the world either coeval

with the infinite, or else eternal. But he speaks according

to the last acumen of his perception; for the intellect is

not capable of penetrating beyond or above nature, thus into

the eternal or infinite; therefore, he does not discriminate

the one from the other. But, being better enlightened by the

Scriptures, we know that these two, namely, the Divine and

the natural, are utterly distinct. For the reset, he affirms

that all things are below God, yea, even the elements

themselves or simple substances. 'All philosophers unite in

making subject to the infinite some nature or other of those

things which are called elements.' 'The elements of material

things are not matter, neither are they infinite.' 'The

element of bodies is that into which are divided all other

bodies wherein it resides, either potentially or actually.'

Thus incomprehensible. For in it is all that is perpetual,

infinite, eternal, unlimited, holy; and it is the order, law,

idea of the universe. This form inflows into celestial and

angelic forms, and into our souls, by the mediation of the

spiritual form and of the Word. But so many are the arcana,

that it is better to be silent, to be lost in astonishment,

to fear and adore, than to speak of this subject in a way not

holy, that is to say, naturally." (Ibid. n. 268; NCL

1911:555, 642, 739, 745, 807; 1912:26, 87, 166 = Odhner on

Doct. Of Forms)

These forms, however, are forms of the universe, that is to say, of motions finally fixed in the created world. But there are also organic forms (n. 304), the highest of which is the human, which is capable of receiving all the forms of the universe - the body, the angular, the ear the circular, the eye the vortical, etc.

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"So the spiritual form flows into the soul itself which is

formed for the reception of its divine operation, whence

arise its principle of life and intelligence.... For which

reason I have ventured to style the soul or its substance the

supereminent organ in its body. Thus, from the forms of

nature, we learn the quality of the forms of life, the series

of which forms is represented in the animal kingdom alone as

in its microcosm." (Fibre. N. 269)

It is by this ladder or gradus of forms that creation was so effected that on its own plane perfection exists at every step thereof. In this connection, Swedenborg suggests the origin of evil as the perversion of organic form.

"For if a form, in itself and its own nature more imperfect

than a higher form, and more perfect than a lower, seeks and

yearns to become of the same quality as the superior form, or

of the same quality as the inferior, then it necessarily

undergoes essential change; and then the forms which have

their descent and generation from it take on a similar and

still greater imperfection according as they are distant from

their origin." (Ibid. n. 272)

This Doctrine of Forms is referred to in SD n. 3484, written in London, beginning of October 1748.

Swedenborg's whole reasoning and the illustrations that he gives show without the possibility of a doubt that what he is describing are the forms of his Principia - which work, moreover, is specifically referred to. (Ibid. nos. 264, 264a, 265b)

The sum of the argument is that the only real and living thing in all forms is the first. Swedenborg reads this into the words of the philosophers. Thus, Wolff says:

"If there is force in a compound substance, it must result

from the forces of simple substances";
and Plato:

"Being is distributed throughout the whole multitude of

things, and from not one of all the things that are, either

the smallest or the greatest, is it absent; moreover, in

every single part of being is present the One (that is,

simple substance, the unit or monad), which is absent from no

part, whether small or large."
And Aristotle:

"Compounds are moved at the nod of the simple which is within

them dominating and overruling"; and again:

"To God is given the highest and first seat of the world.

That body most greatly feels his force and enjoys his

divinity, which is situated next to him; then that which

holds the second position, and each body thereafter according

to the order of positions constituted by nature, all the way

to our position." (Ibid. n. 272 pp. 201-2)

A further principle which Swedenborg draws out from his Doctrine of Forms is that posterior forms may undergo essential changes while the prior forms remain in their integrity. Thus, if an air bubble should be changed to an elliptical form, the interior bullae would still retain their intrinsic determinations.

"But to treat of these things briefly," says Swedenborg,

concluding his treatise on Forms, "is to treat of them

obscurely; it suffices, however, for the intelligent."

(Ibid. n. 273a)

Returning to the Simple Fibre, Swedenborg affirms the form of the blood vessels is circular, that of the medullary fibre spiral, that of the simple fibre vortical, and that of the parts which raise up the simple fibre celestial, all these forms being contained in the blood vessels; (Fibre n. 275) and in this way the microcosm is an image of the macrocosm; (Ibid. n. 277) and the soul in her body has omnipresence, power, knowledge and providence. The simple fibre, therefore, has its origin in "the purest ether or heaven," and

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may "almost be called nature herself in her first infancy." (Fibre n. 279)

But while the simple fibre is the product of the celestial form, it is the determination of spiritual forms more perfect in man, less perfect in animals; and these forms, like the natural, also descend to the ultimate world. (Ibid. n. 282)

The spiritual form flows immediately even into the first forms of animals, almost as the solar light flows into both compounds and simples,

"but the more simple they are, the better do they receive

it."*

But the inmost forms of animals are vortical and therefore

many animals are like living magnets. (Ibid. n. 284)

* Compare with this the teaching of the Writings that the Lord is present mediately and also immediately on every plane.

Thus, the simple fibre flows from the soul immediately. But here comes the question, What is the soul? To answer this question, says Swedenborg,

"I have decided to enter upon a special treatise on the

commerce of the soul and body." (Ibid. n. 285)
He does, however, give the definition that

"as to nature, the soul is celestial, and as to life, simple,

single, void of part, size, extense, figure, motion, gravity

and levity, not corporeal nor material." (Ibid. n. 289)

Yet the soul is to be thought of as determining itself into

figure; and it is to be represented by eminence as being

within the figure; or the soul is the same as simple

substance within which is celestial and spiritual form.

(Ibid. n. 290)

The simple fibre must also be conceived of as perfluent or as

having the likeness of a cavity and a surface, otherwise it

would be impotent and without determination; and there must

be within it that which resembles a fluid, viz., the soul;

(Ibid. n. 299)

it is then capable of undergoing accidental changes.

(Ibid. n. 293)

Yet the simple fibre approaches the nature of a fluid,

otherwise there could be no formation.

From the simple fibre and its fluid by composition are formed

all other fibres, vessels and bloods.

Applying the forms of the world to the human organism, Swedenborg states that the soul is spiritual; the simple cortices, celestial; the cortical and cineritious substance vortical with the faculty of perceiving; the medullary substance or brain as a whole, spiral, with the faculty of sensating; the heart and its vessels, circular with the faculty of acting; the whole body being the last or angular form. Thus the universal of the body consists of the simple fibre alone, all else being additions; from which it can be seen that the soul

"is the purest animal essence, celestial and spiritual, while

the body consists solely of earthly particles."

(Ibid. nos. 317-18)

Swedenborg concludes with a chapter on the circulations of the three bloods, each circulation being carried on separately and also conjointly.

Part II deals with the Arachnoid Tunic, and gives substantially the same teaching as was contained in one of the chapters in the Venice Cerebrum. It is added here as furnishing the origin of the intra fibruous humor. (Ibid. n. 335)

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Part III is on Diseases of the Fibres. But this Part is left unfinished, ending with a mere chapter heading, as noted in Codex 37 page 1. It is probably that Swedenborg concluded that such a treatise belongs more properly to a work on the brain, and when later he wrote his second treatise on the brain, he included in it a Part on Diseases of the Brain, treating these diseases in the same order as in the present work, and, indeed, referring to that work for a preface.

As originally planned, however, the treatise was to have consisted of two Parts:

I Diseases of the Fibres

II The Derivation of the Diseases of the Body and vice

versa. (De Anima XII, XIII)

It may be added that in writing this Part on the Diseases of the Fibres, Swedenborg turned back to the citations on this subject which he had copied out in Codex 55 (see above, pp. 527-28), for we find the copied list crossed off bit by bit, evidently as Swedenborg finished writing on the different diseases. (Codex 57 p. 205 seq.)

Moreover, on a blank space in this Codex he enters a list of the diseases of which he has treated, and the page of the MS. which contains the treatment, it being his evident intention to have this note for ready reference when he resumed the work with the new title, "Diseases of the Brain."

From the pages of The Fibre itself (nos. 298-99, 301, 285), we learn that this work was to be followed by a treatise on the Animal Spirit, and there was also to be

"A special treatise on the commerce of the soul and body, and

on its state in the body and also after the death of the

body" (n. 285).

Turning to the MS. which contains The Fibre, we find that the latter work is there followed by shorter or longer treatises entitled in the order of their occurrence:
1. The Red Blood.
2. The Animal Spirit.
3. Sensation.
4. The Origin of the Soul.

5. Action.

6. The Harmony of the Soul and Body.

These works were all separately paged and were undoubtedly written in separate manuscripts; for there is no physical connection between them. They have simply been bound together. Four of them are numbered consecutively by Swedenborg in an order different from that in which they are now bound, namely:
9. The Animal Spirit.
10. Sensation.
11. Action.
12. The Red Blood.

That this was the order in which they were written is further confirmed by a reference in the Red Blood to the Animal Spirit as already written. These numbered works include all the works except the one on the Origin of the Soul and the one on the Harmony of the Soul and Body. It is probable, therefore, that the numbering was entered on the works after Swedenborg had written the Harmony of the Soul and Body ready for the press, and that it indicates the order in which these works were to follow this last named.

That all these work were written in 1741 is indicated by the fact which we shall now relate.

It will be recalled that the two volumes of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom were published anonymously in July 1740 and January 1741; see above, p. 590. The name of the author had become tolerably well known by the middle of 1741, though it was still unknown to some reviewers as late as January 1742. But Swedenborg himself did not at that time know that his anonymity had been publicly revealed; and it was his intention to continue writing anonymously. (NP 1930: pp. 204, 219)

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The Fibre was intended as Volume III, and the treatises written after that work were intended to be small brochures to be published from time to time. That they were to be published anonymously is indicated in the preface to one of them, The Economy between Soul and Body, from which we quote:

"Being in doubt, I have hesitated for a long time as to

whether to gather all my mediations concerning the Soul and

Body and the mutual action and passion between them, into a

single work and volume; or to divide them into separate

numbers and transactions to be presented to the public one by

one after the manner of the Acts of the learned. It is a

labor of some years ... to present ... the whole animal

kingdom with its parts and the functions and offices of each,

philosophically, analytically, geometrically and

anatomically. And inasmuch as I suspected and foresaw that

it would never be possible simultaneously to complete and

bring to an end so vast a work, and this, as it were, with a

single breath and at a single mental stretch; but that,

despairing of reaching the goal, I would perchance, in the

very middle of the journey, relinquish the task and succumb

to the labor; or, as the Poet says, becoming impatient of

mind,

'With fingers drooped from toil, would halt the work;'

therefore, I deemed it the better course to distribute the

work into transactions or sheets, and frequently to take up

the pen - always leaving some interval of time when I might

be allowed to take breath, and might also give my mind to the

duties devolving upon me. For, just as the point of the pen

is blunted and its flow stopped by over much use, so likewise

it with the mind.

"This, then, is the reason why I choose rather to return

to this work and this task from time to time, with the

purpose of frequently intruding upon you with my literary

productions, perhaps five or six times a year; to which

productions I may be allowed to give the title Psychological

Transactions. In this way there is hope that after the lapse

of a few years, the goal will be reached and I shall have it

in my power to present the state of the soul even when, after

the fate of her body and the ceasing of her connection

therewith, she is left to herself alone."

(Psych. Trans. P. 21)

This Preface is signed "I. S. E. G. O F." (It will be recalled that in one of his early suggestions for the title of his first proposed anatomical work he signed it "Ab Apheide"; see above, p. 438) It is clear from this Preface to the last of the works written in Codex 74 (The Fibre) that it and the preceding works wee all written before the Spring of 1742; for in march 1742, the second edition of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom appeared, and this time with the name and full titles of the author. This second edition was no more than the printed sheets of the first edition provided with a new title-page and an extra page of announcements added to each volume. In the first edition, contains the same errors and includes the same list of printer's errors. Swedenborg, therefore, must have informed his printer early in 1742 that he had abandoned his anonymity. Probably by that time he had learned that it had long been publicly revealed.

The page of announcements to which we have just alluded is as follows:

"Catalogue of Books published and to be published by Emanuel

Swedenborg, Assessor of the Royal Swedish College of Mines.

"The Forerunner of a reasoning philosophy concerning the

Infinite and the final cause of creation; and concerning the

Mechanism and Operation of the Soul and Body. 8vo.

"Opera Philosphica and Mineralia, divided into three volumes

folio; 1st On the Principles of Natural Things or New

Attempts

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 649

[1741

to explain philosophically the Phenomena of the Elementary

world; illustrated with copperplates.

2nd On Iron.

3rd On Copper.

"Four books shortly to be published:

"1. On the Medullary Fibre of the Brain, and the Nerve Fibre

of the Body.

"2. The Animal Spirit.

"3. Concordance of the three systems concerning the Human

Soul and its Commerce with the Body.

"4. On Divine Providence, Predestination, Fate, Fortune; and

on Human Prudence."

With regard to the last mentioned work, that on Providence, no trace of it is now to be found. Perhaps it is the work referred to by Swedenborg in his Journal of Dreams n. 206, which was written less than three years later, namely, in January 1744. There he says:

"My father came out [of the society] and said to me that what

I had written about Providence was the finest. I called to

mind that it was only a small treatise (en liten tractat)."

(J. Of Dreams [n. 206])
Bishop Swedberg died in July 1735, and of course could not have known anything about the treatise on Providence if that work was written in 1741. On the other hand, the Journal of Dreams may be referring to the work on The Infinite, published in 1734; see nos. 77 and 79 of that work (1886 edition, pp. 141, 144). This, however, I regard as improbable for in his work on Rational Psychology, which was written soon after the present period, he says:

"But we have treated of Providence, Fate, Fortune,

Predestination, Human Prudence. This may be consulted and

added." (R. Psych. n. 561)

I shall now take up the works following The Fibre; and first the advertised work, "the Concordance of the three systems concerning the Human soul and its Commerce with the Body," or - as it is actually entitled in the MS: "The Soul and the Harmony between Soul and Body in general." In the MS. this is headed: "The First Transaction," indicating that it was to be the first of the "Psychological Transactions" which were to be published from time to time as stated in the preface from which we have already quoted.

That this work was to follow The Fibre is stated in The Fibre itself where we read:

"That I may satisfy the reader in these matters [viz., as to

what the soul is], I have decided to enter upon a special

treatise on the commerce of the soul and body, and on its

state in the body and also after the death of the body; and,

at the same time, to bring forward the opinions of the

learned, and to set forth in what way they are consentient

and dissentient. Here I could do no other than put forward,

as by way of preface," etc. (Fibre n. 285)

The Harmony between Soul and Body is written in evident connection with A Philosopher's Note Book, for it is in effect a commentary on the doctrine of Preestablished Harmony as given in Wolff's Psychologia Rationalis, and includes several of the citations made in A Philosopher's Note book. Still, Swedenborg did not quote from the latter work but from Wolff direct.

The Harmony between Soul and Body and the Pschologica written some years earlier, are unique among Swedenborg's works in that they are a refutation of the opinions of a writer - in both cases being Wolff. In the Psychologica, however, Swedenborg professedly refutes Wolff, while in the present work there is no mention of him except on one occasion when he is referred to as

"that eminent philosopher of our age who in these contests

[of philosophy] defended, not an empty title or a fame

acquired under the shield of some renowned athlete, or, as

the saying is, under a lion's skin, but a fame won by his own

martial courage." (Psych. Trans. P. 54, n. 39)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 650

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The work opens by stating that in considering any system concerning the harmony of soul and body, there must be nothing ambiguous.

"If a number of unknown or occult elements are inserted in

the chain, then, at its end, there is still greater ambiguity

respecting the induction that has been built up." It is

because of this ambiguity that so many systems have arisen.

Yet, "as much credence is given to an hypothesis that weakens

and denies as to one that affirms and assumes. A truly

rational mind, however, never depends on the lips of a

speaker but on the truth of his sayings." The soul, he

continues, operating in its body, ever "brings forth as from

a full horn, images and signs; and none others, indeed, then

such as are like ----" (n. 1) (Ibid. pp. 23-24)

Here two pages are missing from the MS. But one can well imagine what was said in these pages, for after this break, Swedenborg speaks of those who judge only from the senses, thinking that the least thing within the sphere of sensation

"is the most simple of all, and has derived its origin from

nothing; and thus that the soul itself is a substance not

compound but simple, because its quality is inaccessible by

way of the organs of our senses. This opinion is applauded

and subscribed to by the vulgar; and there are some who even

add threats, and engage in verbal assaults, and bite with

leonine tooth, if any one attempts to gather knowledge beyond

the vulgar limits, or if he is not friendly to their side....

They strive to forbid and prevent the philosopher from

approaching their altars and hearths, being desirous that

penetration shall go not further then is allowed by the

testimony and arbitrament, as it were, of the senses" (n. 2).

(Ibid. p. 25)

Apparently Swedenborg has in mind the Bibliothque Raisonne reviewer of the first volume of his Economy of the Animal Kingdom, of whom he writes in A Philosopher's Note Book: "They reason in front of the threshold" (p. 503). (Bib. Raison 1741:v. 27 Oct.-Dec.)

After these prefatory remarks, Swedenborg then enters upon a consideration of the system of Preestablished Harmony, a system, he says, which

"involves elements that are unknown and incomprehensible, and

qualities that are occult" (n. 4).

As to the exploded theories of the ancients, he thinks it

mere waste of time to consider them. Of the moderns,

however, some seek to make the harmony of soul and body clear

by occasional causes, or by a kind of physical influx (n. 4).

These, apparently, he will not consider, for he continues:

"I do not make it my business, however, to take sides, or to

express an opinion concerning either of these hypotheses ...;

such labor would be of little value and barren of results.

For [and here he seems to be referring to himself] one who is

imbued and preoccupied with his own principles is no longer

in a position to ... have any real understanding of reasons

that are opposed to his own.... Moreover, one who wishes to

formulate and build up principles by means of some

geometrical and mechanical connection, and then to confirm

them by experience, ought not to assume the opinions and

arguments of others, and then, having assumed them, to refute

the assumptions; but he ought merely to present causes, and

to demonstrate the connection of his principles with the

facts of experience.... If there be a connection, the very

causes present themselves simultaneously in the connection

and series, as though they were actually present, and

together they so fully meet all systematical and hypothetical

arguments,

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 651

[1741

that to refute the latter would be wasting labor and burning

oil in vain.... The truth ... speaks well enough for itself

when it demonstrates and confirms the facts of experience.

In demonstrated truths there is a most powerful force, and

this draws the mind away from the side of its senses to its

own side." (N. 5) (Psych. Trans. Pp. 26-27)

"Let us, however, find out in what respect the system of

preestablished harmony, as it is called, excels other

systems; and whether by its aid we may be led more deeply

into the animal microcosm ... or whether this system also is

like an obscure utterance which, equally with other systems,

precipitates the mind into occult qualities.... At the

present day, preestablished harmony is regarded as an

irreproachable answer delivered from a tripod; it rolls on

the tongue of almost all our prophets and wise men.... In a

few short years it has lifted high its head, and from the

tomb of Leibnitz it is growing still higher" (n. 6)

(Ibid. pp. 27-28)

This doctrine is then presented in 11 headings by quotations from the chapter on Preestablished Harmony in Wolff's Psychologia Rationalis.

Then following some remarks written in a vein of gentle sarcasm as to the futility of learnedly discoursing about the obvious. Even the foolish know that

ideas and images are formed from what enters by the senses;

that motions come by means of muscles and nerves, and that

for their production there are laws (n. 9) (Ibid. p. 31)

The mind, however, does not wish to dwell on things obvious;

it seeks to inquire into causes (n. 10). (Ibid. p. 32)

But the more the soul wishes "to extort from herself the

reason of her own operations and of those of the body, the

more strongly does this system resist and struggle, and

hinder her from earnest search into anything of deeper

import. It straightway shuts the door and, to the mind that

is eager to advance into the sciences, it opposes

obstructions and barriers ...; for the system defends a

harmony preestablished by God, and ... opposes to us an

occult quality. And lest the eager mind break through the

fence, ... the system lays down the principle that all things

are carried on apart from any interdependence; and it

entirely takes away any connection between the soul and the

body" (n. 11). (Ibid. p33)

It pronounces the laws and series in the soul and body

impenetrable. "In opposing it, therefore, I shall do my

utmost endeavor to show that the aim of this philosophy,

stuffed with innumerable occult qualities, or rather with

nothing but occult qualities, is to overwhelm the mind"

(n. 11) (Ibid. pp. 33-34)

We have banished the atoms of the ancients, he continues, and

have gone to experiments to supply torches wherewith to

penetrate nature (n. 12). (Ibid. pp. 34-35)

He then takes up the system in detail, and in doing so manifests a keen controversial reasoning in a form not usual in his writings. On Wolff's statement

"That in the soul there is a unique force representative of

the universe," he observes: "I do not possess such power of

prescience or anticipation ... as to know what the author

wished to express by the statement that the soul has the

power of producing an idea of the whole present universe

without direction by any extraneous and higher principle. If

I grasp his meaning, I would state it as being that the soul

is the sufficient efficient cause of the whole of perception;

or, that it is a living tablet or mirror wherein is a force

that represents the objects of the universe; or, that there

is a force in the animal mirror the effect whereof is, that

everything is represented universally; or merely, that there

is a force. Pardon me for wishing to get at the

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 652

[1741

matter and make it clearer to myself by a guess. But

assuming any one of these meanings, though I do not then

concede the position, what comes clearly to the perception, a

proposition thoroughly ascertained, is, that in the soul

there is a force of acting and perceiving. All the other

points are matters of occult quality" (n. 13).

(Psych. Trans. Pp. 35-36)

On the above statement that this force produces all perceptions and appetitions, and that these have their sufficient reason in the force, he says:

"As to knowing what it means that the same force produces,

the same represents itself, and the same sensates and

perceives the thing represented; or, that the same force both

produces the effect and comprehends it, and yet is most

absolutely unique, and the soul a pure substance - as to

this, I confess I am a Davus not an Oedipus. Were belief a

matter under my own control I would willingly add my faith;

but not being so highly acute and keen sighted, to me it is

all an occult quality" (n. 14). (Ibid. p. 36)

On the statement that this force in the soul is independent of every external principle and of the body itself, Swedenborg observes that in such case the soul would pay the penalties of its body only by imputation. It must contain in itself the whole of the body's nature and, consequently, be entirely disconnected from causes. How then could it perceive the sensations of others? or the delights of the world and heaven? how could it apply itself to the deity? and

"how could moral actions exist, since there can be nothing

moral in them, except that the perceptions and appetitions of

the soul are harmonious and concordant with the modes and

motions of the body"; and, he continues, "all these points I

certainly do not know; and were I credulously to adhere to a

belief in mere dicta, I would still be in the same ignorance"

(n. 16). (Ibid. pp. 37-38)

Later on he observes that every one knows that there is a harmony between soul and body; what is desired, however, is the nature of this harmony.

"But the answer of our wise man is that there is a harmony,

and that God has preestablished this harmony between the soul

and body! In this way does he dam the stream and stop up the

fount, and at once extinguish and put to death all desire and

hope of knowledge; and he utters the pronouncement that

harmony is preestablished, or, what amounts to the same

thing, that preestablishment is an occult quality." Thus do

the cultivators of this system terminate all knowledge in

their own peculiar harmony, and build a hedge in front of

wisdom lest one turn to inquire into the soul's nature.

"And if perchance [referring, I imagine, to himself] there be

one who is unwilling to stand at the threshold as a perpetual

doorkeeper, but will knock at the doors or dare to enter the

building, there will be no lack of command that he keep away

from the sacred portals and betake himself afar off as one

profane" (n. 20). (Ibid. p. 41)

Swedenborg is particular severe on the assertion that

"from the series of motions in the body a reason may be

rendered why perceptions of one kind or another arise in the

soul,.... I am also asked to believe that the presence of

the ideas of the sensory organs contributes nothing whatever

to the production of these perceptions; for what the one

position binds the other seems to loose." If there is no

connection, he asks, why does the one act almost

simultaneously with the other? Why do we appetize today what

yesterday we were averse to? Why, from frequent repetitions

of actions, does the soul contract a habit of perceiving and

appetizing so that she spontaneously recurs into like

motions? Whence is the marvelous correspondence between soul

and body in respect to cause and effect?

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 653

[1741

"Acute, indeed," he concludes, "and capable of discerning

affections in a vacuum or nothing, must he be who can discern

the presence of causes and effects and, at the same time,

their independence. For myself, I confess I am prevented

from even conceiving of an imagination so acute" (n. 25).

(Psych. Trans. Pp. 44-46)

Later, concerning another statement he writes: This

"will have to be unearthed by the ingenuity of other men; to

me, the whole thing is an occult quality" (n. 26).

The culmination of the system comes in the statement

"that the mechanism of the body is incomprehensible, but yet

is not devoid of probability." These motions with their

determinations, laws and series, "are all incomprehensible

but conjecturable," comments Swedenborg, and he continues:

"What service then has this so famous system performed? and

what does it involve other than that all the laws of our

kingdom are unknown to us, and that we can learn only that

they are?" (n. 26) (Ibid p. 47)

After this destructive criticism, Swedenborg declares that it is now

incumbent on him "to declare true principles. For it is not

proper that one who acts as an examining judge, shall

determine a question unless he be well learned and skilled in

the law, and be in a position to plead a cause of which he

has knowledge."

Swedenborg, therefore, proposes to treat of the harmony of

soul and body in his "smaller works and Transactions.... Then

you also, my readers, shall sit in judgment as to what

service I may thus have performed" (n. 30). (Ibid. p. 48)

Then follows a long recountal of the achievements of the moderns in the experimental sciences. It but remains to approach more nearly to Nature in her

recesses. "Already she awaits from our age a man of genius,

trained by experiments, disciplined by the sciences and

study, and possessed of the faculty of searching out causes,

of pursuing the argument by connections, and of making

determinate conclusion according to the series; to whom, in

our day, as I think, she will betroth herself; and I prophesy

that she will then yield to the darts of love and join him in

covenant and in bed. Would that I might scatter the nuts,

and head the bearers of the torches" (n. 40). (Ibid. p. 55)

Swedenborg then enters into a discussion of the current views respecting the soul as a simple substance or monad, created from nothing;

"and yet," he adds, "in these substances there are

affections, and these are not affections of nothing, but are

qualities agreeing with the essence of each substance. They

say that in these simple substances are no parts, ... and yet

they are limited and finited, since they are natural and are

subjected and dedicated to their own laws and to none others"

(n. 42). (Ibid. pp. 56-57)

But here we have another gap in the MS., and this time a gap of thirty-two pages! From the continuation, we judge that these pages continued the criticism of the current philosophy concerning the substance of the soul, and included a consideration of the reasons why

"rational philosophy is so often the source of error, and why

its leaders wander further from the right path than those who

place their ultimate causes in causates" (n. 72).

(Ibid. p. 57)

Dismissing these matters, Swedenborg then inquires

"whether the soul is within the world, that is, within the

circuit of nature; as opposed to the opinions of our

contemporaries and indeed of the leaders of the modern

philosophy, who have banished her from the world, and who

declare that she would be the same were there

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 654

[1741

is no world or no nature. As soon as it is proved that the

soul is within the gyre of nature, ... then, with the

guidance of philosophy, we may be allowed to enter upon and

follow the question as to the nature of her motive causes,

potencies, laws, series and substances" (n. 73).

(Psych. Trans. p. 58)

He then shows that she is in the world since she is in her body and

builds that body, where she is enclosed in her brains.

Moreover, she follows the body from place to place even to

the ends of the world. If anything fails in the body, she at

once grieves and brings what aid she can.

"It follows, therefore, from the above, that the body is in

dependence on its soul, and the soul in dependence on her

body; and that the former is not a substance purely simple,

and thus an imaginary something, of which neither place nor

connection nor extension can be predicated; consequently, she

would not be the same if there were no world or no body"

(n. 74). (Ibid. p. 60)

When the body dies, however, the soul migrates from her

palace. "But she does not, therefore, live in exile outside

the world; or occupy some seat above or below nature. On the

other hand, gaining a freer field, she then, in suitable

accordance with her own nature, extends her range into the

vast heaven; and verily, she is raised higher into the

heavenly aura in the degree that she has been formed in her

microcosm more purely and holily, and in better accordance

with the genuine state of the causes of her heaven and her

principles. The effigy of her body with its motions and

effects still remains in her, being most purely impressed on

her highly simple and modifiable substances, as on causes -

not unlike as the figure of a tree with all its vegetation is

impressed on the seed. And whatever habit or nature of

instinct she has contracted by exercises by the medium of the

body, is then represented in the soul to the very life"

(n. 76). (Ibid. p. 61)

Swedenborg concludes, therefore, that the soul is within

nature and is finite, being bound in with her microcosm and

also

"contiguous with heaven, and dependent on the heavenly aura;

consequently, that she is an entity both of the purer and of

the grosser world." Thus she is in place, in time, and can

suffer and act (n. 77).

It is amusing in this connection to note that, while thus condemning Wolff's theory of the soul as a simple substance arising from nothing - without any mention of Wolff as its proponent - he should confirm his condemnation by quoting Wolff: Nothing and something, he observes, are contradictions.

"For, as said by the illustrious philosopher of our age,

Christian Wolff, in his Ontology: 'If you assume nothing,

howsoever many times you choose to assume it, what is assumed

is nothing and not something'" (n 78). (Ibid. pp. 62-63)

Swedenborg then, in order to demonstrate that the soul is coterminous with its body, shows

"that almost all things in the animal body are membranous and

thus continuous." This he illustrated in the fetus, in the

glands (n. 79)
- when suddenly, on page 80, the MS. breaks off in the middle of a sentence, but with a catch word for the following page. How many pages it extended to, we have no means of telling. If the work fulfilled the promise of The Fibre n. 285 - and this seems not improbable in view of Swedenborg's statement that it devolved upon him not to criticize others but himself "to declare true principles" (n. 30) - the missing pages treated further on the nature of the soul and its state in the body and after death. (Ibid. p. 48)
The missing pages included probably also the treatise on Divine Providence.

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It will be recalled that four of the six works following The Fibre in Codex 74 were numbered by Swedenborg from 9 to 12. The unnumbered works were:

The Harmony Between the Soul and Body, just reviewed and "The

Origin and Propagation of the Soul," a work of 4 short

chapters.

Before taking up the numbered series, we shall briefly notice this latter work, which is closely related to the Harmony between Soul and Body.

That it was written after The Fibre is shown by its clear distinction between the spirituous fluid, the animal spirit, and the white and red blood - a distinction made for the first time in The Animal Spirit.

The Origin and Propagation of the Soul opens with a consideration of the soul of the first man; a passage which, while not clear as to its meaning, is suggestive of the hypothesis of man's creation set forth in the Worship and Love of God. It reads:

"No one, I think doubts but that the first soul, or that

of the first man, was created immediately by God and poured

into a new body; that is to say, that his soul - which

perhaps was like to a vegetative soul, or which was not only

spiritual but also natural, was so purified as to have

acquired a spiritual essence and nature. For the vegetative

soul differs from living souls or those of the animal

kingdom, principally in being not only a spiritual form but

also a natural, that is, in having inferior forms adjoined to

it, such as the first, second and third natural; but when

these natural forms are cast off or separated, a pure

spiritual form remains, such as the human is. But these

matters we may dismiss; to divine, is permissible, but let no

mortal man seek to penetrate into the mysteries of creation"

(n. 1) (Psych. Trans. P. 67)

Swedenborg, however, intends here to treat, not of the creation of souls, but of their propagation. This he shows by various considerations which need not be considered here. There are one or two statements in this little work which it may be useful to note.

One is the statement that not the whole soul of the parent is

transcribed into the offspring, "but only such ratio, or, if

we may be allowed the expression, such small portion of it as

shall suffice for the initiation of organic or corporeal

forms" (chap. I fin.). (Ibid. p. 68)

The qualifying phrase "if we may be allowed to use the expression" saves this statement from being contradictory to the teaching of Conjugial Love n. 220,

that when the soul propagates itself, "the entire soul forms

itself and clothes itself and becomes seed; and this can be

done thousands of times, because the soul is a spiritual

substance which has not extension but impletion, and from

which there is no taking away of a part but a production of

the whole without any loss of it. Hence it is that it is as

fully in the smallest receptacles which are seeds, as in its

greatest receptacle which is the body."

A second statement concerns Swedenborg's anatomical studies, and his intention to write a work on Generation. The particular office performed by each of the organs of generation, he writes,

"can be explained only in a special transaction on this

subject; but when I was opening them up all the way to their

causes, I seemed to myself to have detected the following

connection and progression of causes, namely, that in the

organs of the male are conceived the first rudiments of the

brain, that is, the purer cortex, which, later on, is

contained in the cortical gland; and thus, that from this, as

from an inchoament of a body, are projected organic forms

which afterwards, in the ovum and womb of the mother -

always, however,

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 656

[1741

under the auspices of this little brain - successively

progress and thus produce a body" (chap. II).

(Psych. Trans. P. 69)

The third statement is to the effect that

"first animal forms are conceived and excluded in an eminent

mode, in the simple cortex itself; and in this way is the

soul procreated in every animal" (chap. III). (Ibid. p. 70)

It is in this connection that Swedenborg gives the doctrine of the bloods as set forth in The Fibre, and also refers to the doctrine of forms.

We come now to the four numbered works bound up in Codex 74. Judging from internal evidence, as we shall see, these works were written just after The Fibre, for in one or two of them The Fibre is specifically referred to (Animal Spirit n. 16).

The first, marked "9,"* is entitled "The Animal Spirit." Swedenborg had first written specifically on this subject of the Animal Spirit in a chapter in his Venice Cerebrum. His language then, however, is somewhat vague as regards the relation of the animal spirit to the red blood; but it can be clearly gathered that he gave the term Animal Spirit to the very purest essence than which nothing was superior, the spirit, namely, which is superior to the spirits of the visible cortex; and that it is the spirituous essence or spirituous fluid as he also calls it which immediately clothes the soul. Next to this come what he calls the white blood or spirituous juice; and lastly, the red blood (Cerebrum n. 732).

* The numbering "9" suggests the "VIII" given to an unfinished treatise on the Muscles. See above, p. 254.

In the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, the animal spirit is defined in essentially the same way though with greater detail and exactness. Here also it is called sometimes animal spirit and sometimes spirituous fluid.

The general doctrine there presented is that first comes the

red blood, second, the six globules of which this is composed

and into which it breaks up when it enters into the fine

capillaries. This first division of the red blood he calls

the purer, white or middle blood, and also the spirituous

fluid (Econ. 1:38); but it is entirely separated from the

serum of the red blood (Ibid. 126). He pictures it as

flowing directly into the cortical gland (Ibid. 38), and

after being there renovated, flowing out through the

medullary fibre into the body, in part as in the form of

nerves, and in part as an inner essence communicated to the

blood. See Econ. 1:38, 40; 2:126, 130.

The divisions of this blood, that is to say, the six globules

into which, according to Leeuwenhoek, the purer blood is

divided - though Swedenborg does not lay stress on the number

six, being content with the statement that after its division

into purer or white blood it is again subdivided - the

division of this blood he calls animal spirit or spirituous

fluid. This fluid, he says, runs through the fibres which

constitute the cortical gland, and, consequently, through the

fibres which form the medullary fibre. He does not use the

term simple cortex, but it is clear that it is to the fibres

of the simple cortex that he is referring

(see Econ. 2:127, 130).

He calls it the spirituous fluid or essence of life (Econ.

1:91); a most attenuated fluid not perceptible to the sight

(Ibid. 40), and in immediate contact with the soul (Ibid.

41); it is the first cause and the only living thing in the

blood (Ibid. 271, 503), and a blood which is determined by

the first aura (Ibid. 634).

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[1741

In The Fibre, which was the next work to be written after

volume 2 of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, essentially

the same distinctions of blood are maintained. But now, for

the first time, the term animal spirit is confined to the

middle, purer or white blood. The purest blood, he says, or

the first essence, is not the animal spirit but the external

form of the soul (Fibre n. 374).

For the first time he speaks of the purest cortex, and states

that it is through the fibres of this cortex that the

spirituous essence runs. The animal spirit, on the other

hand, is the purer or middle blood (Ib. 477). He no longer

speaks of the purer or white blood flowing into the cortical

gland and issuing therefrom as animal spirit; but he now

speaks for the first time of the corporeal fibre, stating

that this fibre brings to the cortical gland a serum

consisting of elements drawn from the atmospheres, which,

when mingled with the spirituous essence, constitutes the

animal spirit (Ibid. n. 301)

Yet the theory involves that the purer blood does enter into

the cortical gland, and that being furnished by the corporeal

fibre with new and refreshing elements, it issues forth as

animal spirit. This is not clear, however, but it is clear

that he identifies the animal spirit with the purer or white

blood (Ibid. nos. 202, 320, 301, 477).

In the first work that he wrote after The Fibre, namely, The Animal Spirit, the same general doctrine is maintained. But, apparently, after writing this little work his ideas became modified; for, to the heading of chapter VI of that work, which reads:

"That the Animal Spirit is identical with that which is

called the purer, middle, or white Blood"

(Psych. Trans. P. 79)
he added the marginal note:

"This must be changed, for the spirit is distinct from the

purer blood."
And in the last paragraph of this work, which, however, is crossed off by the author, he states:

"Observe that the purer blood is one thing, and the animal

spirit another. The purer blood is that which arises from

the resolved red blood, but the latter consists of spirits

with intersertions of volatile particles, or primordial

saline and sulphureous elements." (Ibid. pp. 91-92)

It would thus appear that Swedenborg envisaged four bloods, namely, the spirituous fluid, the animal spirit, the white blood and the red blood. This is not in harmony with the testimony adduced from Leeuwenhoek both in the Economy and in The Fibre. For this testimony is to the effect that the blood globule divides into six globules, and these again into six. The new theory is that the animal spirit is simply the union of the spirituous fluid with the ethereal element brought in by the corporeal fibre; that this constituted the fluid which flows through the medullary fibre, and that, by means of the pituitary gland, it either adds itself to the blood corpuscle, or makes new blood corpuscles which flow into the heart through the jugular veins. It may be added that, according to modern observation, the blood corpuscle does not break up into lesser corpuscles when entering the capillaries, but simply elongates itself in order to flow into a small channel.

For the rest, The Animal Spirit gives nothing that is new, and seems to have been written rather as a gathering together of Swedenborg's ideas than a development of them. We note, however, that the use of the animal spirit is to be a communicating medium or substance between soul and body; from which it would follow that with the death of the body, the animal spirit also dies. We see also in this work the influence of Swedenborg's doctrine of forms.

"According to the definition of Animal Spirits," says

Swedenborg, "they partake both of the soul and of the body;

and such as the spirit is, and its circulation, such also is

the action, sensation,

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[1741

imagination and thought. Consequently, it is from the nature

of quality of these spirits, that we derive the fact that we

are spiritual, and that we are corporeal or material; for, in

proportion as there is more of the soul in them, in that same

proportion we are the more spiritual; and vice versa. Hence

it is apparent, that these who live on coarse food and drink,

and immerse their mind in earthly affairs, enjoy a spirit

that is unclean and is impregnated with material forms; this

is also confirmed by experience" (n. 20).

Further, he continues, the internal man is above the animal

spirit, and the external man below it (n. 21)

(Psych. Trans. p. 89)

Swedenborg also emphasizes his teaching that the animal spirit of one person is never the same as that of another, nor is it fed by the same subtle foods (n. 22) - a teaching which is repeated in Divine Love and Wisdom.

The work following The Animal Spirit is marked "10" and is entitled "Sensation or the Passion of the Body." It consists of but 13 paragraphs, and was left unfinished. Here he classifies sensation as: (chap. I-VIII)

(1) Sensation by the senses.

(2) Apperception by the cortical gland.

(3) Intellection by the cortex. This is a mixed

intelligence.

(4) Pure intellection by the soul, which is pure

intelligence. Such a pure intelligence is demanded for the

existence of a mixed intelligence. (Ibid. pp. 145-49)

Swedenborg further shows that the communication between these

sensations is and must be effected by fibres (chap. II), and

that the sensations themselves exist "in a suitable organic

substance" (chap. III).

Throughout all his work, including the theological, Swedenborg lays great stress on this last point, insisting that sensations or perceptions of every degree are states of organic substances; indeed, as he points out, the quality of the perception or sensation is according to the quality and form of its organic substance (chaps. IV, VI). This indeed makes one with what he had said in The Animal Spirit as to each man's bloods feeding on different substances.

It follows that all sensation, even that of the soul, is a

passion caused by external modifications; thus, all sensation

is a species of touch (chap. XI). (Ibid. p. 150)

Modifications of the atmosphere produce external sensations;

modifications of a superior sort produce memory, imagination

and ideas (chap. XI). (Ibid. p. 151)

Here, then, we have the steps or degrees formed by the soul in her descent, that she may know what is going on in the world, and may judge.

"Therefore," continues Swedenborg, "not that which enters in,

is important to her well-being, but that which goeth forth;

that is, not sensation, cupidity, desires, but actions and

effects" (chap. XII) (Ibid. p. 152)

In the last chapter, Swedenborg dwells on the perfection of the organs for the reception of their own modifications, and he suggests that

the cortex is formed for the reception of the modifications

of the ether (chap. XIII). (Ibid. p. 153)

And then the writing suddenly stops. Swedenborg did write "Chapter XV" but not a word further. And this, together with the fact that he did not advertise this work as among the little works soon to be printed, suggests that possibly he concluded to treat of these matters in a more extended work on Rational Psychology, of which the sketch is plainly a precursor.

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The work on Sensation is followed by no. 11 on Action, which is a somewhat longer work, consisting of 35 short paragraphs or chapters. It appears, in effect, to be the writing out of that "chapter VIII On the Muscles," promised as a continuation of The Cerebrum (see above, p. 525), and also in Econ. 1:157.

Swedenborg commences by showing that the entire body is constructed for

motion or the production of some action, "in order that thus,

by means of real acts, there may be represented in outmosts,

an exemplar of the soul; which latter, in respect to its

quality, could not appear in the ultimate world unless it

became active by means of muscles (chap. I).

(Psych. Trans. P. 117)

Along the same lines, he says later:

"The body is said to die when it ceases to act; and the

more perfectly it acts, the more perfectly does it live.

Therefore, when any member is deprived of its action, it is

said to be extinguished. The ultimate form of the soul is

the body with its members. These members do not live unless

they live, that is, act, under the arbitrament of their mind;

for they are ultimate determinations, which do nothing from

themselves but only form a superior power which determines

them, and in which is life. Hence the life of the muscle is

action. This is the reason why death first seizes the

members, limbs, and muscles, and then by degrees advances to

the inner parts. For we cease to act before we cease to will

action, that is, to live" (chap. V). (Ibid. p. 120)

Therefore the whole body consists of motor fibres, namely,

the simple fibre, the medullary fibre, and the motor fibre

(chap. I).

Expatiating on this, he shows that every single part of the

body must have its own peculiar muscles designed specially

for the action of that organ.

Turning then to the sources of motions or actions, he gives these as three in number:

1. The animation of the brain; 2. The beating of the heart;

3. The respiration of the lungs. These, however, are the

universal sources. Below them are the special motions, and

still more special, enjoyed by each smallest part of the

body, "for the corporeal system is the more perfect in the

degree that its several active forces are more perfectly

distinct, but yet conspire with universals in finer harmony"

(chap. VII). (Ibid. pp. 121-22)

And since the cortical gland is the cause of the action of the motor

fibre, it follows, "that there is not a cortical gland in the

brain which does not correspond to its own motor fibre in the

body." Hence the abundance of cortex throughout the body

(chap. X). (Ibid. p. 123)

This action by the cortical gland would not, however, be

possible if the latter were without expansion and

contraction. "From absolute rest in the principal, follows

rest also in the effect dependent thereon." It is further

seen in diseases of the brain (chap. XI). (Ibid. p. 124)

It is in this that Swedenborg sees one of the reasons why the

brain is articulated into lesser and large congeries and

tori, and is so peculiarly convoluted and furrowed, namely,

that it may be able to arouse a greater or smaller number of

cortical glands, and thus by the muscles produce whatsoever

action it wills (chap. XII). (Ibid. p. 124)

Swedenborg then distinguishes between voluntary and spontaneous actions, that is, the action of the cerebrum and that of the cerebellum.

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Voluntary action is a special excitation of the cortical

gland; for the universal animation of the brain "does not

hinder the ability of each of its separate parts to expand

and constrict in a different way; for a general motion and

action never hinders such as are special and particular, but

rather promotes them." Here again we have a reason why the

cerebrum is so distinguished in separate beds, as distinct

from the cerebellum whose action is natural not voluntary. It

is also the reason why, "when the cortical glands are held,

as it were, united and compact with their smallest

interstices and divisions obliterated, as in sleep, lethargy,

carus, then this voluntary faculty or activity ceases"

(chap. XIIa). (Psych. Trans. P. 125)

However, in most of the voluntary muscles 'are both

cerebral and cerebellar fibres, and therefore, both voluntary

and natural actions. In wakefulness they are at the nod of

the cerebrum, in sleep they are under the auspices of the

cerebellum." Swedenborg confirms this by the marvelous

weaving of the cerebral and cerebellar fibres in the pons,

and the medulla spinalis (chap. XIV). (Ibid. p. 127)

The expansion and contraction of the cortical gland

expresses the animal spirit through the fibre. But the

actions of the glands themselves are determined by something

superior within them, something which has life and power;

namely, in the simple cortex wherein resides the intellectual

mind. See The Fibre n. 306. This gland has its fibres and

spirits, and puts on different states according to the

changes of the mind. Therefore, the mind is the first

determinant of action (chap. XV). (Ibid. p. 128)

There we think and will, and there we represent actions

before they are actual (chap. XVI).

Thus the body is the image of the operations of the mind, and

it was in this way that the soul created the body, viz., by

the representation of end. "Therefore, in the soul, in

potency, is everything that is in the body in actuality"

(chap. XVII). (Ibid. pp. 129-30)

This leads Swedenborg to speak of the harmony between the actions of the mind and those of the body, a harmony which is effected by fibres, and is an actual harmony. As to the mode whereby delicate fibrials can produce great actions, he says:

"In the whole muscle, there is nothing substantial except the

fibre; and at every expansion, this fibre expels the blood,

which is heavy, and at every constriction admits it. When

this is being done in the innumerable least points of the

motor fibre, and thus in the single parts of the muscles, it

is necessarily being done in the whole muscle; that is, the

whole muscle is actuated; for the compound derives all its

force from its simple substances and forces. How small that

is which moves whole bodies from their places, appearing,

indeed, in the idea of our mind as though it were nothing,

may be concluded from the several effects of nature; and it

can even be demonstrated by calculation" (chap. XIX).

(Ibid. p. 132)

Swedenborg then considers animal action and rational action.

The latter designs an end, and the body has been formed for

this end. The effect in the body "is physical and corporeal,

and is accompanied with motion, but the end is spiritual and

without motion. In order, therefore, that there may be an

end which shall be produced in action, and that the action

may be rational, it is necessary that the election of the end

be free. In the absence of election and freedom, we would

have necessity, whence comes animal or purely natural

action." Therefore, human actions must be considered not as

corporeal but as spiritual (chap. XXII). (Ibid. p. 135)

Action is rational in the degree that the mind in it regards

the end and effect (chap. XXV). (Ibid. p. 137)

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[1741-1742

And especially many ends looking to the ultimate end. "To

comprehend many ends that terminate in nature, is the gift of

the intelligent; but to comprehend spiritual ends, or the

ends of ends, is the gift of the wise. The former is human,

the latter divine, since it must be accounted as a gift from

God. Of ourselves we are intelligent but not wise"

(chap. XXVI). (Psych. Trans. P. 138)

A little later, in a passage which is prophetic of the as yet unwritten Rational Psychology, Swedenborg defines the operations of the mind as culminating in will. We reflect on the images of the senses, drawing from the memory many

like ideas; then we combine all these ideas "into a form,

this operation being called judgment; we then conclude that

the ideas of the mind concentrated in the judgment must be

determined into act, or be represented by means of actions;

this is called the conclusion, and to this conclusion a

certain force is added, that it may issue forth into act;

this conclusion is called the will" (chap. XXX).

(Ibid. p. 140)

Lastly, Swedenborg speaks of Divine Providence as limiting the expression of actions by the will.

"In order that resistances may be offered to human wills, an

infinity of means has been provided by the Founder of the

universe; of which I need mention only civil laws and the

form of society, which are provided so that none shall dare

to go beyond the limit of his own sphere" (chap. XXXIV).

(Ibid. p. 142)

We come now to the last of the four numbered works following The Fibre, namely: "12. On the Red Blood." This is a small brochure of 24 paragraphs neatly written like the three other works of this series. It presents Swedenborg's doctrine of the red blood as given in volume 1 of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom without anything essentially new except the application to the blood of what is said in The Fibre as to degrees of forms. For example, Swedenborg states in this brochure that the red blood is of the circular form and includes also the angular; the white or purer blood spiral; and the purest blood vortical (chap. XVII). (Ibid. p. 109)

It would seem as though, after writing the doctrine of forms, Swedenborg wished to gather together what he had previously written on the animal spirit and the red blood with the view, not of adding anything, but of reviewing them in the light of his newly formulated doctrine of forms. It may be noted, however, that is speaking of the six globules spoken of by Leeunwenhoek, Swedenborg states that waxen models of these globules have been made (chap. IV); (Ibid. p. 97) that the transaction on the Animal Spirit is referred to as already written (chaps. XXI, XXII), and that the transaction on the Red Blood was to have been followed by a transaction on the Action of the Muscles; (Ibid. pp. 111, 112) the reference is perhaps to the Transaction on Action which, however, is marked n. 11, while the Red Blood is marked An. 12."

Having written these preliminary treatises, Swedenborg now, in 1742, girded himself for the writing of a work on the Soul or Rational Psychology - the goal of all his studies.

This work is contained in Codex 54, where it fills 234 pages besides the 3 pages of Preface. Between the Preface and "p. 1" come two unnumbered leaves which are evidently the conclusion of a first draft or sketch of The Fibre, and which should properly be printed, not in the Soul, but as an Appendix to The Fibre. First come three groups of paragraphs under the general headings (added later): "That the Simple Fibre is celestial in nature," - the three subheadings being: "The Successive Formation of Blood Vessels from the Simple Fibre."*

* This heading is omitted in the published work.

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"That there is nothing continuous in the whole body, but that

the whole of its form is the Simple Fibre alone."

"That the Simple Fibre is celestial in nature; and what the

body is."

Then, on the third page come brief chapter headings numbered X-XV, namely,

X A Paradox respecting the Simple Fibre.

XI Concerning the Universal Circulation;

XI[a] The Solution of the Blood.

XII Diseases of the Fibre.

XIII The Derivation of Diseases of the Animus into Diseases

of the Body, and vice versa.

XIV The Arachnoid Tunic. (R. Psych. p. 325)

We may note that, with two exceptions, all the above headings are treated of in The Fibre in the exact order here given.

Then comes a blank page, after which commences "Page 1." It is evident, therefore, that the work proper - Swedenborg gave it no title - commences with this page 1. Yet, it is in direct continuation with the work on The Fibre since "The Arachnoid" is marked "XIV" and page 1 beings with "XV," this numbering being continued up to n. 67. After this comes the treatment on Sight, but there is no further numbering of the paragraphs. Moreover, the numbers 15-67 were added subsequently to the writing of the paragraphs so numbered.

And now we shall consider the work itself, which, we may add in passing, belongs not to the Animal Kingdom or "Tome" series, as stated in the Latin edition, but to the Economy or "Transaction" series (see De Anima, Preface); moreover, it should never have been called "De Anima," but "Psychologia Rationalis."

It seems, from Swedenborg's Preface, that by this time - 1742 - he had abandoned the idea of printing The Fibre and the small Psychological Transactions, and had concluded to publish the Brain and Medullas as Transactions III and IV, The Fibre as Transaction V, and Rational Psychology as Transaction VI of his Economy series. See below where we take up Swedenborg's draft plans of proposed works, p. 712.

In his Preface, Swedenborg states that the soul can be sought

for only in the body as being her own proper field. For this

reason it was, he continues, "that first of all I am to treat

of the blood and heart, then of the cortical substance, and,

furthermore, of the several organs and viscera; then of the

Cerebrum, Cerebellum, the medulla oblongata and the medulla

spinalis."* (Ibid. p. 1)

* As will be seen later when we consider the general plans of his work which Swedenborg made subsequently, these words would indicate that he already had in mind the new or Animal Kingdom series.

All this anatomical investigation was for the sole purpose of

investigating the soul, and "if I shall have performed any

use to the anatomical and medical world, it will be to me a

pleasure; but still more pleasing will it be if from this

source, I shall have furnished light on the investigation of

the soul." (Ibid. p. 2)

He goes by the path of anatomy because we can reach causes

only from effects, and when by this path we have attained to

genuine principles, "then first is it allowed to progress by

the synthetic way, which is the analytic way." Yet so

to ascend, there must be something that shall smooth the way.

Therefore the necessity of elaborating certain new doctrines

hitherto unknown, "to wit, the doctrine of forms, the

doctrine of order and degrees, and the doctrine of

correspondences and representations, and, finally, the

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doctrine of modifications. These doctrines are treated of in

the Fifth Transaction, being our Introduction to Rational

Psychology." (R. Psych. pp. 2-3)

The learned world "even to this day when the conceived fetus

ought to be brought forth and born" has labored in the

accumulation of experience to the end "that it may be able to

speak from genuine principles, and to treat synthetically of

things posterior, such being angelic perfection, and such

heavenly science and the first natural science. Therefore

this ambition is innate in us, to wit, that we may strive

after the integrity of the first parent who concluded as to

all posteriors a priori." (Ibid. pp. 3-4)

But the way is hard. Not one but many fields must be

traversed, and the time of centuries is required. For the

mind is ever meeting with things which confuse it and

persuade it to feel with the senses; which is the reason of

so many false hypotheses.

"Therefore," Swedenborg concludes his Preface, "I have

labored with the most intense study that I might be able to

mount up from one to the other, and if, kind reader, you

deign to follow me thus far, I believe you will perceive what

the soul is, the nature of its commerce with the body, its

state in the body and after the life of the body.... I would

choose that you leave me not in the middle of my course, and

if you do, I yet pray for your favor. And you will give me

your favor if you wish to be persuaded that the end is the

glory of God, and the public benefit, and not in the least my

own profit or praise." (Ibid. pp. 4-5)

In the treatment of Sensation that opens the work, Swedenborg deals with the five senses, not anatomically, but solely in respect to their function of introducing sensations to the common sensory. Here he brings out many new things. Thus, he says that for sensation, whether internal or external, two forces are required, viz., the harmony of the object sensated and the love of self preservation; from these two are born desires, and with these the soul courses. Thus Swedenborg accounts for a perfect soul and yet a possibly evil mind. He has much to say about the course from sensation to action, namely, sensation, perception, judgment and choice, will, and finally action; in this he develops what he had written in the little Transaction on Sensation.

After a chapter on Imagination and Memory, he takes up the subject of the pure intellectory - a subject which he has touched on in his Transaction on Sensation but which he now develops in particular detail; then he treats of the Human Intellect and the Commerce between soul and body. Here he does not examine the doctrine of Preestablished Harmony but lays down a doctrine of his own, the doctrine namely, that there is no physical influx between soul and body but only an influx or commerce by correspondence by appearing like influx. (Ibid. n. 159)

To illustrate his meaning, he shows that by sensation a modification is produce din the cortex without any changes in the essential state of the cortex itself. This modification is a correspondent - whether acquired or natural - to some material or immaterial idea. The thing which produced the modification does no physically inflow the mind, nor the mind into the thing, but the mind perceives the correspondence. (Ibid. n. 161 seq.)

Thus, he continues, "the commerce between the sensations of

the body [and the soul] is not effected by any influx, and

still less by physical influx unless by influx we will

understand natural correspondence. But in that case, it is

an influx of the harmony itself, and not of the influent

entities that form the harmony. Such an

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influx seems to have been meant by the author of Occasional

Causes. Natural correspondence coincides with preestablished

harmony, acquired correspondence with coestablished harmony;

for natural correspondence flows forth from coestablished

harmony which in the soul is preestablished. Between the

soul and the intellect, and between the intellect and

thought, the harmony is coestablished; but since it

preexisted before the other correspondences were formed, it

may also be said to be preestablished, that is, established

before the sequent harmonies. In this way the hypotheses

concerning the commerce of soul and body are reconciled"

(n. 167). (R. Psych. n. 167)

He then takes up affections in general and the affections of the animus in particular, among which he includes conjugial love, storge, love of country, friendship, love of immortal fame, charity, etc.

To the chapter on Hatred, he later added a note indicating his recognition of the discrete degree between hatred and love.

"Hatred," he says, "is not the privation of love but it is

the love of evil, thus the hatred of truth." (Ibid. n. 214)

In the chapter on Bravery, his admiration for the courage of Charles XII receives eloquent expression:

In the fearless, he says, the arteries of the body and the

fibres of the heart are stronger and more robust than in the

fearful; "for in the arterial blood and the animal spirit

resides the strength of the whole body. This is the reason

why to the brave is ascribed a large heart and a great mind

(animus), the latter belonging to the cerebrum. The power

of this blood and spirit is aroused from inmosts, i. e., by

the superior mind or that of the pure intellectory. Hence

presence of mind and a cheerful light spread over the mind

(mens), a heat and boiling, as it were, of the blood,

strength in the joints and something of a kind of foaming in

the cheeks and glands. An example of such bravery and

fearlessness lived in our own age in Charles, the Hero of the

North, in whom it was inborn, because he derived it from his

great parents the Charleses and the Gustafs. He knew not

what that was which others called fear, and he laughed at all

threats of death. Thus he lived the life which also he is to

live, a life remote from death and higher than the failing

corporeal life. Since there is something divine that is

present with such souls, and a singular providence, He

provides for them a life to which they themselves do no

aspire, a life immortal even among mortals." (Ibid. n. 249)

Then follow chapters on the Animus and the Rational Mind, laying down the distinction between these two, and in furtherance of this comes the chapter on the Affections of the Rational mind, namely, the love of understanding and being wise; the love of foreseeing the future; of good and evil, etc., is short, all loves that can in no way be predicated of animals. Then, in a chapter on Free Decision, comes a remarkable analysis of man's freedom, its limitations and possibilities which brings to mind the similar teaching in the first part of Divine Providence. This is followed by a treatment on the nature of liberty and its relation to the soul. Liberty cannot be predicated of the soul, he says, seeing that it does not act from previous deliberation. In the

body, the soul "is obliged to act according to the will of

the rational mind; for the rational mind is unable to produce

action from itself. Such power must be from the soul as the

principal cause; and this by necessity, for unless the soul

should concomitantly descend, the entire corporeal machine

would go to ruin....

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But whether it be contrary to her nature, or in according

therewith, she must consent to the action, and so must either

love her mind or hate it. This is the reason why no one save

God knows the state of the soul itself." (R. Psych. n. 400)

We note in this connection a full definition of "Science, Intelligence and Wisdom" - a trilogy so often used in the Writings.

"He is a scientist, a doctor, a learned man, who knows many

sciences, experiences, histories, and can bring them forth

from his memory. He is thought to be intelligent, but the

two do not always cohere. A child may be full of science

because able to recite whole books from memory, but it does

no follow that it is therefore intelligent Science is to be

acquired by men; it is connate with beasts but is not

reproduced in the same way. [With men] can be held in the

memory, not only material things, but also things purely

intellectual....

"Intelligence is the ability to reduce the things of the

mens into perfect order and perfect forms; from them to

elicit truths; examine things concealed, and from the past to

conclude as to the present. This is being a philosopher as

though born one.... In the intellect meet together the pure

intellectory and a superior natural which teaches us how

rightly to associate ideas of the mens into their forms, and

within which all science is universally present of itself....

There are very many who merely feign intelligence in that

they put forth as their own many intellectual things ...

conceived and brought out by others. There are also men who,

because of the lack of the knowledge of things, that is,

because of ignorance, cannot be intelligent ... but yet

manifest the gift of ingenuity in things which they do know.

With age, moreover, intellect grows and is called

judgment.... One may also be intelligent in one study and not

in another; to be universally intelligent in all is rare

though application alone is lacking.

"Wisdom. He is wise who in all things regards an end

and chooses the best end, that is, uses his liberty rightly,

and embraces what ought to be embraced and shuns what ought

to be shunned. The wise man is always honest, that is, loves

the virtues. He considers himself as a part; eh does the

offices enjoined on him from duty; he subjugates the animus,

and suffers the pure mind to act; the wise man loves things

worldly and corporeal as means for the sake of use ... loves

intelligence as a means.... Intelligence and wisdom are

rarely conjoined.... The wisest man is he who loves the

neighbor as himself, society as many selves, and God above

himself.... As to who is wise, this is known from the

direction of his life, not from his speech. A countryman may

be wiser than a great philosopher; for wisdom is divine, and

intelligence is human and is called philosophy, and it is

often the case that the one recedes and is lessened as the

other draws near and increases. Only the wise are truly

loved by sincere men and by God.... There are those who are

wise by nature, such as men who are honest; and there are

those who are wise by use and also by intellect, if from the

intellect wisdom inspires intelligence, and intelligence then

inspires wisdom. Therefore, wisdom is of the mind, not of

the pure intellect." (Ibid. nos. 419-21)

The loves of the soul are then taken up, such loves, namely, as spring, not from the animus or from the rational mind, but from the soul itself; thus, the love of a Being above oneself, the love of the neighbor and of society, the love of propagating heavenly society by means of things natural, the love of one's own body, of immortality, etc.

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Following this, Swedenborg brings out the remarkable but easily discernible fact that primitively the animus is the form of the soul through the pure intellectory; its perversions are due to the rational mind. (R. Psych. n. 463 seq.)

This agrees with what is said in the Writings as to the innocence of infants. Still the animus can be adversely affected by diseases of the body, though only superficially. (Ibid., n. 466 seq.)

So the animus can evilly affect the rational mind, but intrinsically only as that mind consents. Hence, Swedenborg says,

"the spiritual mind is the essence and life of the animus,

for the latter cannot exist and subsist without the spiritual

mind; wherefore, the spiritual mind always loves the animus;

but because the animus rebels and wishes to render itself

superior, it then is rejected by the spiritual mind and a

perpetual combat arises, hardly otherwise than between God

and the devil; and both are intent on occupying the rational

mind." (Ibid. n. 474)

It is in the light of this teaching that we must regard what Swedenborg says later concerning the devil as a rebellious angel.

Following this comes a chapter on Inclinations and Temperaments. This was to have been followed by a chapter on "The Minds (menes) of brute animals"; but Swedenborg crossed this title off and, leaving the rest of the page blank, commenced a new page with the chapter heading "Death." Here he enters into what may be called a more purely theological field.

Death, he shows, proceeds from without inwards, the first to

die being the angular form, them the circular, and so on to

the celestial form; or, "first the red blood is dissolved and

the angular elements dissipated; this takes place somewhat

quickly. Then the remaining pure blood is dissolved, but

after a longer delay of time. Then remains that which is

properly called the animal spirit or the individual parts.

This is not easily dissolved because it is a celestial form.*

After this remains the soul purified from things earthly."

(Ibid. n. 491)

* Note that Swedenborg here continues to give the bloods a nomenclature which, in the Treatise on the Animal Spirit he says must be revised. See above, p. 656.

In a word, all the organic forms by which the soul has

descended into the world are destroyed by death, the soul

alone or the spiritual form remaining. "Thus by death that

is delivered to earth what was drawn from earth."

(Ibid. nos. 488, 492)

Such is Swedenborg's statement in general, but when he speaks more specifically, he expresses doubt as to whether the celestial form, that is, the purest cortex, dies. Thus, after showing that by death the sense are dissolved, he continues:

"and also the internal sensory (is dissolved), together with

the intellect and the rational mind (i. e., the cortical

glands) with the mutations of their state; for there was no

such intellect in the embryo, ... it has grown with age, is

ripened in the adult, and again decreases in old age; it is

weakened and destroyed in diseases. Thus, it also dies

together with the body. This intellect has been acquired to

the end that by it the soul may perceive what is going on

without, and this by means of the senses, and that she may be

able to perceive such things as are to be wrought in the

ultimate world. When the soul no longer lives in this

ultimate

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world, nor any longer wills to perceive what is going on in

the lowest regions, nor what is to be done on earth and in

earthly society, then with necessity and use perishes also

ability and the organ predestined for this use. O how

unhappy we should be if after death we were to live in the

rational mind, in our imperfect intellect and our inconstant

will governed by so many inconstancies and desires; and if

were to live in part spiritual and in part animal. Surely

such a mind might equally be changed and die at intervals in

its future life as in this world, seeing that it does not

change its nature. Therefore, our rational mind with its

desires and affections, and our intellect with its

principles, opinions and plans dies and survives not its

body." (R. Psych. n. 494) Confer SD n. 2252.

By the rational mind here, Swedenborg means the mixed mind or mixed intellectory. As to the pure intellectory or celestial form, though previously he has intimated that this form also is dissolved by death, when speaking more specifically he expresses considerable doubt.

"As regards the pure intellectory," he says, "to which

belongs the pure natural mind, this seems also to die or be

dissolved but after an exceeding great delay of time; for it

is a celestial form, nor are forms at hand which are able to

destroy it; but for how long, it is not for us to determine.

Thus, after death that mind or animus survives for a long

time, but it cannot operate, in that its general or external

form is dissolved and itself is unable as yet to acquire a

new form. But we dismiss this matter as a thing entirely

unknown, it being unknown whether the human animus will

survive the life of the body even till the last judgment when

the purest elementary fire. But let us not penetrate into

these arcana." (Ibid. n. 495)

Swedenborg then asks whether death is necessary, and he answers that it is necessary

"in order that the universal society of souls may exist which

constitutes heaven, and which, without a seminary on earth

and without their death and perpetual succession, could not

be obtained.* Also that souls may be formed in their bodies

and be reformed for life eternal." (Ibid. n. 496)

* This should be borne in mind before concluding that in the Worship and Love of God Swedenborg taught the immediate creation of angels.

As bearing on what follows, we note here that Swedenborg vies as the reason for birth into the world, that the soul may be reformed, i. e., that character may be formed.

"Add to this," he continues, "that without death the

soul can never be left to her own jurisdiction and judgment

according to her own nature of living; for she is so inwoven

with the body ... that she cannot act otherwise than

according to the ability of the forms which she has acquired.

Thus she is highly limited, and there is left to her only to

will and desire other things. Moreover, the soul ever longs

to be released, especially when the loves of her animus have

expunged the purer loves and she lives, as it were, subjected

to the body. Then she conspires to the dissolution of her

body, and indeed by accidents which often befall us unawares

and are the causes of diseases and death." (Ibid. n. 497)

Here Swedenborg undoubtedly means that when the animus rules the rational mind, then instead of the protection normally afforded by the soul, disease and accident are introduced by the disorders of the mind, from which

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the soul longs, as it were, to be separated. That this is Swedenborg's meaning is indicated by the closing words of the previous paragraph - words which are omitted in the English and Latin editions, - namely:

"death is inseparable from corporeal life, especially when

this is subject to the will of the rational mind which ever

takes away corporeal life and successively precipitates it

into disease and death." (R. Psych. n. 496)

Yet, Swedenborg evidently felt that something was lacking in his treatment of death, for later he added to the end of the chapter the words:

"But the subject of death must be treated of distinctly

and by its proper divisions, in order that they may better

cohere together." (Ibid. n. 497)

In the following chapter, Swedenborg takes up the question of the soul's immortality. Here again states that the rational mind

"perishes together with the body." (Ibid. n. 506)

But while the logic of his teaching seems to be the soul in all its purity is the man after death, yet his own language clearly indicates that this is not his thought; for, he speaks of spiritual death. This, he says

"is the destruction not of the essence and life but of the

better life; and this because it is removed from the soul,

from the love of God, from wisdom, felicity, perfection, and

in that it has ceased to be the image of God and to be in

heaven ... for life consists in loves truly spiritual, and

when these are extinguished and contrary loves or hatreds

have succeeded in their place, then, that is said to be dead

which truly lived. Truly to live is to love God and to be

wise. The form itself and the essence itself which cannot

perish remains in this love; it is only a perversion of

state, that is, it is the state of the form that is thus

changed so that it is no longer congruous with divine loves.

Thus, the image of God is lost." (Ibid. n. 504)

Swedenborg enters still more deeply into the field of theology in the next chapter, treating of the state of the soul after death. Here, despite his apparent teaching that the pure soul alone survives the death of the body, he again shows that she takes with her the quality of the man's life. He commences by showing that death is not an instantaneous process, but that

"the soul remains in the body until the several things

wherein it is are dissolved." (Ibid n. 512)

Meanwhile, being without intelligence, it lives only an

obscure life. "All intelligence supposes," he explains, "not

only an internal form and changes of state in the several

sensories or intellectories, but also an external form of

these several sensories, that is to say, that they shall have

a mutual situation and order among themselves." When this is

disturbed, the life may be said to be bare life without

intelligence. (Ibid. n. 513)

And yet, after complete separation from the body, "the

substance of the soul seems to live a distinct life and,

indeed, the more distinct the more it is released from these

fetters of the soul. For the individuals form among

themselves a society, and institute an order of the utmost

distinctness; for they are left to their own will, and await

their companions; the larger the society, the more perfect

being their life; and the longer one has lived, the larger is

the society that is acquired which shall form a unanimous

body." (Ibid. n. 515)

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Swedenborg seems here to make the association of souls and their influence on each other take the place of the influence by the senses which gave the soul its distinct life while in the body. At any rate, we have here an adumbration of two doctrines which are plainly taught in the Writings:

First that as man grows in intelligence, he has extension and

is associated with more spiritual societies.

Second, that if separated entirely from societies, he becomes

a mere form of life without intelligence, and appears like a

sprawling infant.

Swedenborg then enters into the questions as to how the individual forms or substances of the soul can be held together after the death of the body, and he answers in a similar way, though more fully, as in the Economy of the Animal Kingdom where the same question was raised (see above, p. 586), namely,

that these parts are held together by the force of the

spiritual atmospheres and by virtue of their intrinsic

harmony and their resultant attraction for each other. "It

is merely ignorance of the purer world that mocks us, and

imposes a kind of dissipation which in that world is

impossible; and especially so since the omnipresence of the

Divine Spirit operating upon all souls cannot permit anything

whatever to be separated that pertains to a unity; for it is

a Spirit uniting all things beneath it; it joins things

concordant, disjoins things discordant, and so gathers all

souls together. This is necessary, for if the influx of this

universal Spirit be considered, it cannot but conjoin all

things which look to a single body." (R. Psych. n. 516)

This attractive force that holds together the parts of the soul, Swedenborg then illustrates by reference to that sympathy between kindred souls,

which is, "as it were, a magnetism" producing a communication

between souls far distant in space; and, he continues, "nor

would I wish to mention the circumstance that after the death

of the body and the last rites, the shades of some have been

made visible (granted but not conceded) which could never

have been made manifest unless the animal spirits had been

mutually conjoined." (Ibid. n. 518)

The same phenomenon as to the appearance of shades is referred to in The Word Explained, nos. 3067, 3069, but in both places it is clear that Swedenborg did not hold to this as a fact.

Swedenborg then passes on to the form of the soul after

death. "Will it be like the form of the body, or some other

form called angelic?" he asks; "consequently, is the angelic

form like the human form? This indeed I do not suppose will

be the case, that we are to put on the human form, this form

being solely for use in the ultimate world. In heaven they

are as winged souls. Nor do they form a society in any

earth. Being spirits, they have no need of feet nor of arms;

consequently, neither of muscles, i. e., of flesh and bones.

Nay, neither do they have need of red blood, nor of stomach,

intestines, mesentery, these being for the receiving of

aliments, for chylification, nutrition, sanguinification and

similar uses ... even the members of the brain with its

meninges, medullas oblongata and spinalis can serve for no

use. With use perishes all necessity.... Consequently, it

does not seem that the soul will acquire that form which is

more imperfect and not celestial,* unless [and the

qualification

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is a vastly important one] a new earth and a new atmosphere

were to be created and we are to be sent into this new earth

as new inhabitants, as in the opinion of some."

(R. Psych. n. 521)

* Note the use of this word as indicating that Swedenborg believed after death the soul retained the celestial form, i. e., the first forms of nature. See above, pp. 644-45.

It is clear that this latter opinion was not shared by Swedenborg. To him the "purer world" was discretely above the natural world, and so, therefore, must all its predicates be. Not that he saw the truth concerning that world; but it can safely be asserted that all that he writes on the soul and its form after death is not only not inharmonious with the truth later to be revealed, but is the womb within which the revelation could take the form of rational comprehension. Confer The Word Explained nos. 3062-63 where is given the same teaching respecting the form of the soul after death. Se also page 653 above, where Swedenborg is quoted as teaching in his Harmony between Soul and Body that after death the effigy of the body with its motions and effects remains with the soul, "being most purely impressed on her highly simple and modifiable substances." (Psych. Trans. P. 61)

But to turn again to what he writes concerning the form of the soul after death. We can no more know this form, he asserts, then the silkworm can know its form as a butterfly.

"We are utterly ignorant of the nature of that purest aura

which is called celestial and wherein we are to live as souls

- souls which are to be furnished with such a form that, like

birds in our atmosphere, they can everywhere traverse their

spaces and fly through the universe and the heavens.... Until

we know the nature of that aura and what kind of life we are

to live therein, we can never say what form we shall put on.

This only it may be permitted to say, that it will not be a

form such as this present form of ours, but will be the most

perfect of all forms." (R. Psych. n. 522)

Note how throughout, this phase of Swedenborg's doctrine on the soul is pervaded with the doctrine of forms laid down shortly before in The Fibre.

Swedenborg goes even further when he continues that the soul can put on many forms according to its will; and here he adduces the phenomena respecting birthmarks which had so largely occupied his attention while studying Schurig in Leipzig, his argument being, that as the impress from the mother affecting the brain of the fetus is thence transferred to the body, so an idea can put on a form in the body.

"After death," he says, "the soul, loosened from its organic

bonds, seems able to put on any form it wills that is

harmonious with its state, so that if it let itself down to

the earth it can in a moment acquire the human form, nay, if

the case so demands, any other animal form. For this,

nothing more is required than will, and then all else follows

itself. Nor would this be a miracle for it would be no more

against nature than the putting on of a human body from an

ovum.... The soul can also put off and dissipate that form in

a moment. It can also represent a burning countenance, etc.,

like the cherubim, the seraphim, the shepherds; the reason is

because the whole form is that of the soul, and elements from

the circumfluent atmospheres are at once taken up."

(Ibid. n. 523)

This opinion as to the possibility of souls assuming forms from the elements in the atmospheres in expressed by Swedenborg some years later in The Word Explained where it is given as the explanation of the angel of God being able to wrestle with Jacob.

That Swedenborg ascribes to the soul after death not merely spiritual substance but also something from nature, is shown by his statement:

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"The soul must form for itself intellectories ... and

therefore it follows that the form of the body is purely

celestial [i. e., in the inmost of nature].... Whether it is

also vortical, may indeed be suspected; but these matters are

among things hidden, and are nothing but conjectures. He who

sees them - it is reason alone that persuades him. When we

live as souls, we ourselves will perhaps laugh that we have

divined so childishly." (R. Psych. n. 254)

It is plainly evident, that while speaking of the soul after death as being purely spiritual, Swedenborg yet gives to it all the qualities acquired by the man during his life on earth, and even memory, though the actual organ of memory, the cortical gland, is dissipated by death.

After death, he says,

"we shall not be wise in our soul as when we live with our

rational mind.... This mind, i. e., our thought, is

altogether extinct and there remains the life of the soul

which is ignorant of nothing.... Still, one soul is not

absolutely like another ... the soul of one may be ruled by

divine loves, while that of another loves the opposite things

... and so is rather a diabolical soul.... Hence there are

Divine souls, or those pertaining to the Divine society, and

diabolic souls or those of the infernal society. Yet

all enjoy the most perfect intelligence of good and truth,

but the love or the hatred of good and truth."

(Ibid. nos. 525, 527)

"This nature," he continues, "they take on in the corporeal

life, and, indeed, by the medium of the rational mind; for

the soul is then in the state of its formation for the state

of good and evil, but not for the intelligence of truth and

good.... When the body has receded, however, and the

rational mind become extinct, then the human soul is formed,

and as is the extent and nature of its formation, so it

remains forever, there being nothing at hand that can any

longer amend it, no influx from a mind that is rational and

that can be perfected and depraved.... There is no combat

between it and the animus, or between the loves of the two

and, consequently, no hope of victory." (Ibid. n. 528)

Yet the man has lost not the least thing of memory. "The

soul," continues Swedenborg, "knows all that has ever been

done by the mind in its body.... Therefore it enjoys the

memory of the past, not a memory like the memory and

remembrance of our sensory, which is attached to material

ideas and images, but a pure and most perfect memory so that

not the least moment of the past life is concealed form it,

not even a word which has contributed to its change of state.

It understands this, not from any memory but from its very

state; for all things are present before it which have been

past." (Ibid. nos. 529, 530)

I think that a deep consideration of the teachings of the Writings will reveal that the above doctrines are not inharmonious therewith. The Writings also touch that man takes all his memory into the other life, but they also teach, or at any rate clearly imply, that he leaves behind him that physical organ which was the seat of memory. So, if we lose our limbs, the soul can yet revive those limbs in our imagination and can even feel pain in them; why not then memory, even when the seat of memory is lost?

Whether we have the end of this chapter on the State of the Soul after Death is not certain, though it is probable. For here a leaf is missing from the manuscript and what follows thereafter commences in the middle of a paragraph, belonging evidently to a chapter on heaven. Here Swedenborg, on the postulate that perfection consists of harmonious variety, concludes that heaven

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will consist of many societies drawn from men of every religion or church throughout the whole globe.

"who here effectively loved God above self, and their

companions as themselves" - a society whose form of

government

"cannot be altogether different from the perfect form of

government of earthly society" save that it is most perfect.

(R. Psych. nos. 538, 540)

As to hell, which is the subject of the next chapter, here Swedenborg plainly indicates what he means by the devil - a meaning which is obscured in the English translation.

The infernal society, he says, "exists actually; for nothing

is possible in the spiritual idea of the soul which does not

actually exist, the soul being pure intelligence, not stored

with any shades of ignorance.... Therefore, the devil

actually exists, an infernal society or a society burning

with the love of destroying heavenly societies. Without such

a society, the blessed would not be enkindled with any seal

and order." (Ibid. n. 543)

A little later (Ibid. n. 555) he calls "the greatest evil" the devil. It is in the light of such teachings that we must treat what Swedenborg says here, namely, that, as the heavenly society has Christ as its Ruler, so

"it cannot be denied that this society is furnished with its

leader or prince." (Ibid. n. 545)

But he does not picture the torments of hell as physical

torments. "They are inmostly tormented by their own

conscience when they behold with open eyes truths which in

this life they have striven to dissipate." Being in the

soul, this torment "cannot be described in words. It exceeds

the flame and the gnashing of teeth and many other torments

of earth." (Ibid. n. 544)

The chapter concludes with some remarks on the Last Judgment when the Divine Omnipotence will be revealed, and when

"this infernal society will lose all hope and will

contemplate before their eyes their external ruin."

(Ibid. n. 546)

The last chapter is on the Divine Providence, showing that being universal it must also be most singular; and that all evils are permissions. In this connection, Swedenborg gives convincing reasons why God did not create angels immediately, but men, that from them, by the exercise of free will, a heavenly society might be raised up. (Ibid. n. 555)

"The human race is the seminary (of those who will follow

heavenly felicity), and the city or church of God is

scattered throughout the entire globe, and from thence is

gathered the heavenly society." (Ibid. N. 559)

This ends the work as written out by its author, but he suggests the title of a final chapter in the added words:

"But Providence, Fate, Fortune, Predestination, Human

Prudence, have already been treated of, which may be seen and

added." (Ibid. N. 561)
The reference is undoubtedly to that lost work which was advertised in the second edition of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom (see above, p. 648). Accordingly to the present MS., it consisted of five chapters, dealing respectively with the subjects mentioned above.

There is indeed a final chapter entitled "Universal Mathesis," but this was probably intended rather as an appendix than as an integral part of the Rational Psychology.

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Swedenborg's mind is continually reverting to this subject. While seeing the first volume of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom through the press, he had essayed the formulation of such a "science of sciences" (see above, p. 553). Later, in A Philosopher's Note Book, page 239, he quotes something from Leibnitz on this subject. And now he returns to it once more in this Appendix. He prefaces his remarks by some citations from the French translation of Locke's Essay on The Human Understanding, and in the closing words of the Appendix he refers to his past effort:

"It is indeed possible," he says, "to submit the ideas of the

mind to calculation ... but no certainty can be reduced

therefrom unless a certainty be proposed and acknowledged

from which the quotations are to commence. I would have

wished also to set forth one or two attempts, having indeed

discovered its possibility; but many rules must be premised,

propositions gives, and truths woven together before I can

attack it.... For this reason I omit this attempt, and in

its place have desired to set forth a key to natural and

spiritual arcana by way of correspondences and

representations which will lead us most concisely and

certainly into truths. Since the doctrine has not been made

known to the world, I ought to dwell on it somewhat longer."

(R. Psych. n. 567)

However, Swedenborg did not at once take up this subject but continues on the next page with a short work entitled Ontology. Of Swedenborg's reasons for taking up this work, we shall speak presently. Preparatory to its writing, he turned back to Codex 37 (see above, pp. 527-28) which still had 38 blank pages, and utilized these pages for the copying of a multitude of passages on metaphysical subjects from Wolff's Ontologia and Cosmologia.

The work Ontology or, as it is called in some lists of which we shall speak presently, "Ontology or the Signification of Philosophical Terms," deals solely with definitions, and confines its citations to those taken from Scipio Dupleix's Corps de Phiolosophie (1607), Robert Baron's Philosophia Theologise Ancillans (1621), and Wolff's Ontologia and Cosmologia. It may be remembered that Swedenborg had entered into a study of Dupleix in 1734, after his return home from publishing the Opera Mineralia (see above, p. 433).

At first sight it may seem strange that Swedenborg should give so much attention to the study of metaphysics; but it seems that he saw in the metaphysical writers something of that abstract reasoning which cannot be dispensed with in dealing with the soul. His endeavor in the Ontology was to define the terms of metaphysics in a way that would be real and not merely verbal. Swedenborg himself indicates something of this sort when in the early part of 1748 some spirits reprehended him for the use of philosophical terms.

"But they were instructed," he writes, "that my philosophical

terms were nothing else than certain ideas set forth in

somewhat simple terms, as when I say subject and predicate,

which signifies that predicates or the things that are

predicated should be applied to that which the subject

signifies.... The same thing can also be expressed in other

ways without such words, and likewise can be understood and

afterwards be uttered. Therefore is it only true ideas which

are comprehended under such formulas and terms; thus, that

there is a philosophical language more concise than other

languages. Otherwise the matter must be expressed by

circumlocutions, which is usually done by those who are

ignorant of these terms and, indeed, somewhat clearly, except

when the terms spring from the subjects."

Swedenborg then goes on to speak of the abuse of these

philosophical terms, and connects it with the use of Rabbinic

fables. (SD n. 1602 seq.)

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The Ontology entirely bears out the truth of Swedenborg's own description of his use of philosophical terms. On reading this work, it appears very evident that what is uppermost in Swedenborg's mind is the material and the substantial, especially in application to the nature of the soul and his doctrine of forms. Substance, he says, is a

"form distinct from another since it is a subject in which is

form together with its adjuncts and predicates. Thus,

substance remains substance even though the state of its form

is changed." Predicates, however, cannot be ascribed to

superior substances. (Ont. N. 33)

Regarded in themselves, these are not modifiable, nor can

they change their state, "it being only the operations of

substances which change their state." (Ibid. n. 34)

This he illustrates by citing the eye as the organic substance of the imagination, and the pure intellectory as the organic substance of thought.

But even spiritual form is in an extense, otherwise it would not be a

form; that is, it is finite. Yet length, breadth and

thickness cannot be its predicates; nor can parts, these

being "elementary, heavy, inert, terrestrial forms."

(Ibid. n. 55)

But superior forms consist of substances or forms which are

determined; for there must be something determinable and

determined that shall be the analogue of part. (Ibid. n. 56)

Nevertheless, spiritual form occupies space, even though

"within itself there is no respect of centre and place."

(Ibid. n. 59) In other words, spiritual substance is an

active determinant having space outside itself, and when it

determines matter, it becomes the internal form of the

latter, while the matter so formed becomes external form.

Figure, on the other hand, may exist without the

corresponding interior determination or form. (Ibid. n. 140

In this connection, Swedenborg notes that

"Spirits derive from their form that they are what they are

taken to be." (Ibid. n. 7)

This connects with his definition of "state" as being "the

coexistence of the determinations in any given form."

(Ibid. n. 23)

Compare with this the definition in the Writings:

"Order is the quality of the disposition, determination and

activity of the parts, substances or entities which make the

form, whence comes the state." (TCR n. 32)

Whether we have the whole of the Ontology as written, is doubtful. The last chapter goes to the end of the page, but it includes only some citations from Wolff. Probably there was at least one more page which has been lost.

It is possible that A Hieroglyphic Key was written about this time, though it seems more probable that it was written later. See Psychological Transactions, Preface p. xxv.

The next work that Swedenborg undertook was a new work on the Brain, including not only the Cerebrum but also the Cerebellum, the two Medullas, the Nerves, and Diseases of the Brain. That this work, written in 1742, is part of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom series, is shown by the fact that it refers to the first volume of the published Economy as "Transaction I" (Cod. 55:585-91) and also to a "Transaction IV on Forms" (Ibid. n. 393), to a "Transaction" on the Fibre (Ibid. n. 353), and to the "Transaction" on the Arachnoid (Ibid. n. 355);

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that it calls itself "Transaction II," and that its conclusions are headed "Inductions" and not "Analyses."

In writing this work, Swedenborg made use of his previous work on the Cerebrum only in the same that he copied out from the latter the voluminous citations from the anatomists, adding new citations, and these were very short, only once or twice.

The Inductions are wholly different from those in the Venice Cerebrum. In general, moreover, they are much shorter and are more cautious. Thus we find conclusions or conjectures set forth in the Venice work which are wholly absent from the later work.

The end of the work, from n. 684 (21 pages), is clearly a first draft and contains many erasures and corrections. The handwriting shows that it was written at great speed - which is not surprising in view of the number of works which Swedenborg wrote between October 1740 and July 1742, namely,

A Philosopher's Note Book - 1st part, The Fibre,

Psychological Transactions, Rational Psychology, and now The

Brain - over 650 quarto pages plus over 1100 folio pages, in

the space of less than 23 months! - about 63 folio pages a

month, to say nothing of the study involved.

We note also a more subdued tone in this work, as though the author had determined to say nothing save what was clearly demonstrable from experience. There is, moreover, only a single reference to the new doctrines which have so frequently been mentioned in The Economy of the Animal Kingdom and The Fibre. The reference in question occurs in n. 393 of the MS; there he states that the descent of substances from soft to hard is according to the doctrine of forms.

"The supreme form of all is called the spiritual. Then from

this follows in successive order, the celestial, vortical,

spiral, circular, and finally the angular form which is the

ultimate and is like that of the bones.... But these several

forms and the determinations of their substances and forces I

have determined to treat of professedly in Transaction IV."

(De Cer. transcript 2:p.814)

The part on the Nerves treats in detail only of the nerves of smell and sight, where Swedenborg supplies some very remarkable "Inductions." Of the rest of the nerves, he gives only anatomical particulars. His reason is that any further treatment would lead him outside the brain.

Indeed, he says, in treating of smell and sight, "I have been

going outside the brain," and therefore, he continues, "I

must retrace my path and return to the brain as soon as I

have" gone briefly over the remaining nerves, "but without

any induction or theoretical elucidation," for this would

involve taking in the whole body, and "to do this now would

be to drive our chariot outside the stadium designated for

our contest." (Cod. 55:n. 572 = trans. 3:p. 993)

After the Nerves, Swedenborg devotes a chapter to The Brain of Birds and Fishes. As a contrast to the rest of the work, he treats this subject at greater length than had been the case in the Venice Cerebrum. Moreover, he adds a chapter on the brains of insects. This chapter is based solely on the anatomy of Malpighi and Swammerdam, from which latter author he quotes at great length. At the end of a long Induction, Swedenborg adds a passage similar in tone to the teaching in Divine Love and Wisdom n. 65, that the uses of all things ascend by degrees to man. The passage reads:

"Insects perform a use to the natural kingdom or the

physical world; but the more perfect animals perform a use to

the moral

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kingdom or human society; while man performs a use to the

spiritual kingdom which is called the heavenly. For so do

perfections ascend according to order from lowests to

supremes, or from things natural to things spiritual; and

they are predicated of souls, not of bodies. It is most

worthy of note here that the vilest worms and their souls

aspire also to a superior world, or to a posthumous felicity,

as it were. Hence their metamorphosis and the marvelous

reformation of the body into a butterfly, that they may no

longer creep upon the ground, but may surreptitiously raise

themselves into the region of the air. Why then should not

the human race, whose soul is a part of the spiritual world

or the kingdom of God, its rational mind a part of the moral

world, and its body a part of the physical world, also aspire

with a continual instinct to the immortal and heavenly life?

That instinct, however, is not natural or moral but

spiritual; and it affects the supreme parts of his rational

faculty. It would be otherwise if the y lived only for the

body and nature, and without such instinct, that is, for the

gullet and for venery, as their supreme and final

blessedness, and indulged in these as do the imperfect

animalcules." (Cod. 55: nos. 623-24 = Trans. 3: pp. 1082-8)

The Part on the brain and nerves ends with a chapter on Monstrous Brains, where both the anatomical experience and the Induction are much longer than in the Venice Cerebrum. As regards the citations, Swedenborg now had the Acta Literaria Sueciae accessible, whereas in Venice he had to content himself with merely citing that work.

The end of the chapter is marked "End of Transaction III or concerning the Brain" - which would indicate that the work was intended as the third Transaction of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, the fourth to be The Fibre.

Then follows, with continuous numbering of the paragraphs, the part on "Diseases of the Brain." Here, at the top of the page, Swedenborg inserted later the note:
"In place of a Preface, consult what has been written in quarto on Diseases of the Fibres in general" (Ibid. n. 640 = 3: p. 1119)
"Words which might indicate Swedenborg's intention to publish the work as a separate Transaction. The reference is to "Diseases of the Fibres" in the work on The Fibre, the first two chapters of which are entitled:

"That all Diseases in the Animal Body are Diseases of the

Fibres," and "That Diseases of the Body, passions of the

Animus, and Changes of State of the Mind are Affections of

Fibres in general."
The Fibre contains two other introductory chapters before taking up specific diseases, and doubtless these also were to be consulted when writing a preface for the present work; for the latter goes at once to the treatment of specific cerebral diseases. Moreover, while The Fibre gives merely Swedenborg's conclusions as to the causes of the various diseases, the present work, after giving such conclusions, follows them by a series of paragraphs headed "A Posteriori" - in which medical evidence is cited, mainly from Wepfer, a famous Swiss specialist on the Brain, Fantoni and Pacchioni, Italian specialists. (Ibid. n. 647 seq. = Trans. Pp. 1126-33)

The putting of the medical evidence after Swedenborg's conclusions is unique to this work. After the first three chapters, however, Swedenborg omits all citations of medical evidence. Later also his chapters grow shorter and give more evidence of haste and of alterations.

Continuing the comparison of the present with the earlier work on Diseases, we observe that the diseases treated of are the same in both works, except that the present work includes a chapter on Hydrocephalus - which, in the

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earlier work, consisted merely of a heading; and that in the first five chapters of the present work, the subject matter is treated of more systematically under the classifications:

"Essential Causes," "Efficient Causes," "Accidental Causes," and "Effects." Thus far the MS. seems to be a clean copy, but part of the fifth chapter and all the remaining chapters are evidently a rough draft, showing many erasions and corrections, and with the paragraphs unnumbered.

We note that in the chapter on Inmosts, Swedenborg remarks that in sleep the mind, being afforded greater liberty, more powerfully and fully draws on its memory, so that many things are seen in dreams which were thought to have long been forgotten. Does this portend anything to us, or not? he asks. He does not answer his question, however, since the matter does not pertain to the subject in hand.

"Let it suffice, therefore, to present the declaration of

some few men." (De Cer. transcript p. 1197 sec.)
He then quotes from Aristotle, Grotius and the Scriptures, as copied by him in A Philosopher's Note Book, pp. 203-4. From Aristotle he cites the opinion that

"there is divination in sleep; for most men believe that

their dreams have some significance." But to interpret these

dreams, one must be skilled in perceiving similitudes.

(Ibid.)
From Grotius he quotes instances of prophetical dreams; and from the Scriptures, of the appearance of the Lord and of angels in dreams.

From the nature of these quotations, it would seem that Swedenborg entertained, at any rate, the possibility of revelation and divine vision in dreams. It is certainly clear from his words that he looked on dreams as an evidence of the greater keenness of the mind when it is removed from the senses of the body. His words are: (Ibid. trans. Pp. 1199-1200)

"When the sensory is active and the intellectory passive, the

mind which is called intellectual and rational draws in mere

fantasies and is immersed in the animus, in cupidities, and

in the body. The contrary is the case if the intellectory

directs the rudder and holds command over the sensorium.

Therefore, to unclose the door to the shrine of wisdom is to

have the knowledge and ability to remove the mind from the

animus, and both from the body, this being the verimost state

of wakefulness, although it does not appear such. For then,

with the subjection of inferiors, the man is left to himself,

the mind alone being the man.... But there are genera and

species of dreams. The lowest kind, being that which is to

be called fantastic, forensic, purely animal, comes when the

internal sensory is active, while the inmost sensory or

intellectory is passive. A superior kind which is to be

called intellectual, enigmatic, representative, or

parabolical, comes when the intellectory is active and the

sensory is passive. But this is a rare phenomenon, for then

absent and sometimes contingent things which flow from the

nexus of causes are represent of graphically under forms and

simulachra, and past deeds are dispelled. For, left to

itself, the intellectory does not know how to combine its

universal ideas under the formulas of words, which are so

many particular ideas, these being supplied by the sensorium

from itself but for the unweaving of these dreams, there is

need of a prophet or interpreter. The supreme kind of dream,

which is to be called supernatural, spiritual, divine

prophetical, is when it is the soul that presides over the

intellectory, and acts, nor suffers itself to be acted on.

For all sensation is a passion of the soul, while the action

of the latter is an intuition and representation of the

universe outside

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herself, as though in herself, and this does not obtain with

her save when left to herself. Hence the sacred ecstasies,

vaticinations; and then is the remembrance of divinations.

Then also the sensory, subject to her, is held by that prior

or superior origin to operate or serve in suitable manner.

And then there are visions in the daytime when the external

sensory serves in like manner, but these are not possible

unless the mind is pure and free from the mockeries and

allurements of the body and the world and of the animus."

(De Cer. transcript 3: pp. 1199-1200)

Animals also have dreams, and, indeed, of two kinds, "one

when the internal sensory is active and the soul passive, and

the other when the soul is active and the internal sensory

passive; hence vaticinations from brute animals - but of

these we shall speak in our Psychological passages." In

somnambulism, on the other hand, both sensories are awake and

the intellectory is quiescent. (Ibid. p. 1200)

Turning then to the causes of dreams, after speaking of the causes of fantastic dreams, Swedenborg continues:

"The causes of dreams of a superior kind, that is to say, of

intellectual dreams, relatively to those just enumerated, are

all internal, such as health of body, tranquility of mind,

peace from allurements save so far as they serve as

incitements to the bodily life; intense thought with the

removal of fantasies arising from external sensation; desires

which look to ends from afar, to consequences as the

conclusions from promises; shame of transgressing against

moral laws; horror at vices; concern for the public safety;

assiduous reading about such matters with accompanying

meditation; in short, a penetration which sees into the

inmosts of a judgment and does not stop at the crust; as also

a native aptitude and an acquired faculty of opening the most

delicate fissures of the cortical cerebrum. The causes of

dreams of the supreme degree, that is to say, of spiritual

dreams or of dreams when the soul directs the rudder of the

intellectory, are supernatural, such as sacred ecstasies, and

so are beyond the scope of this Transaction; for the Divine

Spirit inflows immediately into the soul, and thereby

mediately into the intellectory. But to the extent that the

latter suffers itself to be acted on by the soul, and the

soul by the Spirit of God and by her heavenly life, to that

extent exists a more sublime divination and inspiration, and

to that extent we come again into the more perfect state of

life and truly live." (Ibid. 3:p. 1201)

When reading the above, one must bear in mind that it was written in 1742, when Swedenborg had been experiencing for six years dreams which he considered remarkable enough to note down (see above, p. 455), and when he had had some experience in deep thought together with suspension of breathing.

We now turn our attention to Swedenborg's plans with regard to the continuation of the two volumes of his OEconomia. It will be recalled that in the beginning of 1740, after the first volume of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom at the rate of one book each year from 1740 to 1747, the subjects being: (see above, pp. 552, 620)

1. The Brain

2. The Muscles, Glands and Nerves

3. The Eye and Ear; the Lungs

4. The remaining Viscera of the Body

5. Generation

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6. Causes of Diseases

7. The Animus and Mind

8. The City of God

But before the first volume of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom was published, this plan was changed, and Swedenborg at once wrote as his second volume, a treatise on the Cortex of the Brain and the Human Soul.

According to reference given in this second volume, we find that it was to have been followed by:

Transaction III The Fibre

Transaction IV The Brain and Medullas

Transaction VIII The New Doctrines (See above, p. 602)

With the writing of Transaction III on the Fibre, this plan was changed as follows:

Transaction IV The Brain, Medullaes, and the Animal Spirit

The order in which Swedenborg's works were actually written, following The Fibre, was:

1. Intercourse between Soul and Body

2. Miscellaneous Psychological Transactions

3. Rational Psychology

4. The Brain, Medullas, and Pathology

This work on the Brain is written last because probably Swedenborg had had in mind to utilize the Venice work in the series of his Transactions, after adding to it a Transaction on the Cerebellum and Medullas.

However this may be, Swedenborg finally drew up formal plans for the continuation of his Economy, entering them on sundry blank pages on his A Philosopher's Note Book, pages 489, 496, probably after the last work on the Brain had been finished.

Of these plans, Swedenborg made two lists, the one being more detailed than the other. These lists plan the work as follows:

Transaction III The Cerebrum

Transaction IV The Cerebellum and Medullas - Diseases of the

Head

The chapters of Trans. III and IV are drafted on the

opposite page, and a clean and enlarged copy is written on p.

262. The latter agrees in general with the written work,

thought eh latter has an additional chapter on "Being a

Comparison of the Great Gland of the Cerebrum with the Glands

of the Body; and a more detailed treatment of the Medulla

Spinalis and the Nerves." (Codex 36: pp. 268, 269)

Transaction V The Introduction to Rational Psychology

1. The Cortex

2. The Medullary Fibre of the Brain and the Nerves of the

Body.

3-5. The Doctrines of Order and Degrees, of Forms, and of

Correspondences and Representations.

6. Ontology

In the clean draft of the contents of this Transaction,

chapter 2 is followed by an additional chapter on the

Arachnoid; the title Ontology is explained as being "first

philosophy"; an additional chapter is added as "The Doctrine

of Modifications." (Ibid. p. 263)

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Transaction VI [Rational Psychology]

1-2 The Body and Soul in general.

3-4 The Animal Spirit and the Blood.

5 Generation and Motion.

6 Imagination and Memory.

7 The Rational Mind.

8 The State of the Soul in the Body.

9 Concordance of Systems as to its Intercourse with the

Body.

10-11 Immortality and the State of the Soul after Death.

12 The Society of Souls.

13 Providence, Prudence, etc.

14 Appendix on the Passions of the Animus.

In the clean draft, the contents of these Transactions are

followed by the following paragraph:

"The heavenly society is to be compared with a unanimous

body; although the latter consists of an infinitude of parts,

yet these parts are so united that the one sensates what the

other suffers and does. Thus, there is a communion of them

all. In a word, heavenly society is to be compared with a

body over which is a head, this being Christ Himself.

"There are many members in the body; so there are many

societies all breathing together." (Codex 36: p. 263)

A consideration of the above lists of the contents of the Transactions which were to continue and complete the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, shows that by the middle of 1742 Swedenborg had already written, either in clean copy or in draft, almost all the contents of the proposed series. Transactions III and IV on the Brain, the Nerves and Diseases of the Head, were written in draft form. Transaction V was written out in clean copy in the work on The Fibre plus the Ontology; there remaining to be added for its completion only chapters on Generation, the Doctrine of Series and Degrees and also of Society, of Correspondences and Representations, and on Modifications. Transaction IV was written in first draft in the work on Rational Psychology plus the small Transactions on The Blood, The Animal Spirit, Sensation, Action, and on the Concordance of Systems.

Having thus brought his Economy of the Animal Kingdom to completion - or, at any rate, into such shape that it could readily be prepared for the printer - Swedenborg now determined again to make a foreign journey with a view to further study and to the publication of his Transactions III to VI.

In the summer of 1742, he was in a favorable position to undertake the expense of such a journey since, in addition to probable savings from his Assessor's salary and from his income from his mining properties, he also acquired other money in 1742. On February 25th he had sold his half of the Starbo Smeltery to Count Gyllenborg for the sum of 36,000 dal.kmt,* 30,000 of which he lent to the purchaser at 6 per cent interest. (NKTid. 1928:115)

* About $1,600.00 - 6,000 dal.kmt. = 8270. This was equal to Swedenborg's salary as Assessor, viz., 1,200 dal.smt. See N. K. Tidningar 1728:115.

In May he received, on account of his father's Hymn Book, and additional small sum amounting to 256 dal.kmt. (Doc. 1:p. 381)

As we have already noted (see above, p. 599), Swedenborg obtained from the Skinnskatteberg County Court a mortgage on Lt. P. Schonstrm's property as

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security for his two notes aggregating over 9,500 dal.kmt.* It seems, however, that the interest on these notes still remained unpaid. Therefore, on May 31, 1742, Swedenborg addressed himself to the terbo County Court. He writes:

* Equal to about 1,600 kr. In modern money, or over $400.00.

"Seeing that I have found that Lt. Col., the well-born

Herr Petter Schonstrm owns some farmland in Shedwi and

elsewhere situated in the jurisdiction of the County Court,

therefore, for the preservation of my rights, I send herewith

two notes given some time ago which are yet unpaid, with the

humble request that the well-born Judge and the Court may

duly enter the same and send me an extract of the Minutes

thereon." (LM. P. 489)

The interest on one of the notes, if not both, had been paid up to April 1742, and Swedenborg's action was of course taken with a view to recovering the principal. The action was successful as to the smaller note which was paid in full on June 14th as noted on the note itself. Presumably, the larger was paid at the same time. (ACSD 597)

Having brought the Economy series to a satisfactory conclusion, and being provided with funds, Swedenborg, on June 14, 1742, applied to the King for a passport. He writes:

"Some years ago, it pleased your Royal Majesty

graciously to grant me permission to make a journey abroad

and bring to an end a work I have elaborated. But since this

work must necessarily be continued, which, moreover, I have

declared to the public, and I have now this continuation

ready for the most part, it remaining only for further

enlightenment that something further should be obtained from

certain libraries abroad, and with this that I should confer

with certain learned men, therefore I am led in deepest

humility to request that, because of this necessity our Royal

Majesty should be pleased to grant me freedom for two more

years to journey abroad at my own expense to such places

where I can duly complete the said work and give it to print.

"On the former occasion, your Royal Majesty appointed

Assessor Porath in my place, for which purpose I yielded one-

half of my salary; and since the above-mentioned Assessor

still occupies the same place, and no further change or

removal has occurred, everything is in the same condition as

it was when I requested your Royal Majesty's gracious

permission 1736. And in case any vacancy may occur in the

Royal College during my absence, I am content that the same

half of my salary may be given to any other person who

performs the same work, in like manner as your Royal Majesty

was formerly graciously pleased to resolve, in order that

there may be no disturbance in the service in the college.

For the object in view is by this means to do useful service

in general, and to put forth a proof which will show that

equally in Sweden are those who seek to contribute usefulness

and pleasure in the Republic of Letters whereto I have not

spared any trouble, labor and money. Therefore, I live in

the humble hope that it may most graciously be granted me."

(LM. pp. 490-91; NCL 1896:167*)

* Here the letter is wrongly dated 1743.

On this letter is written the note: "The letter is filed

because Assessor Swedenborg has since received permission to

journey abroad."

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From Swedenborg himself we learn that the Royal Secretary gave the King's favorable answer orally, but added that, as a point of order, it ought first to be announced to the College. This announcement, however, was never made, for in the meantime, Swedenborg came to the determination to proceed along a different line before publishing his work on the Soul. It will be recalled that in his Economy of the Animal Kingdom, vol. 2: n. 117, Swedenborg had stated:

"I have run through the whole animal system just as here I

ran through the cortex and later the medullary substance" -

referring evidently to his anatomical studies in Paris.

Subsequent to these studies, he had intended to commence his study of the soul by a work on the Brain. But, after completing a volume of the Cerebrum, he desisted from the work and undertook to commence with an examination of the universals of the body, namely, the blood and the brain. These studies were published as volumes 1 and 2 of the Economy. His subsequent plan was to follow these works by The Brain, The Fibre and its doctrines, and, finally, The Rational Psychology.

It was after he had obtained leave (in 1742) to go abroad that he determined to follow a different plan, namely, to follow the already written Transaction III on the Cerebrum, Cerebellum and Nerves, by a Transaction on the parts of the body itself.

The work, of course, would be a great undertaking, yet, as we have already noted, he was not unprepared since he had already "run through the whole animal system."

And so, in the beginning of July 1742, Swedenborg, laying aside, as it were, his advanced studies on the Soul, commenced anew at the bottom of the ladder. It may be noted, however, that his studies up to this point had led him to the formulation of many important doctrines, and it was in the light of these that he now approaches the study of the organs of the body. And herein perhaps we have an illustration of the true use of the analytical and synthetic reasoning, namely, from the study of general facts to "induce" certain principles, and then in the light of these principles to "analyze" more particular facts. This may be among the reasons why, in the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, Swedenborg heads his comments "inductions," but in the Animal Kingdom "Analyses."

However, in the work which he is now to commence, he plans not a new series of works but merely a broadening of the field of his Transactions. Consequently, he still designs to head his comments "Inductions"; this is evident from certain indications appearing in the works he is now about to write. It was not until some months later that he adopted a new plan to be comprised in four tomes of a work to be called The Animal Kingdom.

The evidence of the work on the revised plan of the Economy commenced in July 1742 is contained in a Codex now numbered 53 But, bulky as this Codex is with its 370 folio pages still left, it is little more than one-half the original volume, over 300 pages being absent from the beginning.

AS now preserved, it commences on page LLLL (= p. 316) with a few lines which are evidently the closing words of a chapter 22 on the Thymus Gland. What were contained in the missing pages were 21 chapters of a treatise on the Organs of the Body. Reference to some lists made by Swedenborg, and to which we shall refer later, show that the Continuation of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom was originally planned to contain an Introduction followed by 23 chapters

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ending with a chapter on the Thymus Gland. Undoubtedly, therefore, the missing pages now in question contained Swedenborg's first draft which he afterwards published as volumes 1 and 2 of the Animal Kingdom. That work consists of 23 chapters, chapter 22 being on the thymus Gland, and chapter 23 on the Diaphragm - a subject which was not included in the lists to which we referred above.

Turning back to Codex 53, we find that the fragment on the Thymus gland is followed by a series of chapters, numbered 23-44, as follows:

23 The Periosteum

24 The Breasts

25 The Ear and Hearing (and missing)

26 The Eye and Sight (part of the anatomical citations and

two pages at end missing)

27-44 The work on Generation.

In the Periosteum, Swedenborg presents for the first time his doctrine concerning the progress in the formation of the human fetus. Parts of this doctrine are given in earlier works but only incidentally.

The works on Hearing and Sight, totally 69 pages, have never been transcribed, still less published. They constitute Swedenborg's first anatomical treatment of these senses, and differ from his later treatment in 1744 in being a more systematic unfolding of the uses of these sense on the basis of anatomical experience. After inquiring into the nature of air and sound, he enters the ear step by step, showing the growing use of each of its parts in perceiving more distinctly the many vibrations of sound. He shows the reason why nature has ordained the ear shall not perceive the finest vibrations save by articulate words; otherwise, our material ideas would be continually disturbed. At the same time, he shows the reasons why with old age we decrease in perception of the finer vibrations in sound, and the hearing is more and more confined to the perception of a general murmur. The eye is dealt with in the same way.

Swedenborg's reason for writing the work on Generation is very directly connected with his study of the soul and its influx into the body. This he himself states in n. 357, where he says:

"We may not climb immediately from effects to

principles, from the body to the soul, and from the material

world to the immaterial. And, therefore, in order to this

ascent, I have been obliged to conceive, as it were, from an

ovum, to form and bring forth new doctrines which shall lead

me from lowest things to higher; doctrines which I term the

doctrine of form, the doctrine of order and degrees and also

of the society of coordinates, also the doctrine of

representations and correspondences, and lastly, the doctrine

of modification." (Gen. n. 357)

Led by these doctrines, Swedenborg at once rejects the idea held by many that the first form of the fetus is the immature form of a man.

"All things come into being successively," he says, "and in

the lest there is no real type of the greatest save a

representative one." (Ibid. n. 359)

Instead, he states earlier in the work, the rudiments of the fetus are

"woven into the most perfect organic forms such as are the

inmost forms of the cortical glands of the brain."

(Ibid. n. 330; see also nos. 87-171, 175)

In the beginning of the work, speaking of the use and misuse of venery and its effects (n. 23), he puts forth ideas which must surely have been in his

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mind when writing concerning fornication and permissions in the latter part of Conjugial Love. Noteworthy also as a fruit of Swedenborg's doctrine of forms and degrees is his statement as to the degrees of the love of venery, the first degree being

"the conjugial degree which alone deserves principally to be

called love," and which, like the other two degrees, has its

own organic seat, this seat being the simple fibre.

(Gen. Nos. 95, 149)

We may note also Swedenborg's utterance on the difference between man and woman, and an almost prophetic statement as to the future prevalence in the world of the imagination over the reason. What he says as to the nature of woman is, indeed, on its surface more or less a reflection of the thought common to his age. Yet, his words give the true ground confirmatory of what is taught in the Writings as to the nature of man and woman. It is the fashion to put aside reflections such as Swedenborg here utters, though the facts as to the difference between men and women are obvious enough; but Swedenborg himself has given a better reason for the present attitude. As to whether he shared interiorly in the current view as to the nature of woman, this may well be doubted; for his personal attitude can be judged only from what he writes, and both in this work and in his Rational Psychology he speaks in the most enlightened terms concerning the nature of Conjugial Love.

The passage concerning man and woman to which we more specifically refer is no. 290. There, after stating that woman is organically passive and reactive, he then considers the resultant characteristics in the two sexes,

"which, though diverse are yet conformable to each other; the

characteristics namely: That women are more prone to be

excited to changes by the external sense. That relatively to

the violence of the affections of the animus, they enjoy less

judgment, in that they regard ends at a remote distance, and

the more present ends to which affection of the animus

incites them, as being veriest rational ends. That they

enjoy a more lively imagination than men, and that their

rational mind, which is the superior animus, acts chiefly as

a passive and reactive force, and descends with much

persuasion into the imaginary fancies of the lower animus.

It is different in the male sex, which is more in the

enjoyment of the rational mind and of its active force,

rather than its reactive; in such way, namely, that the man

not only rules over the affections of his own animus as over

servants and forces of a lower order, but rules also over his

married partner, who possesses not an active but a passive

force of will; and therefore it naturally follows that in all

matters that concern rational ends, the woman is subject and

yielding to the decisions of her husband. Lastly, it follows

that, as regards the body in particular, woman is more prone

to those emotions to which her animus is excited by external

objects, and rushes at once into actions lest here desire he

controlled.... Hence also it follows that women sooner arrive

at maturity, namely, within fourteen or fifteen years, while

men require a longer period; for the more the inmost human

faculty prevails, the later is the maturity; and, on the

other hand, the more the exterior powers prevail, the quicker

the maturity. For in the latter case the fibre is sooner

prepared for supplying its nutritious juice; which is not the

case where later progress is made from inmosts.... From these

considerations it is apparent why women are passive, not only

in physical acts, but also in moral, whereas men, from their

very nature, are active; from which reason also it is that

women are more beautiful and tender; and in the very

passivity of their disposition are, as it were graces; and,

furthermore, that in every matter of decision they are more

prone and determinable than men, and in every

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surface matter appear more intelligent. The genius of the

age consists in our excelling in the power of imagination,

and in our rational mind being merely passive and reactive in

respect to the objects that come in through the external

senses. On the other hand, the activity of the rational mind

and its resistance to the affections of the animus, that is

to say, its exercise of a dominating power, is not esteemed

at this day as a token of character, and scarcely as a token

of judgment. This is the reason why men cannot fail to be

subject to women, for this is favored by the consent of the

majority, which is the voice of the age." (Gen. N. 290)

With the completion of the work on Generation, Swedenborg was now ready to publish all the volumes designed for his Economy series, as follows:

Transaction III The Cerebrum, Cerebellum, Medullas and

Nerves.

Transaction IV The Organs of Respiration, Nutrition and

Generation.

Transaction V The Fibre and various Doctrines.

Transaction VI Rational Psychology.

But now Swedenborg again changed his plan and decided to abandon the Economy series, that is to say, the "Transactions" and "Induction" series, and to start afresh, commencing, not with the universals of the body as before, but with an analytical examination of its external organs, mounting up from the organs of nutrition to the organs of the mind. In his former work, by "Inductions" drawn from a study of the blood, heart and brain, he had been led to formulate certain important doctrines; and now, with the guidance of these doctrines, he proposed again to descend and "analyze" the particular organs of the human body.

This new work was to be comprised not in six Transactions but in four Tomes. Swedenborg several times enters the proposed contents of these Tomes on blank pages or parts of pages in Codex 36 - A Philosopher's Note Book - sometimes on the same page that contained the "Transaction" sketches.

In what was probably the first of these "Tome" outlines, the contents of the four Tomes are given as follows:

Tome I The Organs of the Body:
(1) 22 chapters on the organs of the Abdomen and Thorax; these chapters are practically in the same order as in the published Animal Kingdom.
(2) 18 chapters on Generation, practically in the same order as in the already written work.
(3) 5 chapters on the Senses.

Tome II The Brain:
(a) 23 chapters on the Cerebrum, in much the same order as in the last written work, except that the chapters on the Optic Thalami and Corpora Striata are put at the end of the work, after the organs of the chemical laboratory, and are joined with a chapter on the Optic and Olfactory Nerves. In the last written work these nerves formed a special treatise at the end of the work.
(6) 7 chapters on the Medulla Oblogata.
(7) 4 chapters on the Cerebellum.
[(b) and (c) are in reverse order as compared with the last written work.]
7 chapters on the Medulla Spinalis, differently arranged than in the last written work.

Diseases of the Head.
[There are no chapters on the brains of birds, fishes and insects or on monstrous brains, such as were included in the last written work.]

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Tome III Introduction to Rational Psychology
(4) 4 chapters on the New Doctrines.
(5) The Cortex of the Medullary and Nervous Fibre.
(6) The Arachnoid.
(7) The Motor Fibre.

(8) Ontology.

Tome V Rational Psychology:
(9) Motion and Sensation: the blood and animal spirit.
(10) Imagination and Memory.
(11) The Animus, Intellect and Will.
(12) The Soul, its commerce with the body and its state after death.
[The order of treatment in this sketch is very different from that in the written work.] (A Phil. NB. Pp. 480-83)

In three other summarized sketches of the Tome series, one of which immediately follows that just referred to, Swedenborg changes the order of treatment of Tome II on the Brain to agree with the last written work, namely,

Cerebrum, Cerebellum, Medulla Oblongata and Medulla Spinalis, and he adds:

"and in place of an Appendix, a chapter on the Diseases of eh

Head, for it is from those that many of the diseases of the

body spring, or it is into these that they terminate."

(Ibid. p. 484)

In "Tome III" he proposes

"under the leading of doctrines, to advance from the organism

of the body which is material, to the principles of the

soul's operations which are immaterial, that is to say, to

advance from the body to the soul. The Doctrines are, the

Doctrine of Forms, of Order and Degrees, and finally of

Representations. In order to exhibit these Doctrines, after

they have been explained, I will adjoin a treatise on the

Fibres, Medullary, Nervous and Motory." (Ibid.)

Tome IV was to treat

"of the external and internal senses; and at last, concerning

the soul, and, by way of a crown, concerning the state of the

soul after the death of the body."

"This is the end of the work." (Ibid.)

In a more extended summary of the Tome series, Tome IV was to end with a chapter on the AConcordance of the Systems." (Ibid. p. 494)

This more extended summary, and also a shorter one which follows on a later page of Codex 36, add an estimate of the number of pages which these Tomes would take, namely:

Tome I from fol. 130-40* (or, counting each sheet as 8, = 1040-1120)
Tome II from fol. 120 (960 pages)
Tome III from fol. 100-20 (= 800-960)
Tome IV from fol. 120 (960 pages)**
TOTAL = 470-500 (4000 pages) (Ibid. p. 498)

* By way of comparison, we may note that the first draft of Tome I filled 290 leaves or 580 pages, which did not include chapters on three of the Five Senses.

** This figure represents the number of printed "arks" which the work would fill. Therefore, in his application to the Bergscollegium for leave of absence, Swedenborg said the work would take "500 arks." An ark = 8 pp. 4to. As printed, AK pts. 1-3 = 896 pages = 112 arks, and if we add Generation (180 4to pp. = 23 arks) the whole would make 135 arks for Tome I. See below, p. 703.

686

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 687

[1742

Swedenborg also adds a sketch of the preface to introduce this Tome series, a preface the general lines of which are followed in the Prologue to the published Animal Kingdom. It reads as follows:

"From the end comes the labor; in the end lies the merit and

the crown; the end crowns the work. The work is concerning

the soul; this is the end, this the labor; this the crown of

all human wisdom for which search has been made for twenty

and thirty centuries back, from the time of Socrates and

Plato - but in vain. Labor has not been lacking, nor has

there been lack of skill; nay, these have been almost divine,

as they are called. But the source of error has been the

method of proceeding and the path pursued. Men have proceeded

by the synthetic way, or a priori; from a height downward;

from heaven, as it were, to earth. This pathway is the way

of the soul, the way of angels and of God. It is not the way

of man, who dwells upon the earth and who must ascend, must

mount up by a ladder. By experience, he must strive upward

to principles; from the visible to things unseen; from the

things that lie before the senses to things that are hidden.

This is the human ladder to the principles that lie within

causes and thus within things that are hidden. If,

therefore, the way is a synthetic one, it is a

hypothetiquiesce. Behold then a way that is purely analytic!

a way which, though long in extent, is yet required by the

importance of the subject; the way, namely, that is followed

in Tomes I and II, since the soul must be sought for in the

body; and also in Tome III, and lastly, in Tome IV.

Proceeding in any other way, we thresh out fables by mere

disquisitions as to where the soul is, what is its communion

with the body and its influx into the same, and many other

such things which do not immediately touch the matter, and

the knowing of which is of no use unless we know what the

soul is and what the body. We stand before the threshold, as

it were, inquiring as to the nature of the palace and sacred

building that lies within, when there are pathways leading

thereto. But we can never find out unless we enter. "Now is

the time first ripe; for experience in anatomical matters is

abundant." (A Phil. NB. pp. 493-94)

On a later page, Swedenborg also outlined his prefaces to the other Tomes of the series, as follows:

"Prologue

"To Part II: That some devote themselves to experiments, and

others to causes. Ruysch, Swammerdam and Steno may be cited.

That they are distinct studies.

"To Part III: Concerning the things which men write

concerning Extensibility, Simplicity, etc.; and they reason

in front of the threshold. From what is written in the

Bibliothque Raisonne.

"To Part IV: That the first corporeal life, is to be

nourished; the second is to generate, for which purpose there

are organs. From the Metamorphosis of insects, [it is seen]

that there is a superior life. (Ibid. pp. 503-4)

This reference to Swammerdam shows that the above was written after Swedenborg had entered into a renewed study of this author's Biblia Naturae, of which we shall speak presently; indeed, in this sketch of a Preface, he summarizes part of this study.

What immediately follows the above summarized Preface in Codex 36 was also intended as part of one of the proposed prefaces, namely:

"Ruysch: I am wholly devoted to this work, and give my

whole strength to it, that, so far as in me lies, I may

search out the true constitution [of the human body];

expecting that others will

687

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 688

[1742

do the same thing in respect to its uses. It is difficult to

devote oneself to both these taken." (A Phil. NB. P. 506)

Having arrived at the determination to commence anew from the organs of the body, Swedenborg now entered upon a renewed study of Schurig, Leeuwenhoek and Swammerdam with a view of gathering new material for the rewriting of the works he had just completed.

That this was the purpose of these studies is shown by the following considerations:

(1) Quotations are made mainly from Schurig's several works

on Generation, but not one of these is used in the work on

Generation. This indicates that Swedenborg intended to

rewrite that work and introduce of these new facts.

(2) Of the quotations from Schurig's work on the Chyle,

almost a half are crossed off; and all these crossed off

passages are quoted in the Animal Kingdom, and are the only

Schurig passages there quoted.

(3) The citations from Leeuwenhoek cover the subjects of the

organs of the abdomen, the skin, the senses, the brain,

generation, and the muscles. The quotations on the organs of

the abdomen and on the skin are all crossed off and are

quoted in the Animal Kingdom. This again indicates that

Swedenborg intended to write his works on Generation, the

Brain and Action or the Muscles, utilizing the new evidence

here collected.

(4) The quotations from Swammerdam which comprise by far the

greatest part of these excerpts, deal of course with the

anatomy of insects. They comprise the subjects of

generation, the blood, the thoracic and abdominal organs, the

brain and medullas, and the senses.

All the quotations on the blood and thoracic and abdominal

organs are crossed off, and these crossed off passages are

all quoted in the Animal Kingdom and constitute the only

quotations from Swammerdam contained in that work. And once

more the natural reference comes that Swedenborg intended to

rewrite not only his works on the thoracic and abdominal

viscera but also his works on Generation, the Senses, and the

Brain.

The quotations from Swedenborg are far more numerous than those from Schurig and Leeuwenhoek, these two authors together filling less than 18 pages, while Swammerdam fills over 80. Moreover, while the quotations from Schurig and Leeuwenhoek are unaccompanied by comment, those fro Swammerdam are accompanied by extensive commentaries aggregating a total of about 40 pages. Indeed, these quotations from Swammerdam with the accompany comments are so instructive as to Swedenborg's philosophy and his mode of study, that they are worthy of being published as a separate work which might be entitled "Studies in Comparative Entomology." With the exception of some brief extracts on the Bee, translated by Doctor E. E. Iungerich and published in the New Philosophy for 1923: Oct. pp. 141-46, they have never been published either in Latin or in translation.

Swedenborg's comments clearly show his reasoning concerning the facts laid before him, and give us some indication of the additions he would have made in the rewriting of his works on Generation, the Brain, Sight and Hearing.

In general it may be said be said that he found the positions he had already taken were confirmed, though on more than one occasion on reading Swammerdam he confesses to obscurity in the understanding of the facts related, and points out the necessity of further experimental investigation.

688

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 689

[1742

In view of the fact that Swammerdam's Biblia Naturae is spoken of favorably in the Writings (DLW n. 351, TCR n. 585), and that Swedenborg placed great weight on his Observations, it may be useful to give some account of this remarkable investigator into the arcana of the insect world.

Swammerdam's work was published in 1737, but Swedenborg had no opportunity of consulting it when he wrote the first volume of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom. In 1740, however, before writing the second volume, he purchased the two handsome folio volumes with their finely executed plates, and at once entered into a study of them. Some of the results of this study he incorporated in this second volume of the Economy published in the late summer of 1740. Manifestly, however, time had not permitted of his mastering the work. Therefore, in 1742, when on the threshold of undertaking to rewrite his physiological Tomes and to form them into a new series, he again applied himself to the work, and carefully read through the whole of its 900 folio pages, and carefully studied the more than 50 plates with which it was embellished.

That Swedenborg thought much of this work is shown by a note which he wrote on the flyleaf of his copy in 1750 when he was engaged in publishing the second volume of the Arcana Coelestia. The note reads:

"When such as believe in nature see how these animals or

insects are generated in the ground or on the leaves of

plants, and when they examine the wonderful things in their

organisms, and things made by their means, they think that

nature produces them, not knowing that their formation and

vivification is from the spiritual world, and their reception

and clothing from the natural world; further, that the heat

of the sun at the time of spring and summer dissolves and

adapts the particles of purer nature for the reception of

influx, and for the process of clothing. Wherefore the same

argument and the same confirmation, which the believers of

nature derive hence, are to me an argument for, and a

confirmation of, a continual influx from the spiritual into

the natural world. Written in the year 1750.

"The changes of caterpillars into butterflies, the

government of bees, and many other things which are described

in this book are manifest signs of such an influx."

"Additional information on this subject may be found in

the work on 'Heaven and Hell,' no. 567; compare also nos. 39,

108 and 109 in the same work." (Doc. 3:p. 750)

Some years later, Swedenborg presented his copy, containing this note, to his friend Count von Höpken, inasmuch as, to use his own words:

"I have no longer any use for this book, since my attention

has been directed from natural to spiritual things."

(Doc. 2:p. 234)

No one can read Swammerdam's work without utter amazement at

its astonishing revelations of the hidden mysteries of insect

anatomy. It is impossible to entertain the idea that

Swammerdam invented the wonderful details which he relates

concerning the muscles of insects, their nerves, fibres,

fluids, organs and parts of organs; yet is seems all but

impossible to imagine that he could have made - to say

nothing of exactly detailing - such minute observations with

the microscopes then available. There remains only the

supposition that Swammerdam was endowed with an extraordinary

genius for searching into the mysteries of the insect world,

a genius which was accompanied and inspired by an

extraordinary love of the work. His life discloses that he

did indeed have this love - inspired genius.

689

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 690

[1742

Jan Swammerdam was born in Amsterdam in 1637. His

grandfather, on removing to Amsterdam, received his name from

his birthplace - a village called Swammerdam. His father, an

Apothecary, was an ardent student of natural history and

gathered together an extraordinarily fine and carefully

arranged miscellaneous collection, including a notable

collection of insects.

Jan was frequently employed to look after this

collection, and in this work the boy's natural genius quickly

manifested itself; for he commenced a collection of his own,

wandering far afield, night and day, in his search for

insects, worms, grubs, etc., and even as a lad (says

Boerhaave, his biographer), he had made more discoveries in

this field than all preceding authors put together. Intended

for the church, he persuaded his father that he was better

fitted for the medical profession, and at the age of fourteen

he entered the University of Leyden where such was his

genius, he passed his examination as a candidate of physics

in two years. During this period he was especially

interested in dissection; he also devised many contrivances

for the dissection of even the smallest insects, and we learn

that his knives and lancets were so fine that he could not

see to sharpen them without the aid of a microscope. He also

had glass tubes no finer than a bristle, ending in an

extremely fine point, which he used to inflate the minute

vessels of insects and to inject them.

After his preliminary medical examination he went to

France. Here he continued his study of insects, and while

still in his twenties, he astonished the learned by his

amazing skill in insect dissection and the exhibition of

their minute internal organs. After returning to Holland, he

had abundant opportunity of dissecting human subjects, in

which he showed great skill, but his real interests were

elsewhere, and at thirty years old, after an illness had

interrupted his anatomical studies, he gave himself entirely

to the study of insects. During all this time he was

supported by his father - study, and not the practice of

medicine, being his delight. Finally, his father threatened

to withdrew all support unless Jan entered into practice.

This he at first consented to do, but it was necessary that

he first return to the country to regain his health. Hardly

had he arrived at his lonely country retreat when, forgetful

of his resolutions, he again devoted himself to his favorite

study, and despite his failing health, spent the daytime in

roaming after insects, flies, grubs, etc., and the night in

describing his discoveries. This study he afterwards

continued, nor did he ever enter into the practice of

medicine.

When he was thirty-five years old he became devoted to

the religious tenets of Madam Bourignon, and after this was

in a continual struggle between his desire to investigate

God's creatures, and his fancied duty to devote himself

exclusively to thoughts concerning God Himself. It was at

this time that he was writing his great treatise on Bees, of

which Doctor Boerhaave says that nothing in nature history

has ever equaled it. After finishing this, he gave himself

up entirely to religious meditation. Meanwhile, he suffered

from very restricted means, and sought in vain to sell his

valuable collection. He died after a long illness in 1680,

willing his papers to an old friend and patron. After the

latter's death they were sold for an inconsiderable sum to

the French Anatomist du Verney, and for a long time were

entirely forgotten. At last Doctor Boerhaave heard of them,

and in 1727, forty-seven years after the author's death,

succeeded in purchasing them at a very considerable price.

At his own expense, Dr. Boerhaave then had them translated

into Latin and published in Dutch and Latin in the handsome

volumes which Swedenborg procured for his own library.

Unfortunately Swammerdam's collection of insects was

scattered and lost.

690

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 691

[1742

It would take too long to give any full account of Swedenborg's many comments on Swammerdam's Observations, and it must suffice to present some brief idea of their nature.

In general, Swedenborg pens these notes with an eye to comparative anatomy and with the idea that that which is obscurely seen in man and quadrupeds, is clearly discernible in insects, or vice versa. (Codex 53:p. 363)

He rests his observations solely on the facts which Swammerdam relates, and that these can be relied on, he is assured by Swammerdam himself, who observes in his Preface:

"We must not wander beyond the limits of actual observations,

nor by straining them too much, make them extend to things

not as yet sufficiently discovered."

So Swedenborg writes: "Whatsoever experience has not truly disclosed, I cannot

rightly comment on, for the foundation, as it were, is

lacking, nor do I dare proceed further and supply any

conjecture." (Ibid. p. 357)

Sometimes also he is unable to form any opinion concerning some part of an insect because the connections of that part are not shown by Swammerdam. On the other hand, he frequently conjectures as to the name and use of other parts on the basis of human anatomy. (Ibid. p. 369)

In one case, he acknowledges his error in identifying a certain part of Swammerdam's figure as being the ovary, an error which he corrects when Swammerdam that the observation on which it was based was erroneous. (Ibid. p. 303)

In the same connection, Swedenborg remarks that his comments will be unintelligible unless the reader makes himself familiar with Swammerdam's descriptions, and so is able to compare the writer's conclusions with his own. (Ibid. p. 306)

He notes in many places the fact that the pulmonary pipes are distributed throughout the insect body, and he sees in this the confirmation of his contention that the lungs add an external force to the nerves and muscles, and that they breathe synchronously with the animation of the brains.

From the structure of the eyes of bees and flies, Swedenborg argues that these organs not only see but also smell and hear and perhaps feel - a statement which has been confirmed by later researches; see New Phil. 1923 July: 124. He further argues that when the one sense is active, the other is weakened - which explains why insects can be dulled by tinctures. In men, the five senses have distinct organs, even though they finally centre in a common sensorium. Hence man's senses, while not so keen as those of insects, are more distinct. (Ibid. p. 334)

In his comments on the bee, Swedenborg advances his theory that the eggs of the queen bee are fecundated by the drones after they have been deposited in the cells - theory which is strongly opposed by all modern apiarists. But Swedenborg would argue that if the queen bee is impregnated by a single drone before laying her eggs, as is the modern theory, it is different to understand why so many drones are required as companions, to a single queen; see article by E. E. Iungerich in the New Philosophy, 1923, July, p. 122 (Ibid. pp. 340-41)

He also sees in the generative organs of insects the confirmation of the theory set forth in his work on Generation as to the true course of the seed in the work of impregnation - a theory which is likewise opposed by modern observers. (Ibid. pp. 303-4, 306, 315, 322, 341)

691

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[1742

Speaking of the wonderful economy of bees, the expulsion of the drones, etc., and their primary use of perpetuating the race, Swedenborg observes:

"As to their other or superior use, which is their use

for the human race, of this they are entirely ignorant; for

they do not love man, although subject to their care."

(Codex 53: p. 330)

Continuing, he introduces some ideas on a true form of government:

"A comparison can now be instituted," he says, "as to

what can be the natural form of government [among men] if a

like end is postulated, to wit, the propagation of the race

and the conservation of that race and, at the same time, of

oneself. Naturally, in the human race also the love of the

conservation of that race also the love of the conservation

of the race, that is to say, of the offspring, will ever

prevail rather than the love of self, as is apparent in many

brute animals. This is a sign that we live not for ourselves

but principally for the race and the community and their

conservation. But in the human race there is a difference, in

that we are taught not by nature but by intellect and will -

but a will that most closely approximates to the order of

nature, is more perfect, and is the effect of the supreme

intellect. If this end alone is had in view, then one person

is required to whom alone we shall look, that on him may

depend the safety of society, that he may unite all, and may

represent the whole commonwealth as though it were in

himself; him we revere; him we should obey; for him we fight

and are desirous of life, since he and the safety of the

country are utterly conjoined. But if he is not such in

counsel, intellect, and will, as to be the father of his

country., and if thus the commonwealth commences to collapse,

this is because of punishment; let us not be rebels; let us

pray to God; and if a choice is given, and if it be granted

or stipulated by God, let us put another in his place, but

not without just cause, for it is God's punishment. Then, as

adjuncts to this one ruler, are adjoined magnates who shall

make everything fruitful, shall perfect the work, shall live

not by labor, though meanwhile they are nourished, enjoy

delights, so long as they can avail with their counsel; but

when they become powerless and can no longer serve the

commonwealth, whether because of impotence due to old age or

by reason of stupidity, malice, addiction to a life of

pleasure, etc., then let some be removed, and others be

substituted who are better - but from one's own offspring and

not from another; [see above, p. 696] to the end also that

all others according to their condition and without sloth,

may be engaged in works which yet are suitable for the good

of the commonwealth; that all things may be in order, and

that they may love each other, may repel injuries, fight for

their fatherland, and then deem themselves as nothing. All

this must be done from counsel, for nature has given us

nothing, not even weapons, but also an infinitude of weapons

by aid of the intellect; for all things are subjected to us.

But there is a higher end. The former end is natural, but it

is to be governed by counsel or reason, and this for the sake

of the universal or heavenly society, and so, more remotely

from this, for the sake of the glory of the Deity. Of this

end, we ourselves are ignorant, almost as bees are ignorant

that they exist for the sake of the use of the human race,

and that they work so diligently for the sake of this more

remote end. Because we are ignorant, we are instructed by

God Himself, and by the Sacred Scriptures. And since all

things must be done by counsel, to the end that our acts may

be our own, therefore it is provided all that we do for the

sake of this natural end, namely, the propagation and

preservation of the race and of ourselves, shall be for the

end of the Kingdom of God.

692

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 693

[1742

If this end is had in view, then all things follow of

themselves spontaneously. As to how we may attain this end,

this theology teaches; for it is not a matter of our own

intellect and will, nor of our own powers. What is ours is

merely to persist in prayers, to refer all things to the

glory of the Deity, to use the means, and in every single

thing, so far as we are able, to have in view that higher

end, and to adore the Supreme Deity. And let us so perform

our offices that they may be after the order of nature, and

that we may observe her laws; and let us not hurt the

conscience by any natural intemperance. For this reason

punishments are given us, enemies, devils, etc. But all this

is too deep to allow of being expatiated on in this place."

(Codex 53: p. 330)

Particularly interesting, especially in a theological sense, are his remarks on the metamorphosis of worms to nymphs, and of nymphs to winged insects, referred to in his notes on a Prologue to Tome IV (see above, p. 686).

The interior of the worm of bees, like that of other insects,

he observes, consists almost entirely of a stomach, and this

because "in this period of its age, it lives almost entirely

for the gullet and stomach." (Ibid. p. 343)

Elsewhere he observes:

The worm as a worm "is preparing itself for a nobler and

toward a heavenly life. All the means are applied to the

end; it must be changed that the end may be obtained. As

there is an end, so there are means. While it remains a

worm, the end is that it may be nourished and be prepared for

its second life. When it passes over into a nymph, the end

is that it may propagate. This is the reason why it puts off

its former life. Generation, which is now the end, requires

other organs, other foods, another mode of action, in a word,

another and nobler life. The stomach now takes serial food,

as it were, and purer; therefore, it contracts and

continually decreases more and more. (Ibid. p. 321)

Later on he continues this line of thought:

"There are three ages," he says. "First that of the

worms when preparing themselves to become nymphs, and latent

within are those things which will come forth successively.

Second: In the nymph the vestiges and forms are latently

enclosed and marvelously wrapped up in fasciae; and also the

members covered over and sealed with humors and fat; when

these are unfolded, then all are unfolded into that last more

perfect form adapted to the kind of life it is to live.

Third ... The unfolding, moreover, is effected somewhat

suddenly. A comparison can be instituted with our own life,

as it is in the first ovum. As to whether, prior to the first

exclusion or before it comes to the womb, it is vermicular

life, this is among things hidden. Afterwards, however, in

the womb it is prepared for life after birth, i. e., for life

in society, and first for infantile life. The embryo is then

a nymph, as it wee; lying wrapped up in fasciae or involucra,

surrounded with humors, endowed with some viscera suited to

this life, ... bent with head downward. Afterwards, when it

is born, it is prepared for the life of society, but in

divers ways and during a long time. The external senses are

opened, they grow, are sharpened, and then the internal

senses, and finally the inmost senses and judgment. During

this whole course, especially the inmost senses and judgment.

During this whole course, especially after adult life, when

it acts therein more the animal life than the spiritual, it

is being prepared for the future life;

693

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 694

[1742

the external senses decrease, the blood, heart, bones are

outwardly weakened and gradually dissolve, the spirit

flourishes. As to how ever soul then strives to transform

its body - to describe this would take too long. Let it

suffice merely to say that as all that will appear in the

nymph is latent in the worm, but not unfolded, expanded,

adapted to that life, so likewise in man. In his old age

before death, all those things are accommodated to that

future life which cannot exist until death has occupied that

which is called the body and the outer man. Then, with the

intervention of death, he puts on an entirely different life;

but this is the life of the inner man, not of the outer, and

therefore is not seen save by comparison and by induction

from that which is seen. Everything that has constituted the

form remains as before. Thus, there is the same life but

another form accommodated to the life, the aura, and the

heaven where we are to live. In place of eyes, ears, etc.,

are other organs all accommodated to spiritual modes, a

tongue accommodated to spiritual foods, and so the lips, the

stomach, etc. But these particulars are ineffable."

(Codex 53; p. 327)

During all this time, Swedenborg was of course engaged in his regular duties in the College of Mines, but we have already noted his work here; see above, p. 608 seq.

From August 1742 until the end of June 1743 when he left Sweden, Swedenborg's time - besides his work in the Bergscollegium and his literary studies - was much taken up with attendance at the sessions of the House of Nobles, sessions which were fraught with the utmost significance for the welfare of Sweden. From September 1742 until the day of Swedenborg's departure from Holland, the House of Nobles held sixty sessions of which Swedenborg attended at least 29, many of them lasting for several hours. In addition, he attended several meetings of the Urskillnings Committee, of which he seems to have been a member. Its duty was to receive memorials and decide on their presentation to the House.

Sweden was in a deplorable condition. A victorious and

ruthless enemy threatened her from without, and internal

unrest growing to the point of threatened civil war

threatened her from within. The government - the Hat Party -

dismayed at the results of their own rash policy, entered

into against the most solemn warnings, had been forced to

call a special meeting of the Diet to provide, if possible,

some way of escape from the threatened destruction of the

country.

It will be recalled that in a former chapter, when speaking

of Swedenborg's return to Sweden in 1739, we noted the

inception of the party system in Sweden, and the growing

domination of the Hats - the chauvinistic Party, which aimed

at revenge against Russia and the recovery of Sweden's lost

Provinces and her former military glory (see above, pp. 607-

8). This Party, then in control of the government, had

placed all power in the hands of a "most secret committee" of

seven members which was given almost absolute power.

In 1739, the Government without any authority from the Diet

had sent troops to Finland, and early in 1741 they ordered

those troops to be assembled at the Russian borders without

making any provision for their sustenance there. When, later,

these orders were made public, they met with bitter

opposition, particularly in the Peasant Estate and among the

Caps in the House of Nobles. Despite this, and despite

Sweden's manifest unpreparedness both in money and in men,

the Hats prevailed and war against Russia was declared by the

Diet in July 1741. Defeat was all but inevitable, and the

bad conduct of the war both on the part of the Government and

on the part of the

694

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 695

[1742

generals in command, made it certain. (Montelius V:89)

After suffering losses in the early days of the war, the

Swedes, in December 1741, were induced to cease operations.

This they did in the hope that Elizabeth, daughter of Peter

the Great, who had now seized the Russian throne, would now

grant them the Finnish provinces lost in the wary of 1720-21.

But, having gained her end, Elizabeth had no further use for

the Swedes. The tables were turned, and now the Swedes hoped

only to retain the part of Finland which they held before the

declaration of war. (Malmstrm 3:35)

During the time of the cessation of the fighting - for it was

merely that - sickness, disobedience and desertion among the

Finnish soldiers and, above all, party politics among the

officers, all of whom were members of the House of Nobles,

played havoc with the Swedish army; Lewenhaupt, the Swedish

General, the former Landmarshal and Chief of the Hat Party,

could not command real loyalty from his Cap officers.

Moreover, in November, the Queen had died, and this revived

the question of the Duke of Holstein as the successor to the

Swedish throne, and so the strife for power among the

different parties. Lewenhaupt begged for a continuance of

the quasi-truce, but in vain. The Swedes retreated, giving

up one place after another. Lewenhaupt lost the respect of

his men and officers, and the former deserted in crowds while

many of the latter departed without leave, in order to attend

the Diet. Finally, in August 1742, the Swedes capitulated.

Under these distressing circumstances, without money or

allies, and without the recruited troops in mutiny even

before leaving Sweden, the government had no other resource

than to call a special Diet.

The Diet met in August 1742, but under sad circumstances.

The war was inevitably lost, and the victorious Russians now

claimed the whole of Finland. Evidence of Sweden's sad

plight was constantly before the eyes of the members of the

Diet; for wounded soldiers were returning in large numbers.

Neither hospital nor houses nor doctors were able to receive

them all, and many lay in the boats for days uncared for. In

addition, the land was filled with a spirit of distrust of

the government whose brilliant promises had ended in such

overwhelming disaster; and as the soldiers returned and told

of the conduct of their officers, this distrust was

heightened to a suspicion and hatred of the generals and of

all the nobles. In Dalecarlia, whose soldiers had specially

suffered in the war, feeling was so high that when the call

came for a Diet, the Delecarlians called a public meeting in

Falun with a view of themselves marching to Stockholm, or

sending a delegation to press their views; and there was loud

talk of giving more power to the King, and taking it away

from the Nobles.

The storm of indignation against the Hats at once broke out

in the Diet, particularly in the Peasant and Noble Estates,

and the Caps took new courage. At first they had a good

majority (though the Hats obtained a slight majority later in

the Diet when more officers returned from Finland) and by an

overwhelming vote the nobles elected a Cap as Landmarshal.

(Montelius V:97)

Lewenhaupt and the Finnish general who had been second in

command were arrested as soon as they arrived in Sweden, and

the people, suspicious of all who had conducted the war,

called for their blood, and were eager also that all others

who had been responsible for the war should be brought to

judgment. And to satisfy this cry and themselves to escape

censure, the government was willing to sacrifice even the

lives of these men whose military errors were more than

matched by the criminal inefficiency of their civil

superiors. (Ibid.)

695

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 696

[1742

It is necessary to know these particulars as to the state of the country in order to understand the conditions in the midst of which Swedenborg was living from August 1742 to the time of his departure from Sweden in June 1743, and to realize his interest in his country's welfare as witnessed by his unusually frequent attendance at the long and often stormy sessions of the House of Nobles.

The Riksdag opened on August 23, 1742, and on the

following day the newly elected Landmarshal (a Cap) with a

staff in hand led a stately procession of forty deputed

nobles - among whom Swedenborg was one - from the House of

Nobles to the royal castle, to pay a ceremonial visit to the

King - now a widower - and to receive his greeting. Later in

the same day, the same Deputation descended to the ground

floor of the Ridderhus (the meeting room of the Secret

Committee) to greet the delegates of the other Estates, among

whom doubtless was Eric Benzelius, the Chairman of the

Priests' Estate and first candidate for the archbishopric of

Sweden. (Sv. Riksdag. XIII:13)

With this exception, the Minutes of this Riksdag make no mention of Swedenborg, and we can judge of his interest in its proceedings only by noting the subjects discussed on the days when he attended - days which are indicated on the roster of attendance at the Bergscollegium.

Before going into these matters, however, we may note one other ceremony in which Swedenborg took part as a Swedish noble. On the afternoon of Wednesday, December 5th, he was one of the members of the House of Nobles when, all clothed in black, they were led by the Landmarshal, staff in hand, in stately procession from the Riddarhus to the nearby Riddarholm church. There they waited patiently while the Landmarshal returned to the House to lead to the Royal Castle a delegation of nobles chosen to accompany the funeral procession of the late Queen from the Castle to the church where she was buried.

The storm of protest against the Hat Government for its

bringing on and conduct of the war, and so the contest

between the hats and the Caps, first broke out on September

16th, when a Memorial was presented to the House of Nobles

requesting the investigation of the causes that had led the

country into so sad a condition, including not only the

conduct of the war but also the reason for the declaration of

war, and the previous sending of troops to Finland in 1739.

Several other Memorials to the same effect were offered.

Since the preceding Diet had itself made the declaration of

war, the objection was raised that a Diet had itself made the

declaration of war, the objections were raised that a Diet

could not investigate the acts of its predecessor, and dark

pictures were painted of the results which would follow if

the secret acts of the government were brought into the open;

foreign powers (it was said) were closely watching Sweden,

and were eager to take the least opportunity to harm her, and

if secrets were revealed they would certainly hesitate to

make treaties with her; moreover, great harm had already been

done by the public reading of the Memorials. It was

furthermore urged that the House was noted for its disunion,

and that the supreme duty now was to show a united front to

the enemies of Sweden. Great care was necessary (it was

argued), for the other Estates, and particularly the

Peasants, were all accusing the House of Nobles of bringing

on the war, and the proposed investigation might result in

their abolishing that House altogether. (Malmstrm 3:115)

These arguments which aimed at protecting the members of

the former Secret Committee who had led the country into so

disastrous a war, had no effect on the Caps. Indeed, they

argued that the actions of the Secret Committee of one Diet

should always be open

696

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 697

[1742

to the examination of the following Diet. The city and

country were filled with ugly rumors concerning the inception

and conduct of the war, rumors reflecting especially on the

House of Nobles, and it was better that the truth should come

to the light, that the widespread distrust and suspicion may

be allayed.

The matter was threshed out at four long and heated

sessions - three of which (Sept. 16, 27 and Oct. 2) were

attended by Swedenborg, and on October 9th, it was decided by

a two-third majority that the Secret Committee should present

to the House an account of the first sending of troops to

Finland, and of the declaration and conduct of the war.

We cannot doubt where Swedenborg's sympathies stood, for at the 1738 Diet he also, like one of the memorialists, had predicted the grave consequences that would follow the war on which the Hat Party was then determined (see above, p. 430).

In order to gain time until the young officers of their

Party should arrive from Finland, the Hats then diverted the

attention of the Diet to another question which they knew

would absorb all men's attention. On October 13th, a session

attended by Swedenborg, the proposition was made in the House

of Nobles that the successor to the throne must be a born and

bred Lutheran. At once the time of the different Estates was

centered on this new question thus adroitly introduced, and

despite the fact that, according to the ordinances of the

Diet, no successor could be appointed until the King's death,

the question of the successor himself and not of his

religious faith because the actual subject of bitter

discussion. In the House of Nobles the meeting of October

9th was long and stormy, but in the end the Hats succeeded

for the time in their design.

Swedenborg did not attend the subsequent meeting on October

20th, when finally it was decided to offer the crown to Peter

of Holstein, the grandson of Charles XII's oldest sister.

Peter was a favorite of the Empress Elizabeth, and it was

hoped that his election would lead to the restoration of

Finland. In view of something Swedenborg says in his notes

on Swammerdam (see above, p. 691), we imagine Swedenborg

himself was in agreement with this choice. (Malmstrm 3:124)

Swedenborg attended the House of Nobles several times in November when the subject of new taxation and the support of native manufactures by high tariff was discussed at great length, also the question of the defence of the kingdom - for the Swedes were still at war with Russia, though only stray engagements took place.

But in one of these meetings, the burning question of

responsibility for the war again came up in the form of a

dispute between the Hats who wished a Commission of the Diet,

and therefore a political tribunal to inquire into the

conduct of the war and the guilt of the general, who the Caps

would confine the judgment upon the generals to the court

martial - which, of course, consisted only of nobles.

Ultimately, a Commission was appointed which later merged

with the court martial, and in the summer of 1743, the united

body doomed the two generals to death. What position

Swedenborg took in the matter we do not know. Presumably his

sympathies were with the Caps.

By 1743, it had become known that Peter, the Duke of

Holstein, had joined the Greek Church and been declared

successor to the Russian throne. All hope of securing him as

the future Swedish King, and the means whereby Russia would

be induced to return Finland was therefore lost, and the

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 698

[1742

choice of a successor to the King once more became the

subject of fierce and prolonged discussions. The meeting on

March 8, 1743 marked the first of these. Swedenborg was

present at this meeting which lasted from 9 to 2. The mood of

the House of Nobles was serious, for its members realized the

possible consequence of their choice as regards peace with

Russia and the restoration of Finland. It was the general

feeling that no choice should be made until full information

had been received as to the candidates and the guarantees

into which they were willing to enter, especially as regards

protection against Russia.

While engaged in discussing these matters, there

suddenly came to the House of Nobles a Deputation from the

Peasant Estate announcing their determined and insistent

choice of the Crown Prince of Denmark.

The nobles, hereditarily opposed to the peasants, were

indignant at this precipitate step. The peasants saw in

Denmark the hope of rescue from Russia; but the nobles saw

only their old enemy, and saw their country as the vessel of

a hated nation. Nor was the strife between the two Houses

lessened when the peasant, who now felt they had the people

behind them, threatened to withhold consent from tax and

recruiting laws unless their choice was confirmed.

Consternation reigned in the House of Nobles, lest Denmark

and other foreign powers hear of this premature choice, and

measures were at once taken to prevent any courier leaving

the kingdom; it was even suggested that all letters be

stopped. (Sv. Riksdag. XIII:503)

The House of Nobles held seven meeting in March 1743,

devoted to the discussion of this question, and Swedenborg

was present at all but one. The upshot of the discussion was

that no vote for a successor should be taken until Russia had

been heard from, the hope being that if Peter's cousin,

Adolph Frederick, prince Bishop of Lbeck and also nephew of

Charles XII's oldest sister were appointed, Russia would be

willing to restore the whole of Finland. But this decision

was not reached without bitter discussion. The Finnish

nobles openly declared that if the Crown Prince of Denmark

were elected, rather than become Danes they would submit to

Russia who certainly would seize the whole of Finland; and

they urged not that the vote be taken away but that the House

declare against the Crown Prince of Denmark; and to serve

notice on the Peasant Estate and on the Dalecarlians who had

also declared for this Prince, it was urged that the Crown

Prince of Denmark be once and for all excluded from the list

of candidates. It was also urged that the vote for a

successor be at once taken up, for to wait to hear from

Russia was equivalent to letting Russia dictate our

successor. To add to the confusion, it was intimated that

some of the nobles were in Danish pay and received pensions

or salaries from foreign ministers, and that these men should

absent themselves.

The meetings were frequently characterized by disorder,

especially when the wiser heads counseled treating the

Peasant Estate with prudence and caution, and instead of

openly rejecting the Crown Prince of Denmark, proposed a

preliminary discussion of the merits of all the candidates.

Clearly these wiser men saw the delicacy of the situation

with the Peasant Estate - rebellious against the privileged

nobles, and feeling themselves supported by the ever growing

and threatening unrest in Dalecarlia. For the disturbances

in Dalarna were growing rapidly beyond control.

The meeting of March 18th was characterized by the

utmost seriousness; all seemed to realize the import for the

future of whatever action may be taken. Letters were read

from the Swedish plenipotentiaries

698

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 699

[1742-1743

in bo where peace negotiations were going on. On the basis

of these, the Secret Committee recommenced further delay

before choosing a successor. It was well known that the

Empress favored Adolf Frederick, and the Russian

Plenipotentiaries had intimated that peace terms would be

easier if he were elected.

On the other hand, it was argued that the question of

peace and that of the succession should not be joined

together; and, furthermore, that Sweden could not demean

herself by having a king imposed on her by a foreign power.

During the discussion, a long speech was made by one of the

older nobles which must have received Swedenborg's full

approbation. The speaker ascribed al Sweden's misfortunes to

her internal disunion.

"Disunion reigns in the Privy Council; partisanship and

disunion rules between and within the four Estates; nay, the

party spirit has taken possession of governors and subjects.

There is no authority with the government, no obedience with

the subject; no order, not execution; everywhere is confusion

and complete anarchy."

He went on to plead that one shall consider only that which

now seems best for the fatherland, and this without

partisanship or hated, leaving the final result to Divine

Providence.

"Human prudence and wisdom are insufficient and short; they

are confined to the present." The wisest measures fail, as

shown by experience. "Nothing else is left for us than

rightly to use our understanding; and this we do on this

occasion when steadily and in all circumstances we have

before our eyes the good of the kingdom.... But let us limit

our understanding to its right confines, and exclude an all

too extensive political refinement which thinks itself to

foresee the future and to anticipate all difficulties and

dangers.... Let us not seek to enter into the council chamber

of the Almighty. Leave to Him the goodness, the power, and

the providence in our affairs," etc., etc.

(Sv. Riksdag. Prot. 13 p. 558)

But though the discussion was carried on in a serious

spirit, yet the difference of opinion was marked, and it was

only by a vote of 342 against 270 that the House finally

resolved to postpone the election until further word was

heard from the peace negotiators.

On the following day, March 19th, an unsuccessful effort

was again made to fix a date for the succession vote. For

the rest, it was decided to instruct the peace negotiators

that if the Russians would return Finland as it was before

the war, they might be assured of a favorable inclination to

vote Adolf Frederick as successor to the Swedish crown.

The next meeting was held a week later (March 26t). To

commence with, the Peasant Estate, which with the other

Estates had consented to a delay in the succession vote, came

in with a deputation asking that the matter be settled

speedily inasmuch as the people of the land were urging this

and were preparing to take the matter into their own hands;

moreover, they were highly incensed because although the

trial commission had sat for seven months, neither of the

arrested generals had yet been punished.

During the ensuing discussion, it was learned from the

Commission itself that delegates from the Dalarna people had

come to the Commission itself to urge speedy action, and

stating that until the generals were punished the

Dalecarlians would not let a single soldier depart from their

home.

There was certainly cause for fear that a civil war

might break out, and for the next few meetings, at several of

which Swedenborg was present, the House of Nobles was busily

engaged in discussing means to allay the

699

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 700

[1742-1743

disturbance in Dalarna. Conditions were too serious to think

of suppression by violence.

So insistent was the desire to allay the disturbance

which was by no means confined to Dalecarlia, that at several

sessions in April attended by Swedenborg, discussion was

centered on the Commission for the trial of the generals; and

in order to allay public is trust, it was decided to publish

the Minutes of that Commission.

Meanwhile, the Dalecarlians had sent a communication to

the Peasant Estate demanding that those guilty in the war

should speedily be punished; and that the Crown Prince of

Denmark should at once be elected successor to the throne;

declaring also that until this was done, they would not allow

a single one of their men to be enlisted in the army.

(Sv. Riks. Prot. 13:735)

This led to a renewal of the discussion as to the date

for the succession vote. This was on May 4th when Swedenborg

was present. Two of the Estates had fixed on May 9th for the

vote without waiting for word from Russia. Some of the

nobles agreed with this, while others advocated pursuing the

war against the Russians, and leaving the question of

succession until the King's death - as, indeed, was the

prescribed order. The majority, however, abided by their

former decision to wait for word from their

plenipotentiaries.

The next meeting of the House of Nobles (May 11th) was a

decisive one, for before this meeting, the Privy Council

communicated to the Diet the terms which Russia had offered,

with the understanding that Adolf Frederick would be elected,

namely, the cession to Russia of a large part but not all of

Finland. The Council, however, considered that these terms

could be modified and asked for new instructions from the

Estates.

The discussion that ensued, while utterly tragic in the

note of enforced submission to which Sweden was thus

subjected - a note which was expressed by most of the

speakers - must have been of peculiar interest to Swedenborg,

an evidencing in the doleful utterances of the various

speakers, the fulfillment of his own prophecies as to the

outcome of the war so eagerly contemplated in 1738. Some of

the nobles, in their wounded pride, were for assembling

troops and resisting the Russians la outrance, but, though

hatred and distrust of Russia was universally manifested,

wiser counsels prevailed, and it was concluded to instruct

the plenipotentiaries to ask modified terms, ceding

considerably less Finnish land.

At the next meeting, May 14th, at which Swedenborg was

present, renewed attention was called to the disturbances in

Dalarna, and it was openly intimated that these disturbances

were directly inspired by members of the Peasant Estate.

Moreover, the latter sent word to the meeting that they would

have nothing to do with voting for a successor as they had

already chosen the Crown Prince of Denmark. In this choice,

the Peasant Estate had clearly acted illegally, but they were

so strongly supported by the Dalecarlians and others that the

House of Nobles did not dare to make any but a mild

remonstrance.

Swedenborg was not present at the next three meetings of

the Riddarskap. At one of these, June 21st had been set at

the voting day for the succession. At a later meeting, June

4th, when Swedenborg was present, it had been heard that the

uprising in Dalarna was increasing and that the people

assembled in Falun had decided to take arms and march to

Stockholm. The nobles were greatly troubled, and while a few

would treat the "rebels" with a high hand and "meet force by

force" if they

700

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 701

[1742-1743

persisted, the counsel that prevailed was to send prudent

delegates to the Dalecarlians to represent to them the true

state of affairs, and especially to inform them that the date

of voting had been fixed. (Malmstrm 3:183)

Indicative of the state of mind that prevailed is the fact

that one of these delegates was chosen because "he had been

out of the country when war had been declared ... he wore his

own hair, and has an appearance and simple clothing such as

is pleasing to the people, which judges from the external

appearance." The Dalecarians had commenced their march on

Stockholm, and the greatest apprehension was felt that the

result would be violence and civil war - and this, while

still uncertain as to a peace with Russia.

(Sv. Riks. Prot. 14:133)

The next meeting, on June 14th, which Swedenborg

attended, was a weighty one for good or for ill. Though this

meeting continued from eight in the morning to three in the

afternoon, it was characterized throughout by something of

dignity as contrasted with the frequently noisy meetings of

the past. Each speaker felt the seriousness of the situation.

Civil war was threatening from within, and as to Russia, her

ships had eluded the Swedish navy and were even then on the

way to Sweden, perhaps again to ravage her coasts as in 1721-

1722.

The meeting opened with a letter sent by the Dalarne

people dated Fauln, June 9th, which after reciting that they

had heard Adolf Frederick was to be elected successor, said

they themselves had turned to the Crown Prince of Denmark as

one in whom "they could have the most confidence, and who,

with God's help, would be of most use to the Kingdom," and

they wished now to know what the Diet's opinion was "that

they might know how they shall be guided (have after the sig

skola rtta)." From this letter and accompanying documents,

the House learned that the people were armed and had already

started on their march to Stockholm. (Ibid. 13:136)

One of the two delegates who had brought this letter to

the King on Sunday, June 12th, was sent back to inform the

people that the matter would be considered by the Diet, the

other remained in order to carry back the results of this

consideration.

In the discussion that followed, only one or two voices

were raised in advocating the meeting of force with force.

The great majority were insistent on holding to June 21st as

the day of voting - this had been announced to the Russians,

and to change it might lead to disastrous consequences. But

the appearance of practical unanimity ended here, for while

the majority - in view of the fact that the three other

Estates had declared in favor of the Crown Prince of Denmark

- formally Resolved they also would support him in case the

Russian terms contingent on the election of Adolf Frederick

were not satisfactory, a considerable minority refused

absolutely to accept the Prince of Denmark under any

circumstances, and all the Finnish nobles and many of the

Swedish openly declared that they would rather expatriate

themselves. Direful pictures were painted of the fearful

consequences of accepting the Prince of Denmark. Denmark

would reduce Sweden to a vassalage as of yore; Russia would

insist on her candidate, and so Sweden itself would become

the battle ground of Russia and Denmark; the powers would

never permit Denmark to become thus enlarged; and, in any

case, Denmark could not possibly protect Sweden against the

Russian fleet which might appear at any moment to ravage and

murder.

Thus (June 14th) was the last session of the Diet

attended by Swedenborg in June, and of these June sessions,

it need only be added that the Russian terms having proved

acceptable, the Diet met on June

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 702

[1742-1743

23rd when all the Estates unanimously elected Adolf Frederick

as successor to the Swedish throne. Previously to this, the

Diet had met on June 16th, 18th and 20th, the discussions

being almost entirely on the repressing of the Dalecarlian

uprising.

It may seem strange that Swedenborg did not attend these meetings, and especially the important meeting at which Adolf Frederick was elected. His absence on June 16th and 18th was due perhaps to the necessity of making arrangements for his coming foreign journey. On June 17th he applied to the Bergscollegium for leave of absence. The attendance roster of the College shows, moreover, that from Monday, June 20th, till Wednesday, June 22nd (stormy days in the city, as we shall see) he and Assessor Porath were "in the country," where doubtless they were occupied till the end of the week, as the Bergscollegium did not meet from the 23rd to the 25th, probably owing to the disturbed state of the city. It was during this week, moreover, that Swedenborg consummated the purchases of his Hornagatan property. This he had bought on March 26th, for 6,000 dal.kmt, the exact cash sum he had received from the sale of Starbo (see above, p. 679). (ACSD 698b(1))

Meanwhile, things of dreadful import were being enacted

outside the Diet. Despite all remonstrances, the

Dalecarlians persisted in their march on Stockholm. Arriving

there on June 20th, they encamped on what is now Gustaf

Adofstorg and found lodgings in the neighborhood and even in

the city itself. Many of he leading members of the

government concealed themselves in fear of assault (as

stated, Swedenborg himself was absent). The banks were

closed and the Diet postponed its voting for the succession.

Fear reigned everywhere. On the 21st, a Swedish general

appealed to the threatening multitude not to destroy the

impending peace and bring ruin on the land. The Dalecarlians

cried that the peace was a pretence and that the generals now

under trial must be punished. After vain endeavors to

persuade them to disband, on the 22nd they were attacked by

regular troops and were forced to flight or surrender, but

not before some 50 of them had been killed and many been

taken prisoner. It was only then, namely, on June 23rd, that

the Diet could meet for its voting which had been set for the

21st. (Malmstrm 3;192 seq.)

Such was the scene presented in Stockholm during Swedenborg's brief absence from the city, and a month before his journey abroad. The circumstances are of interest to us, not only as giving a picture of the political surroundings in which Swedenborg lived during 1742 and 1743, but also of assuring us of the soundness of his financial position, seeing that he could undertake a long and expensive journey at a time of such general distress - a journey, moreover, during which he designed to spend much money on the publication of his works. And - as we shall see later - he himself later informs us that he not only had sufficient money for his needs but more besides.

After the solemn election of Adolf Frederick on June

23rd, the Diet met once more in June and several times in

July, but Swedenborg attended only one of these meetings

(July 11th) prior to his departure for Holland, June 25th.

At all the sessions referred to, the main business was the

vain attempt to save from execution the two generals who had

been condemned by the Diet's Commission.

During the exciting months of 1743, with the Diet in session, it seems hard to imagine that Swedenborg did much literary work, and yet the indications seem to be that during these months he rewrote the work which soon afterwards was published as volumes 1 and 2 of the Animal Kingdom.

702

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 703

[1743

Swedenborg had received from the King permission to leave the country in June 1742, and presumably this pass held good for the following year. At any rate, Swedenborg does not again apply to the King, but on June 17th he asks leave of the Bergscollegium, stating that he had already received from the King permission to journey.

"Some months ago,*" he writes, "I humbly applied to his

Royal Majesty for gracious permission again to make journey

to foreign parts at my own expense, in order to have a work

printed which is the continuation and conclusion of that

which I began and promised; and the gracious answer was then

given me orally by State Secretary Boneauschild, that this

my intention and project was looked upon with grace, but for

the sake of order, it ought first to be announced in the

Royal College. Ever since my arrival home, together with the

duties of my office, I have ever diligently labored to

complete this work, and it has now been brought to such a

state that as soon as I have got some necessary information

from foreign libraries, I can at once have it printed and

thus complete what I planned, and what, as I have learned, is

desired by many persons outside the Kingdom. Therefore it is

my humble request that the Royal College will be pleased

graciously to give its consent thereto. Were I to follow my

outward inclination and pleasure, I can say with assurance

that I would a thousand times wish to remain at home in my

fatherland where I can with pleasure perform service in so

illustrious a College, and as concerns my own small part, can

contribute to the general welfare, and, at the same time, can

watch over my fortunes in varying circumstances and take care

of the little property I have acquired for myself,** and so

can live at home in happy days, which, with God's help, so

long as health and means continue, will not be wanting -

rather than to journey to foreign parts; to subject myself to

dangers and vexations, especially in these restless times, at

the cost to myself of considerable means; to undergo mental

perplexity and indescribable labor, and yet in the end to

expect as a result a greater number of unfavorable judgments

than of favorable.***

703

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 704

[1743

Yet, despite all this, I am inwardly driven by the desire and

longing to bring to light during my lifetime, something real

which, in accordance with my wish and my hope, may be of use

in the general learned world and to posterity, and in this

way can presumably bring to the Fatherland use, enjoyment,

and, if I attain my desire, honor. If I come to this at a

later time, I see that with the increase of years and the

decrease of impulse, it must cease altogether.

* See above, p. 680.

** This refers to the property on Hornagaten which Swedenborg purchased on March 26, 1743.

*** Swedenborg probably had such a though in mind when (somewhere about the time) he copied into his Note Book some extracts from Malebranche concerning the writing of books. Thus: "When a subject is abstract, if you wish to make it sensible, you will for the most part bring obscurity upon it. It is sufficient if you make it intelligible"; and again: "When a book is to be published, one knows not whom to consult as to its fate. The stars are not present at its birth. Since truth is not of this world the heavenly bodies have no power over it. He who wishes to be enrolled in the Book of Authors seems to submit himself to the judgment and caprice of all men. But among authors, those men especially who write for the overthrowing of prejudices should entertain no doubt but that they will be condemned. Their studies are too greatly opposed to the majority of men ... all rash judgments make one with prejudices. Between good books and bad, between those which enlighten the mind and those which flatter the senses and imagination, there is this distinction, that the latter while at first sight they seem indeed to be elegant and delightful, yet in the course of time they collapse, as it were. As to the former, I know not what harshness and severity they present which first frightens the mind and brings work upon it; still, in time, after tasting them, reading them through with attention and weighing them, the mind becomes accustomed to them; for time commonly judges the value of things. - Moreover, immense labor must be endured, and danger most certainly incurred, if an author undertakes to hearken only to inward truth, and to shun with horror all prejudices of the senses and all opinions that are conceived without examination. Therefore, all authors of books, who declare war upon prejudices, are in total error if they think to commend themselves by this plan. If their studies reach the mark, a few of the learned may indeed give respectable testimony to their works after their death; but during the course of their life they can hope with certainty only for the contempt of most men; nay, they will be attacked with calumny and maledictions even by those who have the reputation of being among the wisest and most moderate of men." (A Phil. NB. Pp. 506, 507). A reading of the contemporaneous reviews of the Animal Kingdom well bears out the anticipations suggested by the above words.

"Therefore it all now depends solely upon the Royal

College to promote my well intentioned design with his Royal

Majesty, by its consent and prescript in respect to

permission for the above-mentioned journey. And of this I

have the less doubt since I know that the Royal College is

ever pleased to forward useful designs; especially since I

have never asked, nor do I think of asking anything of the

public for all the trouble and the great cost expended

thereon and to be expended, but for the advancement of this

well intentioned design, have freely given up half my salary,

and thus an income that already amounts to 12,600 dal.k.mt.,*

and I still leave the matter on the same footing as before,

whereby during my absence, nothing of my duties may be put

aside in the Royal College.

* Swedenborg's salary was 1,200 dal.S.mt. Of this he gave up one-half or 600 yearly. He was absent from June 1736 to November 1740, which equals four and a half years. This would mean that he gave up a total of 2,700 S.mt. Counting the daler silvermynt as 4-2/3 dal.k.mt., this would make 12,600 dal.k.mt.

"As regards the matter of time, I cannot determine this,

since the work which is to be printed will consist of about

500 arks,* and the speed will depend on the publisher and the

printer. On my side never ceasing industry will be used,

such, indeed, that were it desired, I am ready to keep a

journal and show that I have wasted no time; add to this, my

own greatest longing is to complete the work and return to my

Fatherland, my occupation and my property, where I can

continue the larger work, namely, the mineral kingdom, in

peace and quiet, in order with this work to perform to

society in general actual use in those branches which belong

to the Royal College." (LM pp. 497-99)

* 500 arks would equal 4,000 pages quarto. This indicates that by "the work," Swedenborg meant all four Tomes of the Animal Kingdom series. See above, p. 685 note. Thus, Swedenborg took with him all the works he had written, and this with the intention of publishing them. This is indicated by the prospectus published in volume 1 of the Animal Kingdom, and, furthermore, that when making (in Codex 58) additions to the Brain (Codex 55) in 1744, Swedenborg at the same time entered sundry notes in the original MS. (Codex 55).

704

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 705

[1743
June

This letter shows that, on the eve of this momentous journey which was to change the whole course of his life, Swedenborg did not contemplate a long absence; and this is further confirmed by his purchase of a residential property - for naturally he would be anxious to return in order to attend to this property. Probably he contemplated an absence of at most one year; actually he remained away from Sweden a little over two years.

On the day that the above mentioned letter was received, June 17th, the Bergscollegium wrote a petition to the King, wherein, after setting forth Swedenborg's request, they continue:

"Now since the aforementioned Assessor during his former

journeys abroad, brought to light fine philosophical works,

which he now thinks to complete and finish, for the pleasure

and service of the learned world, and which will lend honor

to the Fatherland, and since he is willing to give up half

his salary as before, the college humbly requests the leave

of absence be granted."

The desired leave was granted by the King on June 20th. A copy of the King's letter to the Bergscollegium was given to Swedenborg on July 4th, and on that same day he wrote directly to the King applying for a passport which, of course, was granted, and Swedenborg - then 55 years old - left Stockholm on Thursday, July 21st,* to commence that journey which was to witness the change from philosopher to theologian.

* This is the date given in the Journal of Dreams. The roaster of the Bergscollegium, however, enters Swedenborg as "indisposed" on July 21st and 22nd, and as having journeyed on July 25th; there was no meeting on Saturday, July 23rd. The Secretary evidently thought Swedenborg was absent on July 21st and 22nd owing to indisposition, whereas it would seem that he had actually started on his journey.

Before leaving, Swedenborg had a gardener in charge of his newly purchased property. This of itself would be quite natural, but it is rendered more probably by a reference to his garden in a dream on the night of June 26th:

"I went past my garden which looked quite bad" (JD n. 207)

According to his letter to the Bergscollegium, Swedenborg kept a journal of this journey, or rather he commenced such a journal, but it was soon changed into a record of his dreams and inner experiences.

He gives his route to Ystad as being via Tlje (near Stockholm), Nyköping, Norrkping, Linköping, where perhaps he called on his sister Anna, Grenna and Jnkping. From the latter city he must have proceeded south to Vexi and Christianstad. The whole distance was a little over 450 miles. This Swedenborg covered in 6 or 7 days, which would indicate that he traveled all night. It would appear also that he traveled by carriage and alone, and, if we are to judge from the Journal of Dreams, in a long surtout and of course without his wig. (JD nos. 22-23)

Arriving at Ystad on Wednesday, July 27th, he found that, owing to contrary winds, he had to wait eight days before sailing for Pomerania. In Ystad he met Countess de la Gardie with her two unmarried daughters, aged 13 and 11, and her two youngest sons. Her husband, Count Magnus Julius de la Gardie had been one of those members of the Riksrd who had urged the sending of troops to Finland in 1739, despite sober warnings. (Fryxell dal. 31)
He died in 1741 before the declaration of war against Russia. In social circles, his wife had worked hard in hand with the French Ambassador, for war with Russia, and now that Sweden was reaping the fruits of that disastrous war, the Countess was leaving for Paris where she became a Catholic.

705

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 706

[1743
July

In her company, Swedenborg also met young Count Frederik Axel von Fersen who, nine years later, married the Countess de la Gardie's youngest daughter.

Count von Fersen was then on his way to Paris to serve in the

French army. In company with him was his cousin, Major

Lantingshausen, a warrior of 42 years who had served under

Charles XII in Norway, had fought in many battles in foreign

armies, and was now in the French army. According to Fersen,

it was Major Lantingshausen who planned the final attack on

the Dalarnas. Major Lantingshausen had come to Stockholm to

seek Swedish naturalization and nobility, which were granted

him in September 1743.

On July 31st arrived old General Stenflycht with his young

son. General Stenflycht, who was ennobled in 1719 at the

same time as Swedenborg, had seen many European battles in

the services of Hungary and in that of Charles XII and also

in the German and French armies, in which latter his son was

than an officer. With the General was young Captain Magnus

Schchta, a young officer in the Prussian army, whose older

broth Brje had taken a very prominent part in the recent

Diet mainly on the side of the Hats.

General Stenflycht had also been active in the Diet,

especially outside the sessions when he daily entertained 30

members of the Diet at his table - all in the interest of the

Holstein cause. After the election he at once betook himself

to Hamburg (where he was military commandant) to be among the

first to greet the future king of Sweden who then resided in

that city. (Fryxell, del. 37:p. 9)

Swedenborg had probably met the General many years before in Lund when he waited on Charles XII. At any rate, he notes in his Journal that during the two days' sail to Stralsund "he was in company" with the General. It may be added that General Stenflycht was the delegate wearing his own hair who had been sent by the House of Nobles to meet the onmarching Dalarnas (see above, p. 700).

It will then be seen that Swedenborg's traveling companions were of the Hat-Holstein Party, with the military element predominant; and it is not difficult to imagine that during the wait at Ystad much was said concerning the Dalarna's uprising and the recent happenings at the Diet.

Arrived at Stralsund early on Sunday morning, August 7th, Swedenborg took the opportunity again to examine this town, famous for its defence by Charles XII in 1715. Swedenborg had last visited the town in 1733 when he showed considerable interest in the places associated with Charles XII (see above, p. 351). And now he again visits these same places.

"At Stralsund," he writes, "I again visited the fortification

from the Badenthor up to and including the Franken,

Triebeser, and Knieperthor." (JD [3])
This means that Swedenborg walked almost all round the city. Swedenborg also visited

"the house where King Charles XII lived, Meierfeld palace,

the churches of St. Nicholas, St. James, which became ruined

during the siege, and St. Maria." He notes being shown a

clock in St. Nicholas "on which the lightning struck in the

years 1670, 1683, 1688, when the hand was at six o'clock."

(Ibid.)

Swedenborg also visited the Commandment of the city, Colonel Schwerin, its clerical head, Superintendent Lper, and the post Director Herr Crivits. Later he made a more detailed examination of some fortifications outside the Knieperthor; and also examined the water works which supply the city and which consist of two water pipes (slanggar). During this visit, he came across his nephew Carl Jesper Benzelius, the future Bishop, who was then on his way home to visit his sick father who died in September, Swedenborg's brother-in-law. (Ibid.)

706

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 707

[1734
August

Benzelius, who was distinguished for his learning, had been visiting for nearly two years in London and Paris, and Swedenborg must have learned from him something of the learned world in those cities.

Despite all that he did, Swedenborg remained in Stralsund only a little over two days. He left on Wednesday, August 9th, going via Dammgarten (where he entered into the territory of the Duke of Mechlenburg) and Ribnitz to Rostock, a distance of about 45 miles. At Rostock, which was then the residence city of the Duke, Swedenborg stayed overnight. There were many Swedes in this city, and many Swedish students in its University. Swedenborg notes that he "saw eight churches, five large and three small, a women's

cloister - for eight women, but they were in freedom."

On August 10th he drove from Rostock to Wismar, which still belonged to Sweden. Here he stayed overnight. Here he notes.

"Were six churches, the best being St. Maria and St. George."

On Thursday, August 11th, he left Wismar, going through Gadebusch, where, as he notes, "there was a battle between the Swedes and the Danes." This battle was in 1712 when Swedenborg was in London.

The Swedes under Stenbok won a brilliant victory over the

Danes, but it was the last victory in arms that was gained by

Sweden under Charles XII, and, indeed, for long afterwards.
From Gadebusch he continued to Ratzeburg,

"which," as he observes, "is surrounded by a morass; we

therefore passed over a long bridge."
Ratzeburg is properly on an island at the south end of a long lake. This end was formerly a swamp. Here Swedenborg passed the night. (JD nos. 4-5)

The next day, August 12th, he left for Hamburg which he reached on the same day, approaching the city from the east and passing through Schiffbek where, 21 years earlier, he had published the fourth part of his Miscellaneous Observations. In Hamburg he lodged at the Kaiserhof, where he again met the Countess De la Gardie. The Kaiserhof was one of the finest hotels, and the fact that Swedenborg stayed there is an indication of his financial position.* In 1733 he had stayed at the Schwartze Adler (see above, p. 452). Where he stayed on his first (1714) and second (1722) visits, we do not know.

* Swedenborg himself gives a plainer indication in his Journal notes, written on April 8, 1744. There he says: "By the grace of God there has been bestowed upon me in abundance everything that I require in respect to temporal things; I am able to live richly on my income alone, and can carry out what I have in mind and still have a surplus of the revenue." (JD n. 77)

Swedenborg stayed in Hamburg five days, and during this time he met a number of important people whom he mentions in his Journal of Dreams. First was the Swede, Baron Carl Frederick Hamilton, the Court Marshal of King Frederick of Sweden, who had arrived in Hamburg where Adolph Frederic lived, after Swedenborg, in order to apprise the former of his election as successor to the throne of Sweden, and to inform him that two Riksrds had been appointed by the Diet to meet him on Swedish soil in Stralsund, and there to receive from him the due assurances. But Adolf Frederick preferred to remain in Hamburg, and the two Riksrds must need go there, from whence they accompanied him to Sweden early in September. (Sv. Riks. Prot. XIV: p. 347; Malm. 3:226)

Swedenborg also met Adolf Frederick himself, as he notes in his Journal:

"Afterwards I was presented by Chief Marshal Lesch to his

Royal Highness, Adolphus Frederic, and gave him my [Table of]

Contents,

707

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 708

[1743
August

being that which will come to be printed. I also showed him

the reviews of the former works." (JD n. 6)
It would seem that Swedenborg had a somewhat long and familiar conversation with the successor, for he has just such a conversation in one of his dreams. See Journal of Dreams n. 21.

Swedenborg met another royal personage, namely, Prince Frederick August Adolph Frederick's younger brother and the future Prince Bishop of Lbeck. Swedenborg notes that Prince Augustus, as he was called, could talk Swedish. Doubtless, Adolph Frederick also spoke Swedish, as the hope for the Swedish crown was perennial in his family.

Among other Sweden whom he met were the young courtier, Baron Esbjrn Christian Reuterholm, also Mrten Trievald, one of the five founders of the Kungliga Vetenskapsakademien in 1739.

Tievald had spent ten years in England where he had studied

coal mining in Newcastle, and especially the steam engines

there in use. (BI. 17:311)

On his return to Sweden in 1728-29, in the Secret Committee

rooms of the House of Nobles he instituted a series of

lectures in Swedish on Mechanics, Hydrostatics, Aaerometry

and Optics, which were widely attended by the learned,

including doubtless Swedenborg; for, in 1726, the

Bergscollegium had granted him a yearly salary of 600

dal.s.mt. Trievald had also conducted regular afternoon

lectures in a room on the second story of the Riddarhus,

which he considered as his own. Moreover, Swedenborg had

several times met Trievald at the meetings of the Kungliga

Vetensksakademien which he had attended.

(Sv. V. A. Prot. 2:6)

And last, but not least, he met his old friend John Frederick Knig, the Swedish Post Director in Hamburg, at whose house on the handsome Grunestrasse he doubtless visited.

Knig was a patriotic Swede, and his zealous patriotism had

induced him at heavy expense to himself to engage a certain

Heubel, a former tutor of Adolph Frederick, to make a German

translation of Nordberg's life of Charles XII. The

publication of this translation was begun in 1745, and both

in printing and in the copperplates it was far superior to

the Swedish edition. (Lrda Tidn. 1746 Dec. 4:p. 199)

Swedenborg left Hamburg on Wednesday, August 17th, leaving by the Alter and Neuer Steinweg for Altona and Blankense, 8 miles west of Hamburg. Here he took a boat over the Elbe and up to the Este to Buxtehude, a sail of about 8 miles through what he describes as (Gent. Pock. Com. P. 15)

"the most charming country I have seen in Germany. I passed

through one continuous orchard of apple, pear, plum, walnut

and chestnut trees; also lindens and elms."

He stayed in this small town overnight, and the next day took coach to Bremen, 36 miles away, via Closter Zeven, Fischerhude and Oberneluand. Here he notes

"are good walls and suburbs; the best is Neustadt, with a

bridge to the same."
This bridge, the Grosse Wesser Brcke was then the only bridge between the old and new cities. Swedenborg notes

"eleven river mills lying next each other," and adds:

"I saw the Town Hall on the market place, and the great

Roland which is a sign of a free city; afterwards saw St.

Nicholas and the Cathedral churches. Was in the hospital,

and there also are some statues." (JD nos. 7, 8)

The "Roland" here referred to is a colossal stone statute, 18

feet high, erected in front of the Town Hall in 1412;

708

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 709

[1743
August

at the foot of this statue is the head and hand of a

criminal, indicating the criminal jurisdiction of the city.

(Baedeker)

On Saturday morning, August 20th, Swedenborg left Bremen over the Weser brcke and through the Neustadt and so in the Duchy of Oldenburg which, as he notes, belongs to the King of Denmark. In this Duchy, Swedenborg traveled via Delmenhorst and Ganderkaase to Oldenburg, the capital of the Duchy, making a journey of about 30 miles for the day. At this point, Swedenborg omits the dates of his journey, but internal evidence shows that he stopped overnight at Oldenburg, which, he notes,

"has good walls with plenty of water around it"
- these are now replaced by modern dwelling houses.

Leaving Oldenburg on Sunday, August 21st, Swedenborg traveled something over 30 miles to Leer, probably via Zwischmalm on the southern shore of the Zwischemalm Meer, and thence to Apen. Here he stopped overnight.

On August 22nd he left leer, riding 10 or 12 miles along the Ems to Weener. On the way, about 5 miles from Leer, he passed Leerort, a fort on the Ems which, as he observes, is occupied by the Dutch. From Weener he rode across country to Bunde; 3 miles farther on, he left Hannover and entered Neuschantz, the first town in Holland. From here the journey continued to Grningen, about 45 miles from leer. He describes Grningen as

"a great city under the Prince of Orange,"
and here presumably he passed the night. Here, he observes in his Journal:

"From Grningen there are two routes [to Amsterdam], namely,

by Harlingen and by Lemmer. To the former, one goes by

Trekschuit, to the latter by coach. But one took the route

to Harlingen via Leeuwarden."
Both Lemmer and Harlingen are on the Zuider Zee, the former being distant from Amsterdam by boat about 80 miles, an the latter about 115. After his long journey by coach, one is not surprised that Swedenborg took the treckschuyt -

"a tour made with so much ease both to one's person and

pocket ... that there are very few who neglect to make it."

(Descr. Of Hol. P. 346) (JD. nos. 9, 10)

Swedenborg stayed overnight at Grningen, and on August 23rd took the treckschuyt for Leeuwarden and Harlingen, north of the Zuider Zee, a canal ride of about 55 miles. Probably he stayed overnight or even longer at Harlingen before he got a boat to Amsterdam (perhaps via Enkhiuzen and thence 34 miles by coach). (Cf. Descr. Of Hol. P. 383 and Guide d'Amater. Pp. 97, 105)
This would bring him to Amsterdam not earlier than August 25th or 26th, and probably the 30th or even September 1st; for after Harlingen, Swedenborg's Journal is silent as to his further movements, its last words concerning the journey to Amsterdam being:

"From Harlingen, which is a great city,"
after this, four pages are torn out of the MS., and then follow sixteen blank pages. Of the four torn-out pages, the inner edges of two of them contain some bold figures which are not in Swedenborg's hand. From the fact that the last recorded word before the torn-out pages is followed by a comma, it would seem as though Swedenborg continued his Journal at least as far as Amsterdam; but, on the other hand, the bold figures found on the margins of the torn-out pages occupy more space than Swedenborg's customary margin. We note also that on the blank pages facing the inside of the front cover are written - apparently in the same bold hand as the figures already referred to - the words:

"Fader vr som r de hga" (this is crossed off.)
Again in the same hand, on the last of the sixteen blank pages, is written the word "Ssom," and on the almost blank page 99; "de som i hoghet tror slheten vinna

709

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 710

[1743
August-Sept.

lyd ej en ffang." Possibly this bold hand is that of a child. At any rate, it indicates that the MS. was in the possession of a pious Swedish family. The MS. itself was first discovered in 1858 among the papers of Professor R. Scheringsson, among whose papers it had lain for ten years after his death. How it came into his possession is unknown. Klemming, the Royal Librarian who purchased the MS., noes on the inside front cover page:

"Bought from Dem. Littorin of Westers (through the priest

Boberg) for 250 Rd.k.mt., 14 Oct. 1858 (Received Oct. 18).

"Dem Littorin got the MS. by inheritance after Lector

Scheringsson [who is his youth met Swedenborg in London

(according to a tradition in the family.)].

The words which we have put in brackets are, however, crossed off, and beneath then Klemming has written "false."

As already stated, Swedenborg probably arrived in Amsterdam August 25th or 26th. According to the New Style which Swedenborg's Journal observes in Holland, this was September 5th or 6th. The next date contained in the Journal proper is March 24 x 25 (O. S. March 13 x 14) 1744. Some earlier dates, however, are given in a note on Swedenborg's money transactions, found at the end of the Journal. From these we learn that on Friday, September 2/13 - thus, a week after his earliest possible arrival in Amsterdam, and more probably on the day after his arrival - he drew from "Muillman & sons," Bankers on Heerengracht between Vijzelstraat and Spiegelstraat at Amsterdam, a draft on his Stockholm Banker and friend Franz Jenningz, the sum of 500 Dutch Florins (about $250); and on Tuesday, November 12 (N. S.), he drew another 500. On January 20th of the next year, 1744, he cashed a draft on his old Agent Balair in The Hague for a further sum of 500 Guilders, at the high rate of 42-1/2 or 1/4 Swedish Dalers, thus representing a sum of over 2,000 S. Dal., one-third of the amount he paid for his property in Hornsgatan. (Drmmar p. 64; ACSD 707A(1); Descr. Of Hol. P. 21n)

It was probably at this time that Swedenborg first met the Swedish merchant and seedsman, Joachim Wretman, who subsequently became one of Swedenborg's most intimate friends and, with Lewis & Hart, the sole depository of the secret of his authorship of the Arcana Coelestia. Having bought his extensive property in Stockholm, Swedenborg was naturally interested in the matter of garden seeds, and particularly in those tulip bulbs for which Holland has so long been famous; and subsequent letters addressed by Wretman to Swedenborg show that the former did supply seeds to the latter.

It would appear that he stayed two and a half months in Amsterdam, where he rewrote his MS. of the Animal Kingdom, adding to it what he had learned from Swammerdam, Leeuwenhoek and Schurig, and also a final chapter on the Diaphragm; probably also the long chapter on the Glands generally, since those chapters are not included in the original sketch of the contents of the Animal Kingdom. Traces of this rewriting are to be seen in the published work. As outlined in the Prologue,* the work was to contain no part of the heart and blood since these had already been treated of in the published Economy of the Animal Kingdom. Therefore, after Parts 1 and 2 were to follow:

(3 and 4) Generation, (5) The Senses, and (6) The Cerebrum.

* The changes noted in what follows show the Prologue was a part of the MS. as originally written in Stockholm.

But before the work was given to the Printer, Swedenborg decided to follow Parts 1 and 2 with a Part 3 on the Heart and Blood, which Part is so referred to in

710

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 711

[1743
September

the printed text (Pt. I n. 124 note (a), 2 n. 409 notes n & s, etc.) This, of course involved a remembering of the other Parts, and such renumbering was usually made, but not always. Thus, we have a reference to Part VI (instead of V) on the Senses (AK n. 358 n. b); Part VII (instead of VI) on the Cerebrum. But in one case, the Parts on Generation are still referred to as Parts III and IV instead of V and VI (n. 66 n. s), although in another place they are referred to as Parts IV and V (n. 441 n. f).

During these days, as he later informs us, he experienced some pride and exultation at the thought of the great work he was having printed. (JD n. 12)

Amsterdam, which at this time had a population of little less

than a quarter of a million souls, is described by a

contemporary as "the modern Tyre" and "the most beautiful,

noble, opulent trading city in the world. Strangers are

struck with amazement at the sight of it. London is much

larger and more populous, but is far excelled by it in

cleanliness, beauty, magnificence and trade.... Nay, the

Dutch capital has more ships and trade in the gross.... The

government of this city is so excellent, so well regulated

and exact that perfect peace and admirable order prevail in

all things; blessings not to be found in any other city in

the world of such extent and inhabited by so many different

nations.... The laws are nowhere better obeyed nor the

magistrates and their subordinates more revered than in

Amsterdam, and perhaps nowhere less, which we are sorry to

say, than in London." (Descr. Of Hol. Pp. 359, 360)

John Wesley in his Journal (June 21, 1783) says:

"Nothing is wanting but the power of religion to make

Amsterdam a paradise."

Perhaps here we have the reason why Swedenborg preferred to pursue his studies in commercial Amsterdam. It may also be presumed that in this city he visited the wonderful museum of anatomical specimens left by Doctor Ruysch as the fruits of his wonderful art of injections; see The Relation of a Journey into England and Holland, by Ch. Ed., London 1711, p. 64.

When Swedenborg had finished his work on his MS., or, at any rate, on volume I, he moved to The Hague, there to put it into the hands of the printer in December or January. It was in Amsterdam, in the month of October, that Swedenborg had his first experience of what he calls "a preternatural sleep." (JD n. 140)

The present would seem to be a convenient place to give some account of the Animal Kingdom, bearing in mind that the body of the work was written in Stockholm, and that it was rewritten with many additions in Amsterdam while he was experiencing "preternatural sleep" but before the Lord had appeared to him. We also learn that while writing the Animal Kingdom (probably the rewriting in 1743-1744)

"hardly a day passed by for several months, in which a flame

was not seen by me, as vividly as the flame of a household

hearth; at the same time, this was a sign of approbation."

(WE Vol. II: 7012)

Furthermore, more specifically of the chapter on the Liver, we read in The Word Explained:

"Those things may be adduced which were written by me

concerning the reins [namely, AK n. 222 seq. = Eng. ed. N.

284 seq.].... Moreover, if it be allowed here, a description

of regeneration may here be given as to how it is learned

from things natural. If it be allowed, I may then also

relate the things which happened when I was setting forth the

whole series of regeneration by means of thought and

representation in the [chapter on] the Liver; [namely,] that

711

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 712

[1743
Sept.-November

all and single things had been then taken up and understood

spiritually in the inmost heaven - a fact which I myself

perceived in no other way than that it was then indicated to

me in a wonderful manner." (WE V: n. 4983)

He opens the Prologue with the words:

"Nothing is ever more desirable and sweet than the light

of truth, for thence comes wisdom. When the mind is

constricted with obscurities, distraught with doubts,

sluggish with things unknown, and saddened with things false,

as soon as truth emerges from a dark abyss, as it were, it is

at once refulgent, like the sun when clouds have been

dispersed, or like aurora when darkness has been put to

flight. For truths in the intellect or rational mind are

like lights or rays in the ocular sight; falsities under the

appearance of truth are like fatuous or phosphoric lights;

doubts, like clouds or shades; and ignorance is black

darkness and the image of night. Thus, the one thing is

represented in the other." (AK I:n. 1)

He then passes to the consideration of the synthetic and analytic method for the ascertaining of truth, observing that the former is the method that now carries the prize in reasonings concerning the causes of things - a reference to Wolff and other writers, especially in their reasonings concerning the intercourse between the soul and the body.

This is the method which is pleasing to human minds because

it is soothing to self-love, for when the mind has conceived

something and woven it together from plausibilties, it thinks

itself to have divined the pure truth; and then, as shown by

experience, it seeks not after analysis but after mere

confirmation. (Ibid. nos. 8, 9)

Analysis, on the other hand, "commences the web of its

reasoning for causates, effects and phenomena which have come

to it by way of the sense of the body," and this is the only

way open the human minds. This way, however, is laborious

and demands not only a knowledge all the sciences but also

"an innate love of truth, the longing to search it out,

delight in it when found, and also a natural gift and faculty

of meditating thoughtfully and distinctly, of accurately

weaving reasons together; furthermore, the ability of

withdrawing the mind from the senses, from the loves of the

body, the allurements of the world and its cares....

Especially does it need that the mind be pure and regard more

universal ends, or the happiness of the human race, and from

this the Glory of its Divinity." (Ibid. nos. 11, 12)

Swedenborg then cites from A Philosopher's Note Book (page 6)

Plato's statement that "when his soul was in contemplation he

seemed to enjoy the highest good and this with incredible

pleasure. In a manner he was struck with astonishment

perceiving that he was a part of a superior world, and that

he perceived in clearest light that he was endowed with

immortality; that at last, wearied with this contemplation,

the intellect fell back into fantasy, and that then, with the

ceasing of that light he became sad. That once again,

leaving the body and returning to that world, he perceived

the soul abounding in light, and this light then flowing into

the body." And elsewhere Plato says, "The soul, released, as

it were, from the body, ascends and is enlightened;

descending, it comes into obscurity, and being afterwards

purged, it again ascends."* "But perhaps," Swedenborg adds,

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 713

[1743
Sept.-November

"to those who are ignorant this is told as a fable." (AK. N.

12) - a statement which implies that he himself could confirm

what Plato says, from his own experience.

* These statements by Plato are referred to in the Arcana Coelestia n. 6201 as evidence that the Ancients knew that the thought can be withdrawn from things sensual.

The Prologue continues, that when by analysis we have been

led to principles, we can then "enter or rather retrace our

steps from principles and, with their definition understood,

can put forth principles which are then satisfying to the

reason.... Ladders have been constructed, and steps

interposed by which we may descend as we have ascended."

(Ibid n. 13)

"This, then, is the method now to be pursued. For this

pursuit, the time with its rich store of experience is now

riper. Nor do I think we should wait any longer when

experiments may be oppressed by age and the night of

oblivion, and the arts and sciences be carried to their

tombs; for [he adds, with a touch of prophetic vision], if

the signs do not deceive me, the fates are carrying the world

in that direction." (Ibid. n. 14)

He then lays down the plan of his work which is to deal with:

(1. The Anatomy of the Body.
Tome I (2. Generation

(3. The Five Senses.

(4. The Brain and Medullas.

Tome II (5. The Medullary, nervous and Muscular Fibre; the Causes of Motion; and the Diseases of the Head.

(6. An Introduction to Rational Psychology, or certain new doctrines "by help whereof we may be led from the material organism of the body to a knowledge of the soul," the doctrines, namely, of
Tome III Forms, of Order and Degrees, of Series and Societies, of Influxes, of Correspondences and Representations, and, finally, of Modifications.

(7. Rational Psychology and the Soul.

(8. The State of the Soul in the Body and after the Life of the
Tome IV Body; ending with a treatment of the Concordance of the Systems respecting the Commerce of Soul and Body. (Ibid. n. 14)

From this summary, Swedenborg adds, it can be seen what

is the end of our work, and that "a knowledge of the soul

will constitute the crown of our lucubrations." He then

dwells on the necessity of searching for the soul in the body

which is her own habitat. The soul has engaged the attention

of men from the very dawn of philosophy but with little

results. "Therefore, that I may solve this knot, I am

desirous of approaching the soul by the analytic path, being,

as I think, the first to do this professedly." (Ibid. n. 15)

Swedenborg then alludes to his published Economy of the Animal Kingdom treating of the blood and of the motion and cortex of the brain; and to the fact that he had "pursued a short way to the soul prior to running through its several spaces," on which also he had put forth a Prodromus [De Infinito].

"But, reflecting on the matter more deeply," he continues, "I

found that I had carried my steps thither with undue haste

and speed, merely on the basis of an investigation of the

blood and its organs, which was done because I was implied by

the ardent desire of knowing." (Ibid. n. 19)

713

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 714

[1743
Sept.-November

But now he is determined first to traverse the whole field of the human body. Then, doubtless having in mind the criticism directed against his Economy of the Animal Kingdom by the writer in the Bibliothque Raisonne, he continues:

"But I know that by many at this day, even philosophers of

the most refined genius, it is whispered in my ear that it is

vain and fruitless to enter into the recesses and marrows of

the human body all the way to the soul, seeing that these

very things, which are set before the ocular sight far

beneath her, ... are not only seen by us obscurely but are

examined fallaciously," etc. These arguments are answered by

the statement that "since the organic body is the image and

type of the soul ... it follows that the one is represented

in the other, if not to the least detail, still in a way

sufficiently lively, and an idea of her is carried up to our

mind by means of the forms of its several parts when these

forms are elevated; by the extraction from them of a higher

meaning; and by analogies and eminences, as will be seen in

our Doctrines of Forms [etc.], and in this way we will be led

into a knowledge of the animal kingdom." (AK n. 20)

Having doubtless the theologians in mind, he then continues:

"Again I may proceed in opposition to my own self, as by

bringing in the point that it seems forbidden to human minds

to inquire curiously into such things as transcend or exceed

their capacity, and consequently into the soul.... The reason

why this is forbidden is because all such things as transcend

the capacity are matters of faith and not of the

intellect.... It is the part of reason or the intellect

merely to search into and open up that which is profitable,

advantageous, and suitable in society, that is, in the civil

and moral world; and also that which is to be directed in the

kingdom below it, the animal, vegetable and mineral. It

should be content with this it slot, and should not aspire to

higher things which are so many sacraria, which, being

revealed, are clear to faith alone. Add to this, that faith

is at once banished as soon as the intellectual power

endeavors to open to itself the doors to its arcana, for the

intellect most commonly abrogates faith in things divine....

Moreover, those who live inspired by divine faith, make every

assistance given by confirming arguments to be of no account

- perhaps they will laugh at these very volumes of ours. For

what need of demonstration were there is faith?.... This

position I also confess to; nor am I a persuader that one who

comprehends these higher truths by faith, should induce

himself to comprehend them by the intellect. Such a man,

moreover, should abstain from our pages; for he who believes

things revealed simply, without the guidance of the

intellect, is the happiest of mortals, the nearest to heaven,

and is simultaneously a native of both kingdoms. But these

studies of mine which you see written out, have been written

for those only who never believe anything save what they

grasp by the intellect; consequently, who boldly invalidate

and, as though persuaded, deny the existence of things

superminent and more sublime than themselves, such as the

soul [etc.] ... and who consequently worship and adore

nature, the world and themselves, comparing themselves for

the reset with brute animals, supposing that they will die in

a manner not unlike these, or that their soul will fall away

into smoke; thus, they rush without fear into deeds of

wickedness. It is for these alone that I am studious and, as

was said, that I write out these volumes, which also I

dedicate to them. For when, by the analytical method I have

demonstrated truths themselves, I hope that these lower

shades or material clouds which darken the sacred

714

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 715

[1743
Sept.-November

temple of the mind, will be dispersed, and thus, by the favor

of God who is the Sun of Wisdom, an approach to faith be

finally opened, and the path be made smooth. This order,

this zeal, this end, urges me on." (AK nos. 21, 22)

Finally, Swedenborg ends his Prologue with the cheering

words: "The ship is in port, the topsails and the sails are

set, the east wind blows; let us depart and sail to sea."

(Ibid. n. 23)

We would here pause to make some observations suggested to us by the Prologue above outlined, and particularly by paragraphs 21 and 22 thereof:

1. The class of readers whom Swedenborg here declares he has

in view, namely, those who will believe only what they see

with their intellect, is the same class to which he addressed

himself in 1734 in publishing The Infinite; see above, p.

422.

2. Swedenborg refers specifically to nos. 21 and 22 of the Prologue in a note written in his Journal on Sunday, April 19, 1744:

"This day, moreover," he writes, "I was somewhat

restless in my mind because my thoughts flowed in against my

will pro and con, and I could not control them. Was at Divine

service, and found that my thoughts in matters of faith,

concerning Christ, His merit and the like, even those that

were favorable and confirming, nevertheless cause unrest, and

bring forward contrary thoughts which one cannot ward off

when one wills to believe from his understanding and not from

the Lord's grace. Finally, it was given me by the Spirit's

grace, that I received the faith without reasoning, an

assurance concerning it. Then I saw my thoughts which

confirmed it, as beneath me; laughed at them in my mind, much

more at those which thrust at them and were opposed. Then

first did I get peace; God strengthen me therein, for it is

His work, and so much the less mine since my thoughts, yes,

the best of them, destroy rather than promote. Then one

laughs at oneself, both when one thinks in opposition, and

also when one wills to confirm with his understanding that

which one believes. It is therefore the higher part - I know

not whether it is the highest - when a man gets the grace not

to mingle his understanding in matters of faith; although it

seems that with certain ones our Lord admits that there first

come assurances from that which moves the understanding.

Blessed are they who believe and do not see. This I have

clearly written in the Prologue, nos. 21, 22; but yet, of

myself I could not have remembered this or have arrived at

it; but God's grace, myself unknowing, effect it. Then

afterwards I found it from the very effect and the change in

all my inner being. For it in God's grace and work to whom

be everlasting glory; for from this I see how hard it is for

the learned, more than the unlearned, to come to this faith,

and thus above themselves so that they laugh at themselves.

For adoration of one's own understanding must first of all be

plucked up and cast down - which is God's work and not man's.

Equally is it God's work to hold in therewith. This faith

then becomes separated from our understanding, and lies above

it. This is pure faith, the other is impure so long as it

mingles itself with our understanding; it ought to take his

understanding captive under the obedience of faith.

Therefore, that one believes ought to be because he has said

it who is a God over all, the Truth itself. This is what is

meant by this, that w ought to be as children....

"Moreover, that confirmations becloud faith is seen from

the fact that the understanding extends no further than to

probabilities.

715

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 716

[1743
Sept.-November

In these it ever lies, like the trying of a major or minor

[proposition]; for the confirmations from one's own

understanding are always subject to dubitation which beclouds

the light of faith. But thus the true faith is god's gift

alone which one receives if one lives after God's

commandments, and so assiduously prays Him thereon."

(JD nos. 148-53)

We have quoted this entry from the Journal of Dreams in full because, by comparing it with Swedenborg's published words, we see at a single glance the sentiments of humility aroused in Swedenborg's inner mind and written down for his own eyes, and the rational and elevated public expressions to which they gave birth. (See A Phil. NB. P. 1)

To resume our review of the Animal Kingdom. One distinguishing difference between this work and the Economy of the Animal Kingdom is, that in the latter a series of propositions are laid down which are then considered point by point, while in the former the main propositions constitute the sole text of the work, the confirmation being added by way of footnotes. In the first chapter on the Tongue, however, and in the latter part of chapter 16 on the Peritoneum, and in the chapters on the Nose, Larynx and Trachea, traces of the Economy style are seen.

It will not be necessary to review the different chapters of this work. Suffice it to say that everywhere the footnotes bear witness to Swedenborg's rewriting after he had studied Leeuwenhoek, Swammerdam and Schurig, to say nothing of the additions to the anatomical experiences; and that the first volume deals with the alimentary system, commencing with the mouth and ending with the bladder, together with a supplementary chapter on the peritoneum; and the second volume with the respiratory system, with additional chapters on the thymus gland and the diaphragm. The subjects are dealt with physiologically rather than psychologically, but throughout is evidenced the influence of those new doctrines which Swedenborg had arrived at on the basis of his former studies, and which now guide him.

Sometimes also he makes specific reference to these doctrines. Thus, in a note to the chapter on the Stomach, we have the first published statement of the doctrine of forms, being a brief outline of that doctrine accompanied by a promise to publish the doctrine itself separately. (AK n. 97 n. f; see also 98n. 1)

In a note to the chapter on the Kidneys he mentions the doctrine of representations and correspondences as a work to be published.

"The reader will see these symbolical representation, and

also the typical, set forth in the Doctrine of

Representations and Correspondences together with things of

utmost marvel that are to be met with everywhere in nature -

I will not say in the animate body alone; things which so

correspond to supreme and spiritual things that you would

swear that the physical world is merely symbolic of the

spiritual world; and so much so that, if you will express, in

physical terms and in words prescribed by our speech, any

natural truth whatsoever, and merely convert the terms into

the corresponding spiritual terms, then, instead of a

physical truth or precept, will come forth a spiritual truth

or a theological dogma - although no mortal would have

predicted that anything of the kind could arise by a bare

literal transposition; inasmuch as the one precept,

considered separately from the other, seems to have

absolutely no relation to it. I intend to communicate a

number of examples of such correspondences, together with a

vocabulary, from which the reader may obtain the terms of

spiritual things that are to be substituted in place of

physical

716

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 717

[1743
December

things. A like symbolism is perpetually present in the

animate body. I speak of it here merely to point out what is

meant spiritually by searching the reins.

(AK n. 293 and note u)

In the chapter on the Peritoneum, we see evidence of Swedenborg's fixed determination to proceed solely by the analytical way, or the way of actual experience.

"I had intended," he says, "to treat of the circulation

of the fluid and serosity through the cellular tissue of the

peritoneum and of its origins and its places of unloading,

but since I have received as yet only an obscure light and a

shady idea from the premised lamps of experience, I have not

ventured to determine anything of certainty."

(Ibid. n. 325 [Ps. Trans. P. 26 no. 5])

Returning now to the Journal of Dreams, we note that the first dated dream is that of A1744 March 24 x 25." Preceding this, however, on the first page after the 16 blank pages, comes a page of short paragraphs closely written and crowded at the end so as to be finished on the one page. These paragraphs are numbered 1 to 11, and it is reasonable to assume that these numbers represent dates in December 1743 or January 1744, for at "11" he speaks of having arrived at The Hague. In any case, we have here the beginning of the Journals of Dreams, this beginning being merely a jotting down of the subject of the dreams without any particulars.

We see in these sketches of dreams, revivals of earlier memories, as indeed is seen every now and again in the more detailed dreams. The sketches read in part as follows:

"1. In my youth and the Gustavian family."

The "Gustavian family" refers probably to Charles XII

(perhaps also his sister), a descendant of the Gustavus Vasa

family with whom Swedenborg had frequent contact.

"2. In Venice, concerning the beautiful palace ...

"4. In Leipzig, concerning him who lay in boiling water ....

"7. Concerning the manservant who wished me to go off on a

journey."

An allusion, perhaps, to his own manservant. See also JD n.

264.

"8. Concerning my joys in the night.

"I wondered at myself at not having any longer [anything] of

the working for my own honor, so that I found a sensation

thereof; at not being inclined to the sex; I had been in all

my days.

"9. How I have been in wakeful ecstasies almost the whole

time."

These ecstasies were states of interior delight and exaltation experienced in sleep. Compare n. 2083 of the Memorabilia, where we read:

"There are species of representation which cannot be

described in words, nor comprehended by a human idea; they

are things bound up with ideas such as are not expressible

nor intelligible to man in wakefulness, but only when he is

in a state of sleep or ecstasy, in which state they are well

perceived by man as though he were awake, but when he comes

into the state of wakefulness, he knows not in the least way

how they are to be expressed; namely, the ideas to which

things more intelligible are bound. Such ideas were now

shown me in a state verging more to sleep than to

wakefulness. It was a representation concerning dancing in

weddings, as to how far they are allowable or not, and like

things; but the things I could not understand. They were in

a series and in connection. That something of a heavenly

arcana lay in them, I do not doubt; for they are the

representations of spirits when they are in such a state,

arising from more distinct representations of angels." (SD

n. 2083)
This was written in 1748, four years later than the time we are now considering.

717

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 718

[1743-1744

The "wakeful ecstasies" would then be not any external ecstatic state but a state of inferior delight accompanied with enlightenment. Compare what he writes in the Preface to the first volume of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom where, speaking of true philosophers, he says:

"In the fictitious their animus is saddened; in the obscure

it is pained; in truths it is exhilarated; and in all that is

clear it is serene. After weighing reasons, as soon as they

come upon the truth then as confirmation, there is at once a

kind of cheering light and happy flash which pour around the

sphere of their mind; and there is, I know not whence it

springs, a certain mysterious radiation which glances upon

some sacred shrine of the brain. Thus, a kind of rational

instinct comes forth and indicates, as it were, that the soul

is called into deeper communion, and is at that moment

relapsed, as it were, into the golden age of its integrity.

Having known such pleasure, for there can be no desire for

the unknown, the whole mind is carried off in the pursuit of

it, and beings to burn with ardor." (See above, pp. 538-39.)

"10. How I set myself against the spirit.

"And how I then liked it, but found afterwards it was

foolishness without life and coherence.

"And that a lot in what I have written must be such, though I

did not to that degree forsake the power of the spirit, for

(i ty) the faults are all my own, but the veritates are not

mine.

"Indeed, I came sometimes into impatience and thoughts, so

that I seemed to wish to insist when things did not go as

easily as I wanted, since I was not working for my own sake;

found myself less unworthy and gave thanks for the grace."

Here we have a picture of some of the inner workings of Swedenborg's mind. At times he felt almost inspired - as when he wrote in The Fibre that he was speaking "strange tings," and adds, but "what does it matter since they are true." (Fibre n. 520)

Then difficulties come up, and with them impatience, thought of his own fame, "opposition to the spirit" when progress was difficult and slow; and then he reflected on his own unworthiness, and felt a glow of thankfulness that he had been permitted to pierce into the mysteries of nature - for be it remembered, all these reflections concern not theology or morals but the true understanding of the organs and functions of the human body as the organ of the soul.

Swedenborg is laying bare the inner reflections which come to him in the course of his laborious work, and which come to him with renewed force, now that he is engaged in publishing what he regards as a signal contribution to the knowledge of the soul.

"11. How I found that after I came to The Hague, that the

propensity and self-love for my work had passed away, at

which I myself wondered.

"How that the inclination for women so quickly ended, which

had been my chief passion."

"How during the whole time I had the best sleep at nights,

which was more than kindly. [See JD n. 140.]

"How my ecstasies before and after sleep.

"My clear thoughts in the matters" - presumably the matters

he was considering in connection with the rewriting of the

Animal Kingdom.

It would seem from the above that Swedenborg's arrival at The Hague was contemporaneous with some marked change in his mental state, although externally he was unchanged, as he himself testifies.

718

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 719

[1743-1744

1. Previously he had thought concerning his own reputation in

the learned world. We see many evidences of this very

natural thought in Swedenborg's earlier life, and it is

confirmed by the fact that he carried with him, and showed to

his future King, the printed reviews of his former works. In

The Hague he seems to have become acutely aware of this pride

in his own work. Indeed, in his Journal notes written on

April 16, 1744, he interprets a dream as meaning "that I not

only delighted in being in worldly society but also wished to

boast of my work." (JD. nos. 74-5, 79, 134, 231)

2. His inclination for the sex came suddenly to an end -

though later he speaks of it as returning. Doctor Tafel is at

great pains to prove that Swedenborg did not have a mistress,

yet the little evidence that is known on this subject is too

vague to form the basis of any real judgment.

3. He enjoyed clearer perception concerning the matters in

hand, due to fine sleep and to unusual enlightenment both

before and after sleep.

As already stated, the passages marked 1-11 quoted above, fill the first page which follows the 16 blank pages of the Journal. Then follows a page with writing only on the lower half of the page - apparently signifying that some time had elapsed between the two writings. The writing on the lower half of the page is the first of the detailed descriptions of dreams which follows it without a break. It is immediately followed on the next page by a dream dated march 24 x 25, 1744. Apparently the writing above referred to was written earlier in the same month, probably march 23 x 24; for later in the Journal, Swedenborg notes on April 29th that on the preceding night some one had said to him in a dream, "that now, between the thirty-sixth and thirty-seventh day," and Swedenborg here adds parenthetically, "which was the day from my temptation," "he wished to borrow," etc. Thirty-seven days prior to April 28th would be March 23rd; and in the undated dream to which we are now referring, Swedenborg says: "The temptation then began." (Ibid. nos. 186, 187)

Before speaking of this dream, however, I should like to consider the possible significance of the blank space which precedes it. Did Swedenborg leave this space merely to indicate the lapse of a space of time? or did he intend to fill it with an account of an experience which he had not yet written, or which he was uncertain whether to write? We cannot say; but certain it is that at some time in 1743 the Lord appeared to him, and it seems most likely that this was at The Hague in the latter part of December.

The evidence for the Lord's appearance is contained in two letters by Swedenborg himself. In the one, written in June 1771 to the Duke of Hesse-Darmstadt, he says:

"The Lord manifested Himself in person before me his servant,

and sent me to do this work. This took place in the year

1743; and after which He opened the sight of my spirit, and

thus introduced me into the spiritual world, and this

constantly for twenty-seven years .... I declare in truth

that this is so." (Doc. 2:387 = LM. p. 739)

The original of this letter, which is now lost, was in the possession of Mr. Benedict Chastanier, who printed it in a French translation of the Writings published in London 1785. Doubt has therefore been raised as to whether 1743 is not a misprint for 1745, thought eh doubt seems unreasonable seeing that "twenty-seven years" from July 1771 is July 1744; thus, December 1743 would be twenty-seven and a half years prior to the date of the letter. However, we have absolute evidence in the shape of a letter written by Swedenborg to Doctor Messiter, the original of which is extant, wherein Swedenborg says:

"I was called to the apostolic office by the Lord, who

manifested Himself to me in Person in the year 1743, and at

that time opened for me sight into the spiritual world, and

it was granted to speak with spirits and angels."

(LM. 2 p. 682)

719

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 720

[1744
January

It will be noted that in both these letters, Swedenborg says the Lord appeared to him "in Person" in 1743; but the first letter says that it was after this that He opened the sight of his spirit; while the second asserts that his sight was opened "at that time." It would seem from this that Swedenborg afterwards regarded his dreams as a preliminary opening of his spiritual sight, and, indeed, they were the commencement of that opening, though, as we shall see later, the complete admission to the state of being in both worlds at the same time came later.

It may be asked what was the import of the words that the Lord when appearing to him "in Person" in 1743 "sent him to do this work." This can hardly mean that Swedenborg was told then - as he was in April 1745 - that he was to reveal to men the spiritual contents of Scripture. It must mean rather that he was told that he was to be prepared for some high mission. To him this mission must have seemed to be connected with the search after the soul in which he was then so greatly engrossed. This is indicated by the fact that up to the very last he plans to continue the work on the Animal Kingdom, which was to consist of 17 Parts, of which he published only 2-1/2; also by the fact that he so often interprets his dreams as having reference to his interior progress in physiological studies; and by his interpretation of one of his dreams in April 1745, as meaning

"that I am and ought to be in civil service"; (JD n. 58)
and of another, a few days later as meaning

"that I would rather remain in philosophical studies than to

be in spiritual ones." (Ibid. n. 134)

If, as we think most probable, the Lord appeared to Swedenborg in the latter part of December 1743, we may perhaps find a new significance in the words that follow the blank space above alluded to, and which commence the detailed description of dreams. It reads as follows:

"How I set myself against the power of the Holy Spirit,

and what happened thereon; how I saw hideous spectres without

life" (Ibid. n. 15)
suggestive of the vision in the inn in April 1745.

Then follows a dream which he interprets as signifying:

"Would help myself up from the deep, which was not possible";
and, finally, a dream in which a woman appeared who said that he had a bad odor; this, says Swedenborg

"Was my guardian angel, for then began the temptation."

(Ibid. nos. 16, 17)

Of Swedenborg's experiences between December 1743 and March 23 x 24 when he had the dream last spoken of, little is known. It seems, however, that he had now made The Hague his headquarters, and that by January 1744 he had placed the MS of volume I of the Animal Kingdom in the hands of the printer. During January, February and March, he was probably engaged in reading the proof of his work and also in the rewriting of volume II. In January he drew from the bank an additional sum of 500 Guilders, as already noted (see above, p. 709). It would seem that at this time he came into some contact with the Moravian Brethren, for in an unrecorded dream which he had in February, the Moravian Chapel in London was represented to him just as he saw it later,

"and all there, were dressed like clergymen." (Ibid. n. 202)

As already stated, the first dated dream, March 24 x 25, in the Journal was on the night of March 24th, when he dreamed of a machine whose spokes

"carried me up so that I could not escape."
This he interprets as meaning

"either that I ought to be held in straights more; or it

concerns pulmones in utero, a subject on which I wrote

immediately after-

720

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 721

[1744
March

wards; both." See AK Epilogue, n. 456 n.s. (JD. n. 18)

In a second dream he was in a beautiful herb garden in many divisions, one of which he wished to own. But later he saw a man

"who plucked away a heap of invisible creatures and killed

them. He said they were bedbugs. I did not see them, yet [I

saw] another little creature which I threw down on a while

linen beside a woman. It was the uncleanliness which ought

to be uprooted with me." (Ibid. n. 18)

In a third dream on the same night, he was on the brink of a hole of great depth, which was difficult to cross without falling in. As he was reaching out his hand to help some one to cross over from the other side, he woke. This he interpreted as meaning

"the danger I am in of falling into the abyss, if I do not

receive help." (JD. n. 20)

In a fourth dream:

"I talked with our Successor in Sweden ... for some time

familiarly; afterwards with Carl Brohman* that he should be

for him; ... with Erland Broman,** that I had returned here.

Know not what it signifies except the following."

(JD. n. 21)

* Carl Broman (1703-1784). After serving as usher in the Royal Court, he became Auscultant in the Bergscollegium in 1733 (Almquist, Bergskollegium), and at the same time Assistant Master of Ceremonies at the Court. In 1737 he became a Chamberlain in the Court, which office he now held. In 1744 he became Court master of Ceremonies, and was appointed Governor of Elfsborg Province in 1749, and of Stockholm in 1751 (Anrep, Sv. Ad. Altar-taflor). At the end of 1743, Carl Broman purchased from the Government some extensive steel and ironworks for the sum of 176,000 dal.k.mt.; and it was probably in connection with the carrying on of these works that about 1746 he borrowed 10,000 dal.k.mt. from Swedenborg at 6% interest. It would seem that Carl Broman had opposed the election of Adolf Frederick. (Sv. R. o. Ad. R. Prot. XIV: pp. 643-46; Doc. I: p. 384).

** A younger brother of Carl (1704-1757).

In a fifth dream, March 24th, Swedenborg saw the Queen of Sweden. Being shabbily dressed and without a wig, he went out, but the Queen followed him and asked him to go in again, but he begged to go home first.

"This," he continues, "has to do with what I should write and

begin the Epilogue of the Second part, to which I wished to

set a Preface, but it was not necessary - which also was

done."
The Queen had told him that a person had given all the jewels to his mistress, but he got them back in this way, that it was told her that he had not given the best; then she threw the jewels away.

"The jewels," Swedenborg notes, "are the truths which are

discovered within [the Animal Kingdom] but were taken back

again, for the reason that she exasperated herself at not

having got all. I saw the jewels in her hand and a great

ruby in the midst." (JD. nos. 22, 23)

Swedenborg had now finished his rewriting of volume II, and on March 25th, after the night of the dreams just mentioned, he commenced the final chapter or Epilogue of this work. He opens this Epilogue with some observations on the state of the lungs when the child is still in the womb. At birth, he continues,

"it was decreed among other things that the heart should

unlock the lungs and so place the body under the auspices of

their motion, by means of the pulmonary artery as a common

key"; and he adds in a

721

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 722

[1744
March

footnote, that this artery "is the very key which opens the

door to all the operations resulting from the lungs."

(AK. N. 394 = Eng. 457 + n. r.)

The thoughts that were thus running through his mind evidently influenced the first dream which he had on that night. Describing this dream, he writes:

"I took a key; went in; examination was made by the

watchman, what keys I had. Showed them all; I should have

had two but it seemed Hesselius* had another." This dream,

Swedenborg notes, had many significations, "that I had taken

the key to anatomy, the other which Hesselius had, was to

medicine; also that the key to the lungs and thus to all the

motions of the body, is the pulmonary artery; or

spiritually." (JD. n. 24)

* Doctor Hesselius, Swedenborg's cousin and former traveling companion. See above, p. 234.

In a later dream on the same night, Swedenborg asked for a cure for his sickness, and was given a lot of rags to buy with.

"I took the half and made a selection from the other half,

but gave all the rags back again. He said that he himself

would buy me what could serve for a cure. It was my body's

thoughts which were the rags wherewith I would cure myself,

which did not do."

"Afterwards went out and saw many black figures; one

black one was thrown to me. I saw that he could not fit

himself with the foot. It was that natural reason cannot fit

itself together with spiritual - I believe."

(JD. nos. 25, 26)

To Swedenborg, these last two dreams plainly image the conflict between his double thoughts, his "body's thoughts" and "spiritual reason." We have already seen that Swedenborg's work cost him "mental perplexity and indescribable labor," with the result of finding "a greater number of unfavorable judgments than of favorable" (see above, p. 702), and perhaps it is in this connection that we may see the nature of Swedenborg's double thoughts. When striving to abstract his thought, he felt the opposing power of purely natural and scientific thought; and with this was conjoined the love of ambition and fame and the growing realization that few would understand him and fewer follow him; perhaps also a feeling of despair when reflecting on the great trouble and expense to which he was put. Thus, his double thoughts, one looking to God as the sole curer and the cause of enlightenment, and the other looking to his own reputation; and perhaps it was something of note of despair that inspired his words in a former work:

"I know that I speak strange things." (See above, p. 717)

No dreams are recorded for the nights of March 26, 27, 28 and 29; but it is noteworthy that it was on March 26th 921 days from April 15th) that a change came upon Swedenborg so that

he "represented the internal man" (JD n. 133).
a statement which may mean that he now feels the presence of a distinct internal thought - perhaps as a result of the "double thoughts" which he had so often experienced.

We see the opposing influences of these double thoughts pictured in the dreams on the night of March 30th, after Swedenborg had been writing in his Epilogue concerning the necessity of experience as a factor in true philosophizing. He saw a number of women, one of whom first wrote and then was sewing when

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March

"a yellow man struck her in the back, and she wished for more

blows; but one was enough. It concerns, as I think," writes

Swedenborg, "what I am writing and have written - our

philosophy." (AK n. 463)

The same night he also dreamed of seeing a handsome woman at a window

where was a child laying roses; she took his hand and led

him. "Signifies that which I am writing, and my torment,

which should lead me, as I believe."

Again he saw a magnificent procession, the finest he had ever

seen, but it soon disappeared. "It was, as I think,

experience which is now in full flower."

(JD. nos. 27, 28, 29)

Throughout these dreams, Swedenborg sees a reflection of his contemporary work and of those inner states which he experienced but of which we can get but a very partial glance. The women of his dream were the objects to the sciences, namely, truths. The handsome woman was that love of philosophy of which he had been writing; while the handsome procession of men was that great array of sciences whose lessons must now be elicited. (JD. nos. 213, 286)

The day after these dreams, Swedenborg finished the Epilogue. Thus, volume II of the Animal Kingdom was now completed.

Before passing on, however, to Swedenborg's next work, it will be useful to examine the actual Epilogue, which up to now we have seen only represented in dreams. In this way we shall again have an opportunity of comparing Swedenborg's thought as expressed publicly, with the inner sensations which enlivened them.

Let me first call attention to a note in the first chapter of volume II, wherein Swedenborg pays a tribute to Doctor Boerhaave and, at the same time, shows how dependent he is on the researchers of others. Speaking of the uvula, he says:

"But so far as I know, no other anatomist has yet inquired

into the foldings of the velum palati, and the various

determinations of that velum and of the uvula during the

tongue's action in eating and speaking, more diligently than

Boerhaave. For Boerhaave has examined the several parts by

the testimony of actual sight, by the use of a candle; from

which it is clearly seen how mobile is this little cone in

accommodating itself to the several actions of the velum. It

is from him especially that I have become certain in respect

to the uses of this little part."

(AK n. 291g = Eng. n. 352 n.g)

As already observed, the Epilogue opens with a consideration of the state of the lungs during the nine months' stay in the womb. Then

"the soul, under the auspices of the supreme mind, directs

and governs the helm of the kingdom by means of the brains

and their fibres and, in ultimates, by means of the heart and

its vessels. From this, determinations flowed through

acquired and organically constructed forms as first causes,

and through many other forms following in order to the

ultimate forms. Hence all efforts, forces, actions, and the

modes thereof, constantly proceeded according to the order

inscribed on nature from first to last. Thus the body was

the body of its soul, and subject to the auspices of the

supreme Mind. But when the day of this fate was passed ...

the state of life was at once changed and the hinges of the

determinations, forces, and motions were inverted and beat

back against the order of the prior nature, namely, from

externals to inmosts, or from the body and its powers inwards

towards the proximate and immediate powers of the principle

or soul."

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At that instant, he continues, the air is admitted into the

lungs, and the senses are opened to take up the forms of the

surrounding world. "Thus we entered or rather fell from

supreme life into the life of the body, which is the lowest

and belongs to the world." (AK n. 394 = Eng. n. 456)

When the body thus undertook to manage the reins

relinquished by the soul, then, for the preservation of life,

it was provided that the lungs should prepare a mediatorial

office between the soul and body. For this purpose many

provisions were made; for instance, that the respirations of

the lungs should concur in moments with the animation of the

brain; that will and nature should flow into each alternation

of the respiration, the one making inspiration and the other

expiration, and this by means of nerves from the cerebellum

and cerebrum; that the lungs should infuse the animations and

general motions of the cerebellum into all parts of the body,

and should enter into all actions ruled by the cerebrum or

will, and so inspire them with the fire of the will that they

should not disturb the systole and diastole of the heart, but

shall give it the power of acting according to causes aroused

by the blood; and that the heart by the pulmonary artery as a

key should unlock the lungs and so set the corporeal machine

under the auspices of their motions. Yet, despite all

this, contentions reign perpetually, whence arise sickness

and death. (AK. N. 395 = Eng. n. 457)

It is because of this that we are born into utter

ignorance, for to live is to sensate; but as the sensories

are gradually opened, changes of state are induced on the

cerebrum from which comes memory and perception. Hence come

ideas, sensual, imaginative and intellectual, the soul giving

the power of the general formation of rational analyses.

(AK. N. 396 = Eng. n. 458)

This is the reason why we can learn only by the analytic

way, and why the synthetic way is the way of superior beings

and is closed for the dwellers of earth. Therefore, the three

causes leading to intelligence are experience (the

magnificent procession of men in Swedenborg's dream), the

sciences (the women, one of whom wrote a letter and later was

sewing when she was struck on the back), and the faculty of

thinking distinctly (the beautiful woman who took Swedenborg

by the hand and led him). Swedenborg then deals separately

with these three elements. (Ibid. 397=459

The sciences are what teach us to reduce experience into

order. The sciences are only descriptions of nature which

teach, for instance, the laws of motions, etc.; they bring

scattered ideas together under a few heads and put them in a

simple and connected form. They also reduce these ideas to

formulas, and thus give a clear representation of many ideas

in the form of conclusions. But owing to the boundless

number of facts, there are many sciences, each sufficient to

occupy the understanding forever. Yet there is a connection

of sciences "and finally a concentration in one universal

science, the science of sciences, or a universal mathesis

from which superior essences and powers contemplate and

govern all inferiors as things stationed in their

peripheries. To these then it is granted to descend by the

synthetic way, or from the prior to the posterior." Thus, to

the soul, under the auspices of the supreme Mind, there is

nothing concealed in all the sciences which she does not call

forth in order, according to her intuition of the end in the

effect, and determine into use. (Ibid. 399=461)

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Finally comes the faculty of thinking distinctly, a

faculty which is "the ultimate natural gift," for without it,

experience and the sciences are instrumentals without their

principle, and forces without their living potency; the

faculty, namely, "of clearly beholding, combining and

analytically framing ideas elevated to the reasoning of the

mind, and finally of gathering together the sum of the

reasoning into a single equation, wherein is clearly

contemplated the cause of the effect and the progression of

means to the end." This faculty is induced "from first

natures, if we are born into such felicity that the organs

which receive, carry up and finally draw in ideas, are

disposed exactly according to the norm of nature, having

acquired a free sphere of acting and of unfolding the masses

of things and ordering them according to the present state of

the objects," and also if it be accompanied with a favoring

memory. But there is needed also the secondary natures of use

and cultivation without which "we merely stand at the

threshold and examine hardly ought save the halls but not the

magnificent inner recesses of nature. Therefore experiences,

of which the horn of the learned is now so full, and also

doctrines and the arts thus far cultivated, must be invited

into the memory and applied to use. To these must be added

cultivation or the industrious exercise of our faculties and

of our native gift until it passes into our very nature.

"Especially must one study by cultivation to imbue a nature

which shall be able to recall the mind from the senses and

the animus, that is to say, from the cares, loves and

allurements of the body, and so from its own lower self, as

it were, while it is being received in its superior

sphere.... By these means we strive upwards to our superior

mind or soul, which then meets us and infuses power. For, so

far as we ascend furnished with these wings, so far that mind

descends to us ... and teaches us to convert our ideas into

reasons, and reasons into analyses.

(AK. N. 400 = Eng. N. 462)

But even though utterly instructed in the sciences, and

gifted with the faculty of thinking distinctly, it does not

follow that we can "disperse the shades which are within the

fallacies of the senses and of the rational ideas arising

therefrom, and can behold truths simply clothed or in their

naked beauty..... For certain fatuous and, as it were,

phosphorescent fires which feign the lights of life itself,

adjoin themselves to corporeal ideas as companions. These

fires are of the body, the animus, and even the mind. The

fires of the body are the pleasures of its senses; those of

the animus are cupidities whose name is legion; those of the

mind are ambitions and the desires of ends which converge and

terminate in the love of self as in their ultimate centre.

These heats are exciting powers from the side of the body

which, operating in the rational mind, extinguish that sacred

fire and purely spiritual hearth. A lumen still remains, hot

on the side of the body but icy cold on the side of the soul

and the superior mind. Thus we still continue distinctly to

revolve and combine ideas and perspicuously to contemplate

analyses made up of ratios. But these are the mere spectres

of truths and are impure phantoms which look to ultimate ends

in self and the love of self; and which firmly and with

confidence infuse the persuasion that they are the Dephic

virgins and graces; and because we applaud them, we think the

whole Parnassian band will also applaud. But away with the

thought that they are truths, for they are as far removed

therefrom as are the phantasms of the body and the

allurements of the world from celestial essences and forms.

That we may invite truths into the sphere of our mind,

whether they be natural truths or moral or spiritual (for by

correspondence and representation these all make one), it is

necessary that we extinguish those impure fires of the body

and so our fatuous lumens, and subject our mind, empty on the

bodily side, to be illumined by the rays of a spiritual

power. Then first do truths flow

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in.... As to whether truths are present, these manifest

themselves by many signs, to wit, by the sweet pleasures and

the delights of truths when searched out ... for, as soon as

the flash of truth emerges, such a mind exults, as it were,

and rejoices, whence comes the first assent and soothing

pleasure, as it were. Confirmation, however, comes from many

concordant considerations of reasons confirmed by experience

by means of the sciences.... To these are added signs still

more universal, such as the desire and longing for the

exploring of truth, the love of it when explored, for the

sake not of one's own use but of the use of the human

society; nor of one's own use or society's but for the glory

of the supreme Deity. This is the only path to truths; all

else Almighty God will provide as means, and these are

infinite in number." (AK n. 401 = Eng. N. 463)

We pause here to note that in this description of the love of truth and its opposite, we can behold something of the nature of the double thought that troubled Swedenborg, and the torments which he suffered. One who is not in the pure love of truth, gives no thought to the deeper source whence springs the fire that animates him in his studies. He is intent on solving this problem or that; to this work, it may be, he will passionately devote himself, but he neither knows nor cares as to the nature of the loves that fire his endeavor. Swedenborg, on the other hand, was deeply conscious of the presence within him of the love of fame, the desire for learned recognition; he was concerned, and knew that there is a love of truth for its own sake, and that by this love God would lead men to the beholding of the truth concealed within the phenomena of nature, experience as to which he had provided in such rich abundance. From the one love, he might indeed be successful in discovering geometrical and philosophical truths, but not in such way that they would serve for use to society, and above all for the leading of men to behold the wisdom of God, in a word, for the glory of God and not of himself.

While Swedenborg labored hard in the investigation of nature, I do not think his double thoughts and his torments had to do with the question as to whether or not he was on the right path, but rather with the struggle within him between the love of God and love of self, as to which was inspiring him; whither he was being led; whither his work, pursued in loneliness, apart from all his professional occupations and his social friends and acquaintances, whether this work looked to and would aid in the establishment of the knowledge of God.

And now to resume the Epilogue. Swedenborg ends this final chapter of the Animal Kingdom with an inquiry as to why it is that

"the hinges of our life are so inverted that ... the

corporeal senses inaugurate the mind their mistress into the

sciences, and why from the very beginning we do not see with

the utmost acuteness ... what the absolute truth is in every

single matter." The supreme mind does nothing without end,

Swedenborg continues, and ultimate uses in ourselves declare

this end.

"The proximate ends are, First, that we may inhabit the

earth, the ultimate region of the world or the fundament of

heaven wherefrom heaven is to be brought forth," and so may

be subjects to which all the riches of the world shall yield

use; and may be essences and powers which can turn these

riches into utilities. Thus the curtains of the world

gradually unfold before us and bring increasing delights

first to the senses and then to the animus and the mind.

Second, that we may institute an earthly society in which

these delights are

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increased by mutual communications, and uses increase by the

help of many men. Hence comes a more spacious field of uses,

to wit, to the human race. "This field is called the moral

world or state, and we are not born into this until we have

our prior or corporeal and natural world. The latter is the

means to the former and serves an end which is next higher.

Therefore, Third, that in this ultimate circuit of nature we

may grasp with our senses and full sight, the wonders of the

world, and, as we rise up to intelligence as by steps and

ladders, may grasp things still more wondrous; and, finally,

those supreme miracles which we may comprehend not by the

intellect but by faith; and that from all these we may stand

in amazement at the Omnipotence and Providence of the Supreme

Creator, may venerate and adore, and so, in the contemplation

of Him, may regard all that we have left behind as vanity."

(AK n. 402 = Eng. N. 464)

The more remote or prior ends are "that by man things

posterior may be united to things first, things lowest to

things supreme, things worldly to things heavenly, or things

corporeal t things spiritual; for by themselves and their

nature these are so dissident and disjoined that without a

uniting medium they "will never come together. Our rational

mind is that uniting medium wherein mystic meetings are

carried on, and sacred covenants made. It is this mind that

makes us to be and to live, for that is properly our own

which is our mind's ... from this we are called men ... from

it come the knowledges of things beneath and around us, and

hence, by relations, we are rendered conscious, and by faith

we embrace those things that are above us. Now since worldly

things flow into this mind from ultimates ... and heavenly

things from its supreme regions through the threshold of the

soul, it is the very centre of the universe divided into two

powers. One of these, which is the corporeal, is that which

is principally ours; to this is given will, and to this

liberty, so that it is within our jurisdiction to live for

the body or to live for the spirit. But the second or

spiritual power is not under our authority because it is

above us. Consequently, it is not within the forces of the

body or its will to be united to the superior power, but it

is within the latter to be united to the inferior, that is,

to our power. Thus the bond is given on the part of the

spirit, not on the part of the body.... But by the supreme

Mind means have been most graciously provided whereby

operation may be so made that the superior power may adopt

the inferior, and thus both be united in a sacred bond. From

which it follows that we are organic subjects whereby things

ultimate ascend, and things supreme descend; and that human

minds are the hostels of both guests, and so are temples or

shrines and consequently the perpetual objects of Divine

Grace and justice. (AK n. 203 = Eng. N. 465)

"The ultimate which is the first end, is that our minds

... may constitute the spiritual kingdom of God or a holy

society wherein the end of creation is regarded by God as the

end of ends. Such a perpetual end is constantly flowing from

infinite wisdom and from a like power adjoined thereto, and a

like providence adjoined to this, from the first to the last

and from the last to the first, through intermediate beings

who shall declare the glory of the Deity."

(AK n. 404 = Eng. N. 466)

Such then is Swedenborg's Epilogue, breathing of the same spirit of humility and devotion as the Journal of Dreams, but couched in the words of a learned and highly rational mind.

This Epilogue was finished on Tuesday, March 31st.

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Before going further into the contents of Swedenborg's Journal of Dreams, we would pause here to make some observations respecting the steps in the opening of Swedenborg's spiritual eyes.

The opening of the spiritual sight may be taken in two ways:

1. It is the opening of the internal rational, enabling man

to think interiorly as do angels.

This is effected by profound thought, and the abstraction of the mind from worldly considerations. The ability to be able to think in this way is not the gift of every man, as Swedenborg frequently points out. See Principia, Preface no. 3; Economy of the Animal Kingdom I, n. 19; Animal Kingdom 2:n 462.

"It is not given to every one to be able to fix the mind on

one thing and distinctly to evolve what lies concealed

therein; or to mediate cogitatively.... It is a peculiar

gift into which the infantile brain is inducted from its

first stamen, as it were, and is later imbued with it an easy

progress by means of use and cultivation.... Thus, some are

born into the activity of a certain memory, that is to say,

into force imaginative and intuitive of things, who, as soon

as they revolve a matter in their animus, arouse the

rationality of their mind, and disperse their philosophical

numbers into a suitable form, and then think on until they

have a perception as to whether opinions are in harmony with

judgments.... With the favor of Minerva, they distribute the

subjects of their meditations into classes, and these

copulated together into members; and skilfully ordinate the

series thus perspicuously divided ... the particular series

under general series, and these under universal series"

(EAK I:n. 19)

These words clearly imply, not only that for the possession of this ability to think profoundly there is required a certain organic structure of the inmost organs of the brain, but also some early introduction into the use of those organs.

As to the first requirement, we may here find the explanation of Dalecarlian ancestry, that is to say, of an ancestry sturdy and independent but at the same time profoundly God-fearing and more or less superstitious so far as this is a consequence of a belief in the real presence of God and His angels, and the real operation of the devil and his crew. These characteristics existed in Swedenborg's father in a high degree. He would now be called credulously superstitious, yet he was an exceedingly practical man, keenly alive to all that was going on in his episcopal diocese, alert to correct disorders, eager to train aright the clergy under him, and solicitous as to the spiritual and also the worldly needs of his people; a student of the Word; a teacher and writer on theology who, if not profound, was always practical, ever teaching, preaching and inculcating that may be called the genuine truths of Christianity. The modern world thinks of him as, though able and courageous, yet somewhat credulous, in agreement with his day - but they would, in an even greater degree, apply the same terms to his greater son, and, no doubt, the prophets of the Old Testament and the Apostles of the New would also be called credulous. The epithet serves rather to classify its user as agnostic or utterly negative to any belief in the reality of the spiritual world and its inhabitants, than to give authority to this judgment. In his Autobiography, Bishop Swedberg relates several incidents of his seeing and hearing spirits, and of the resultant profound influence which was made of his whole life. Shall we say that he did not have these experiences? that he who thought so clearly and practically mistook the fancies of his imagination for the sensation of occurrences outside himself? Of course, one must believe this, if he denies the life after death. But no genuine Christian can

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refuse to entertain the possibility that Bishop Swedberg's simple narratives told, not for the acclaim and bewonderment of public audiences, but as part of the story of his life to be read by his children - that these narratives may be simply the statement of true experiences. Certain it is that, if we are to have a mind peculiarly endowed with ability to think profoundly, the ability not only to summon facts from the memory, and to marshal them in an ordered series, but also to envisage the reality of the spiritual world and of the invisible causes therefrom which are clothed in the phenomena of living nature - if we are to have such a mind, we must have the heredity basis for its formation.

As to the second point, namely, that for profound thought the brain must be initiated from very infancy, we have Swedenborg's own testimony, which, however, is not quite alone. Profound thought involves some abstraction from the body, and must necessarily have its effect in the breathing of the lungs; for in deep thought the breathing becomes tacit and almost suspended, with the result that the mind is almost altogether withdrawn from the notice of external objects, being wholly engaged in the consideration of causes. Swedenborg testifies:

"I was first accustomed to breathe in this way [that is,

with a tacit breathing hardly perceptible] in infancy when

saying morning and evening prayers. (SD n. 3464)
Of course, Swedenborg as a child could not think profoundly, yet, even in his early years, influence by the pious teaching and genuine Christian example of his father, he seems during worship to have made some effort to withdraw his thoughts from his worldly surroundings, and in a childish way, to have fixed them on God and a life according to His commandments. For in the Spiritual Diary he writes:

"In my infancy I purposely wished to hold my breath when they

were saying evening and morning prayers." (SD n. 3320)
And, long after his spiritual eyes were opened, looking backward on his own experience that when in deep thought his breathing was almost suspended, he writes that previously he had not known that the respiration of the lungs is varied according to the state of spiritual faith, but, he adds:

"still I can perceive and believe it, because my respiration

was so formed by the Lord that I could breathe internally for

a considerable time without the aid of external air so that

the respiration was directed inward; and yet the external

senses and also actions remained in their vigor; this is not

possible ... except with those who have been so formed by the

Lord." (SD n. 3317)

Finally, he sums up his childish and his adult experiences in this respect, when he says - toward the end of 1748:

"In my infancy I was for many years introduced into such

respiration; especially by speculations in which the

respiration became quiescent" and he adds, significantly,

"otherwise intense speculation of truth is not possible."

(SD n. 3464)

Add to this the fact that the whole of Swedenborg's life bears eloquent testimony to his devotion to the study and mastery of facts, and to deep thought concerning their meaning. In this study he voluntarily denied himself much indulgence in the pleasures of the world - though, that he engaged in such pleasures and so maintained a healthy and balanced mind, is evident both from his life and from sundry allusions in his writings.

When we consider that the introduction into profound thought is the essential qualification for an introduction into the spiritual world such as Swedenborg had, enabling him to be in both worlds as the same time, it is not surprising that in the Journal of Dreams, which marks the steps by which Swedenborg became a conscious inhabitant of both worlds, mention is made of the relation between deep thought and the respiration of the lungs.

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"In strong thought," he writes, "the lungs are held quiet in

equilibrium, more according to nature; and that then

inspirations go farther than the expirations; otherwise the

exact opposite is the case; also that in ecstasy one holds

the breath, when the thoughts are as though absent. Likewise

in sleep when both inspiration and expiration belong to

nature, and when that is represented which flows in from on

high. Which can be deduced from the cerebrum also, in that

in inspiration all the inmost organs are expanded with the

cerebrum itself, and the thoughts then get origin and glow."

(JD n. 112)
This last statement reminds us that profound thought with the resultant effect on the breathing produces a change on the inmost organs of the cerebrum itself.

In defining the requirements for the possession of the ability to think distinctly, Swedenborg says that a native aptitude and abundant learning are not sufficient unless these be accompanied by a giving up of the loves of self and the world and, more specifically, of the love of fame and honor. Swedenborg was severely conscious of the active presence of these loves within himself. In fact, he was supremely conscious of this. He could not but have been aware that his insight into the mysteries of the human body far exceeded that of others. He saw that this led him to be inclined to boast of his work (JD n. 134). He was fully conscious of the fact that the Lord had granted him to enter into matters more deeply than others (JD n. 74), and this very consciousness led him sometimes to imagine that some might take him to be "a holy man" (JD n. 72), and to think when one did not show him due respect, "if you only knew what grace I am enjoying" (JD n. 75); also, when looking through the windows of a bookshop, to think this works were of more lasting value than the works of others (JD n. 78). Swedenborg was aware of this tendency in himself. But he was also conscious of the desire to be led solely by the love of truth for its own sake. Hence his double thoughts, his better conflicts, his despair. That he did not devote himself to the love of pleasure is shown by his abstemious life, by his assiduous studies requiring not only time but great concentration of thought, and by the fact that he continued his philosophical publications even after he must have been fully aware that they would be ridiculed and rejected.

This, then, is the first and essential preparation for entrance into the spiritual world, that is to say, into genuine communion with heaven, into spiritual thought.

2. The second requirement for entrance into the spiritual

world is that the man shall be in such a state that he is

consciously aware of the presence and operation of spirits as

of something outside himself.

Every man is constantly the subject of the operations of spirits, but these operations appear to him only as thoughts and affections seemingly having their origin in his own self - and yet the very idea of thought (internal sight) and affection involves the presence of something without, which is seen and which affects the organs of internal sensation. While our senses are open, however, and the din of the world incessantly impinges upon them, we are entirely unconscious of this operation as an operation from without, and think of it only as something engendered solely within ourselves. When we sleep and the world can no longer enter into our mind through the gates of the senses, we do indeed sometimes become aware of the operations of the inhabitants of the other world, those operations being manifested to us in the form of dreams. But in dreams we are passive subjects. The mind is indeed able to see in imaginative production the effect of the operations of spirits, but it is not able to reflect upon them either naturally or rationally. Hence our almost entire sense of irresponsibility in dreams. Hence the fact that we can contemplate without emotion our own selves, committing deeds which in our waking moments would excite the greatest horror, whether external or internal. Therefore, while dreams are indeed a visual

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manifestation of the operations of spirits, they are not an evidence of the opening of the spiritual sight to see into the spiritual world.

For such an opening it is necessary that there shall be a beholding of the operations of spirits presented representatively, but that the mind - whether natural or rational - shall be awake during the beholding.

There are in general two means by which this opening of the spiritual sight can be secured:

1. By bringing upon the body a state of unawareness of the existence of natural objects as such, while the mind is still in its faculty of observation. In the most Ancient Church this was effected in the morning immediately after sleep, when the mind waking and the senses not yet keen to the observance of material objects, the representations of spirits could be attentively observed and reflected upon.

In men of a later age and with a more materially oriented mind, the same effect could be induced by artificial means, producing the appearance of a trance. Such means, for instance, as darkness accompanied with intense imagination; the forced consideration of the mind on a single object or on nothing, as it were; and perhaps also by hypnotism and such like arts. In states thus induced, the natural mind is not asleep, but it becomes aware of sensations not caused by material objects. It is also possible that natural objects may be sensated, but no heed will be taken of them as material objects, and they will insensibly blend in with the spiritual representations. Such was the state of Abram when, while talking with angels, at the same time he saw Sarah in her tent.

Or the opening of the spiritual sight may be induced by a temporary exaltation of the mind in the contemplation of some exalted subject. Then also objects of the external senses may insensibly blend in with the spiritual vision; as was the case with the three disciples who beheld the Glorified Lord, and yet saw the ground on which they stood.

Or it may be effected by something in the nature of a trance while the natural mental faculties are still awake; as was the case with John on the Isle of Patmos, and as is sometimes the case with those who are dying (HH n. 433), and of some who have been thought dead and who yet have returned to life - of which medical experience tells us; or it may be by separation from all worldly society, and a constant and morbid self-introspection.

The characteristic element in all the above cases is that the natural mind is awake and can observed the representative phenomena caused by the operation of spirits, but that it thinks of them naturally. In the cases of the Ancients, this natural thought was the means by which on the basis of correspondences they could be interiorly affected. In the case of others, there was mere natural apperception, and hence a natural account of the things seen as though they were merely material.

This opening of the spiritual sight is effected, as we have said, by external means which induce certain states on the body.

2. But it is also effected by internal means which make one with the opening of the interior rational sight. For, as man is introduced into profound thought more and more separated from the senses of the body, so the interior organism of the brain becomes molded, as it were, into finer and more subtle forms more interiorly receptive of the light and heat of heaven. And pari passu with this progress, that brain becomes more an d more conscious of the operations of spirits. We see this fully illustrated in the case of Swedenborg. Not only did he have continuous dreams during a period of years commencing with the writing of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, but he also had peculiar manifestations of the presence of the spiritual world, though he did not then

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interpret them as such. Thus, in Amsterdam, in 1739, at the very commencement of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, he experienced a kind of swoon, as though by his deep though he was carried out of himself, experiencing momentarily a separation from the body. But this was no ordinary swoon, for he testifies that it gave him penetration into the matters which he had in hand. (JD n. 282) in the Preface to the Economy, he spoke of

"a certain mysterious radiation - I know not whence it

springs - that darts through some sacred temple of the

brain," and which results in "a kind of rational instinct,"

and indication of closer communion with the soul, from which

alone comes rational thought. (EAK I:n. 19)

He seems also to be alluding to the same ting when, toward the end of the Economy, he wrote concerning the spiritual sun as the Sun of Love and Wisdom.

In February 1740, two months after finishing volume I of the Economy, after writing the Corpuscular Philosophy, he ends with the words:

"These things are true because I have the sign."

It must have been some such sign giving approbation from interior light to the results of analytical rational thought that led Swedenborg, a year later, to write in The Fibre, when speaking of changes of state in the brain:

"I know that I speak strange things, but what matters it

since they are true"; (Fib. N. 520)
and that later filled him with ardor and a glowing enthusiasm of being that genius so greatly needed.

"to whom, in our day, as I think, nature will betroth

herself; and I prophesy that she will then yield to the darts

of love and join him in covenant and bed. Would that I might

scatter the nuts, and head the bearers of the torches!"

(Psych. Trans. P. 55)

The nature of the confirmatory signs seen by Swedenborg is plainly indicated in a passage in The Word Explained, which also informs us that such signs were seen during the writing of the Animal Kingdom.

"By the divine mercy of God Messiah," we read, "a flame of

divers sizes and with a diversity of color and splendor has

often been seen by me. Thus, while I was writing a certain

little work [i. e., the Animal Kingdom], hardly a day passed

by for several months in which a flame was not seen by me as

vividly as the flame of a household hearth; at the time, this

was a sign of approbation; and this happened before the time

when spirits began to speak with me viva voca"

(see above, p. 710). (WE n. 6905)

It is evident that as Swedenborg grew in the practice of profound thought, he became the witness even while awake of direct representations whose causes were in the spiritual world. In his deep thought, those did indeed appear to him as flames, but in reflecting upon them he considered them merely as luminous confirmations of the results of his meditations. Of course, any one may confirm his own meditations or even fantasies by internal signs conjured up by some imagination; but we are now speaking of a man of learning and genius - a man who, while experiencing these confirmations, spoke not a word of them to others, but presented his studies to the world in clear rational language, and confirmed his conclusions by carefully collated facts.

But the growth of interior thought, Swedenborg was thus becoming sensitive to phenomena caused by the light and heat of heaven, and by the spiritual spheres by which he was surrounded. And this was the beginning of that process which gradually enabled him actually to see spirits and to speak with them as man to man. In this way, by an internal preparation, he arrived at the same ability

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to see into the spiritual world as, by an external preparation, had been granted to the prophets of old.

The difference in the effects of these two spiritual sights is that when others, even the men of the Most Ancient Church, saw into the spiritual world, they still thought naturally concerning what they saw. But Swedenborg saw rationally as well as naturally.

"The men of the Golden Age," we read, "did indeed speak with

angels; but it was not granted them to be in any other light

than natural light; but to me, to be in both spiritual and

natural light at the same time."

(Inv. N. 52 = Post. Theol. Wks. P. 139)

And later he adds: "For this reason it pleased the Lord to

prepare me from my earliest youth to perceive the Word."

(Ibid. n. 55 = p. 142)

It is this kind of presence in both worlds, with the full retention of his rational and natural thought, that seems to be referred to when Swedenborg speaks of the

"introduction of my spirit and at the same time of my body

into the spiritual world." (Ibid. [VII] = p. 121)

Elsewhere describing his own state, Swedenborg says in the Summary of the Coronis:

"Every man is in the spiritual world as to his spirit without

any separation from his body in the natural world; but I with

some separation but only as to the intellectual part of my

mind, and not as to the voluntary part" (Coro. P. xiv:V)
that is to say, Swedenborg was able to see the spiritual world as a separation world while his soul still remained in the body as before, and imparted to it its properties.

Another necessary effect of the two modes of introduction to the seeing of spirits is the one by which a man can become conscious of the spiritual world with little preparation, or even without preparation; while with Swedenborg the process was a long and gradual one.

As to the actual steps by which Swedenborg was finally led to see and speak with spirits, of this we shall speak presently. For the moment we would interrupt our narrative to answer a question that might be raised here, namely, if Swedenborg was prepared for introduction into the spiritual world while still in the body, by profound thought, will such introduction be possible with all who come into profound thought? It is said in the Writings, that

"those who think abstractly from the body, being then in the

spirit, are sometimes seen in their spiritual society; and

when seen they are easily distinguished from spirits there,

for they go about meditating, are silent, and do not look at

others, appearing not to see them; and as soon as any spirit

speaks to them they vanish." (HH n. 438)

That other men besides Swedenborg will have profound thought, and will feel, in consequence, a peculiar illumination in the studies on which their thoughts are engaged, cannot justly be denied. But this alone would not suffice to bring the state of being in both worlds at the same time. As we shall show presently, the actual introduction was commenced by means of dreams, and to these dreams Swedenborg paid such marked attention as would lead us to suppose that he was led to this by some special reason not apparent to us. And here we see a difference that at once draws a dividing line between Swedenborg and the profound thinker of the future. Swedenborg was striving after the discovery of truth concerning the soul, and inmostly concerning God and His spiritual kingdom. The field of his search lay mainly in nature, though also in the Old and New Testaments. But the Word was largely a sealed book, and the main source of Swedenborg's enlightened philosophy was obtained on the basis of a search into nature, and particularly into the human body. It was

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natural then that Swedenborg, longing for light on the deeper problems of life, mindful also of his peculiar experiences in seeing flames and lights, accompanied with a peculiar state of enlightenment in his meditations, and realizing that there was a correspondence between spiritual tings and natural - it was natural, I say, that he should finally examine into his dreams, to see whether these also were in some way a gift to him for the impartation of encouragement in his studies, and increased enlightenment.

This cannot only apply to the thinkers of the future. Their thought will be directed, not to dreams or signs, but to the Heavenly Doctrine now revealed. It is in the study of this that they will receive enlightenment; it is in meditation on this that they will experience inspiration to guide them in their studies. In a word, the Lord is now revealed in His fulness, and it is to Him in this Revelation, and to Him be many men in the future New Church possessed of a native genius and range of knowledge, and a love and a devotion to study comparable to Swedenborg's, but the offices of such men will not be that of revelator but that of teacher; their use will not be to serve as a medium for a new revealing of the Lord, but for the establishment of a New Church founded on Him thus revealed. Their office will be to approach the Lord in His Revelation, and to serve as means whereby, as a result of devoted study from the love of truth for its own sake, the heavenly Doctrine there revealed may be seen more profoundly.

Let me add also the thought that both the inheritance, the genius and uses of men are directed by the needs of the age. Many men have lived after Huss or Wickliffe or Luther or Lincoln who have not been inferior to them in the search after truth, in devotion to duty, and in ardent love of humanity. But in the secret councils of Divine Providence, heredities have been guided, and geniuses born and educated to meet the needs of the age. Huss and Wickliffe, Luther and Lincoln were the ultimate products of many prior human states, and they were raised to be of peculiar service in states of resultant therefrom. The world will never again be, as it was in Swedenborg's days - no, nor the spiritual world. New conditions will ever arise, and under the ever wise leading of Divine Providence, those conditions will themselves be the means for the rise and molding and training of men to be servants of the Lord under those new conditions, and for them. In the future, not a Revelator will be needed, but enlightened teachers who shall bring to men a fuller beholding of the Lord now revealed, and so shall be means in the establishment of His kingdom.

And now let me address myself more nearly to the actual means by which Swedenborg was at last led to see and speak with spirits. Leaving aside the interior preparation of which we have already spoken, the first of these steps was the dream. During the period which we are now considering (1743-1744), Swedenborg had many dreams, even four or five in a single night. Moreover, these dreams were usually so delightful to him that when he fails to dream he feels a sense of unhappiness. Thus, of the night between April 3 x 4 he writes:

"During the whole night found nothing, although I often

wakened. Believed all was gone and determined on, and that I

was deserted or driven away." (JD n. 36)

In the light of his own past experiences, in the light also of his firmly founded faith that causes originate in a superior world, he must needs give grave attention to these dreams. Sometimes he is entirely ignorant of their meaning; sometimes he is uncertain; sometimes he interprets them with confidence. But never are his interpretations more fancies, the distorted imaginings of a disordered mind. They are ever dominated by the presence of a profound and rational mind. Sometimes he interprets his dreams as referring to his current work, confirming it or correcting it, even at times as referring

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to details of the arrangements of that work; more often, however, he interprets them in terms which spell his realization of his own unworthiness. Gradually his dreams become so vivid that he finds himself beholding them even while wide awake. And such experiences increase with him until at last, just after he had finished his treatise on Touch in volume III of the Animal Kingdom, he hears the voice of a spirit even while he himself is wide awake. This disturbed and even frightened him. From this time on, we have but a sparse account of Swedenborg's spiritual experiences. (JD n. 242)

These dreams were often preceded and also followed by a feeling of extreme delight suffusing his whole body; and were sometimes woven in with his spiritual temptations, representing them even to his consciousness. (JD nos. 88, 40) Again they caused tremors in his body, and he actually heard sounds though not words, and saw and felt the touch of the Lord and heard His voice, even while awake, or perhaps in state between sleeping and waking. (JD nos. 54, 98, 108) Sometimes, when thinking of how to avoid impurities, he speaks of himself as being "in the spirit," and feels himself filled with an interior gladness. (JD nos. 77, 79)

Then came a time in the early morning when he "lay awake in a vision," being filled with a joy felt in the very body. Again, he was "in the spirit and yet awake"; but on such occasions, it was interior thought that occupied his mind, and sometimes he felt an uncontrollable impulse to throw himself on his face in sheer humility. Yet at such times, he himself sometimes wondered whether his experiences were not all fantasies. (JD nos. 87, 88, 99)

During all this time he seemed to himself "to represent the internal man" and to be another than himself, looking down upon himself." (JD no. 133)

In the middle of April 1744, he was again in a vision, being neither asleep nor awake, during which he had a dream, and as he was becoming completely awake he heard words spoken.

Still later, he seemed in his dream to hear a deliberation as to his going to a spiritual society. (JD n. 206)

In June 1744, he saw a fly in the spiritual world even while he was engaged in writing (Senses nos. 492-93); and a few days later, when neither asleep nor awake, he was seized with tremors and saw obscurely the face of a man. (JD nos. 209-10) A few weeks afterwards, on awaking from a dream, he actually experienced the smell of wine; and day or two after this, he actually heard a spirit speaking, at which he was much frightened. A week later he was told in a dream that he was to become a member of a spiritual society even wile living on earth. (JD nos. 239, 242, 243)

At this time (October 1744, he seems to have been aware that his dreams and visions were caused by spirits, for he speaks of the necessity of trying the spirits; but we learn little more from the Journal of Dreams. (JD n. 247) But a summary of the experiences which we have thus far culled, mainly from the Journal, was given by Swedenborg himself in the Memorabilia in August 1748 or three years later. There he says:

"For many years previous to the time when my mind was

opened so that I could speak with spirits and so be persuaded

by living experience, such proofs existed with me that I now

wonder that I had not then come into persuasion concerning

the Lord's government by means of spirits. Not only were

there dreams for some years, informing me concerning the

things that were being written, but there were also changes

of states while I was writing; a certain extraordinary light

in the things that were being written; later there were also

many visions when my eyes were closed, and a light

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[1744

miraculously given; and spirits [flowed in] sensibly, in a

way just as manifest to the senses as are the corporeal

sensations. Many times in temptations, and also afterwards

when things were being written to which evil spirits were

averse, there were infestations by evil spirits effected in

various ways, so that I was obsessed almost to the point of

horror; fiery lights were seen; there were speeches in the

time of early morning; besides many other phenomena, until at

last a spirit addressed me in a few words." (SD n. 2951)

It can readily be seen that from September 1744, Swedenborg's experiences gradually grew in clearness of the perception, that he was actually present in the spiritual world, until in April 1745 he could write that the Lord appeared to him, and that

"on that same night the world of spirits, hell and heaven

were opened to me with full conviction."

(NKTidn. 1876: p. 75)

And now let us retrace our steps and follow more in detail Swedenborg's life during the eventful period covered by the Journal of Dreams.

It will be recalled that Swedenborg had finished the Epilogue to volume 2 of the Animal Kingdom by April 1, 1744. Just prior to this date he had noticed a peculiar change in himself, so that, as he writes:

"I now represented the internal man, and as another than

myself, and greeted my own thoughts, frightened them, my res

memoriae,* accused another, or the inner man." (JD n. 133)

* Things of the memory.

In other words, his "double thoughts" now became personified, as it were, in the form of two persons, the inner man and the outer.

On the night of April 1st, he dreamed among other things of Charles XII, who asked whether he had received the key for which he had asked, and was answered in the affirmative. Swedenborg then took a horse, but failed to take the road he thought to take. He was followed by a horse with a load which he vainly tried to ride away from. But his own horse was tired and finally become bloody like a slaughtered criminal and lay down. This signifies, says Swedenborg,

"that I have received all that I thought for my

enlightenment, and that I am taking perhaps a wrong road.

The horse was my remaining work which followed me, which

became so tired on the way and died." (JD n. 31)

That same night he had another dream which he interpreted as

meaning "that I ought to draw my sails in, and not make the

notes so long." (JD n. 32)

The "remaining work" here referred to consisted of the continuation of the Animal Kingdom which in the first volume of that work was advertised to consist of 17 Parts. Swedenborg had thus changed his four Tomes series (though somewhat differently arranged), with the addition of a Part on the Heart and Blood (omitted in the Tome series because the subject had already been treated of in the first volume of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom), and a Part on the organism of animal motion (a subject on which Swedenborg had already written a short and unfinished Transaction [see above, p. 657]).

As we shall see later, Swedenborg did not at this time resume his anatomical writing, nor, when he did resume in some months later, did he abandon his practice of making long notes. He was probably engaged at this time in

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April

reading the proof sheets of volume I of the Animal Kingdom, in studying anatomy for the continuance of that work, and in the study of the Bible.

It was at this time, April 1st or 2nd, that Swedenborg announced his presence in The Hague to the Pastor of the German Lutheran Church, Johan Gotlieb Pambo. There was no Swedish church in The Hague at this time, and all Swedes there affiliated themselves with the German church. We may add that foreigners wishing to partake of the Holy Supper announced themselves and had their names entered into the communion book,* the original purpose of the book being to keep a list of visitors from outside The Hague who wished to take communion. To most of the names thus entered is added in Swedenborg's case, but it is evident that Ambassador Preis introduced him to Pastor Pambo.

* The book where Swedenborg's name is entered is now preserved in the City Archives.

On the night of Thursday, April 2nd, he had a dream in which two persons

entered "a house which was not yet prepared though it was

built.... We saw our power was gone and we feared them."

One then told him that these men threatened to punish him

next Maundy Thursday;* but the informer added that he would

show him a way of escape. Swedenborg interprets this as

meaning "that in an unprepared and untidy house, I had

invited for myself the highest, and that they found it

untidy; ought to be punished, but the way to escape their

wrath was most graciously shown me." (JD n. 33)

* i.e., the Thursday before Easter. In 1724 and 1744, owing to a different mode of calculation, the Catholic and Protestant churches differed as to the date of Easter, the former incorrectly fixing it as April 12th, and the latter as April 5th.

Again sleeping, he dreamed of a beggar who insistently cried for pork,

although something else was offered him. "Same signification,

I think." (JD n. 34)

Sleeping for the third time, he dreamt of seeing two

magnificent troops of soldiers. "Is a gracious guard, that I

perish not." (JD n. 35)

It will be noted that all these dreams were signs to Swedenborg of his own unworthiness, of his tendency to lowest things, and of his being protected.

On the evening of Good Friday, he had no dreams, though he wakened many times, and though in consequence that all was gone. In the morning, however, he dreamed that he was riding, and it was shown him whither he was going. It then became dark and he found he had lost his way. Afterwards it lightened up and he saw the way and woods and groves whither he should journey, and behind them the sky. After he woke, there

"came as of itself thought concerning the first life and, in

consequence, concerning the second life, and it seemed to me

all was full of grace. Came to tears that I had not been

loving, but much rather had offended him who has led me and

shown the way even to the kingdom of grace, and that I had

been taken to grace unworthily." (JD n. 36)

Of the afternoon of the following Saturday as, apparently, of other afternoons, Swedenborg writes:

"The temptation still continued, mostly in the afternoon till

six o'clock, yet nothing definite. It was an anguish, as

though one were condemned and in hell. Yet was always

the hope which the Holy Spirit gave; strengthened therein,

according to Paul in Roms. Chap. v:5

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April

[hope maketh not ashamed; because our minds are suffused

with the love of God given unto us by the Holy Spirit]. The

evil one is given power to make the inmost troubled by sundry

thoughts." (JD n. 38)

That night he dreamt of hearing a melody sung, and of a line he remembered from the Psalm "Jesus is the best of Friends" - a hymn included by Swedenborg's father in his Psalm - or Hymnbook. (JD n. 37)

On the next day, Easter Sunday, April 5th, Swedenborg

"went to God's table." "After the Holy Supper," he writes,

"I was inwardly content, but yet outwardly distressed. The

temptation came in the afternoon, in quite another way, but

strong; for I was assured of having received forgiveness of

the sins; but still I could not direct my straying thoughts

to express myself somewhat against my better knowledge, which

was the work of the evil one, by permission. Prayers

mollified them, as also did God's Word. The faith was there

entirely, but the confidence and love seemed to be absent. I

went to bed at 9 o'clock. The temptation, with shuddering

continued till 10.30 o'clock [? 9.30], when I came into a

sleep where was represented to me the whole of my

temptations, how that Er[land] B[roman] sought me in

different ways, and to get me on his side, to be in with that

party (sensuality, riches, vanity) but he could not get me to

it. I became still more obstinate against it, when he made

me contemptuous." (JD nos. 39, 40)

This does not necessarily mean that Erland Broman, the notorious royal pimp, had tried to influence Swedenborg; but it would seem to indicate some sort of friendship with Broman which had been used by the latter to influence Swedenborg. The obvious meaning, however, is that Broman represented the evil loves that had attended Swedenborg during the day, sensuality in his inclination to women; avarice and vanity, in the gaining of these by his works, or, at any rate, in the thought that those works merited these rewards.

The dream continued with the appearance of Broman's dog which

tried to bite Swedenborg; but the latter seized it by the

jaws and squeezed its nose until the poison burst out.

Swedenborg then said that, though the dog was not his, yet he

must defend himself. "Thereupon, he seemed to say that he

had not got me to say a word on his side. So I quarreled

with him. When I awoke, the words said were, Hold thy

tongue." (JD n. 41)

Commenting on this dream, on the following day, Swedenborg writes:

"From this can be seen without further interpretation, how

the temptation was, but, on the other hand, how great was

God's grace, through the merit of Christ and the work of the

Holy Spirit, which were to be honored from eternity to

eternity. Straightway there came to me the thought, How

great is the Lord's grace which accounts it to us that we

resisted in temptation which also is ascribed to us, while

yet it is only God's grace and work. It is His and not ours,

and He overlooks whatever weaknesses we have had therewith,

which yet must be manifold; also what great glory our Lord

gives after resistance for a little time." (JD n. 42)

Returning now to the preceding night after the dream of which we have just spoken, Swedenborg again slept and he dreamed that he was joined to others through that which was sinful; then that he was

"all softened by wonderful and indescribable circuitions so

that through the whole night I was inaugurated in a wonderful

way, and so it was said, 'Can any Jacobite be more than

honest?' So I was received with an embrace. Then it was said

that he ought not to be called so

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April

or so which was named, but so, which I did not remember as to

whether it was Jacobite. This I cannot describe; was a

mystical series." (JD n. 43)

Mr. C. Th. Odhner, in his translation, shrewdly suggests that "Jacobite" here indicates a follower of the Apostle James [in Latin Jacob] who so unceasingly preached the doctrine of charity. The suggestion is confirmed by consideration that at this time Swedenborg was engaged in steadily reading the Bible.

Even to Swedenborg the dream was mystical, but it is evident that he interpreted it as meaning that in some way he was being initiated into some new state (see below, p. 750).

And here we may ask ourselves whether these dreams experienced by Swedenborg were special or were of the nature of ordinary dreams; I mean, whether they were caused and produced as ordinary dreams, or whether they were from some special cause. This does not appear to us to be the case. Swedenborg, we opine, dreamed as other men dream, namely, his dreams were representations by the spirits who were around him. But there were two unusual elements in Swedenborg's case:

1. His brain had become more sensitive to the operations of

spiritual spheres; hence, his dreams were more frequent,

being night after night and often three or four or more in a

single night.

2. As a result, he became gradually more perceptive of the

real influences that caused the dream; an examination will

show that his interpretations were in effect interpretations

of the spiritual influences which he had experienced during

the preceding day. At first, however, he was uncertain;

sometimes, even when giving the meaning of a dream, he gives

an alternative meaning; sometimes he openly states that he

does not know the meaning, or that it involves something

mystical. But always there is the recognition that there is

a meaning, and that the dream is caused by the presence of

real spiritual influences.

The advance in Swedenborg's progression consisted in his more clearly discerning the true meaning of his dreams until finally, instead of seeing and interpreting more or less explicitly the representations of spiritual operations, he began spiritually to discern the operations themselves, while still seeing the representations, and so to be in both worlds at the same time. But this could come about only gradually with many alternations; and this we see to be the fact, as manifested in the partial record of dreams and in Swedenborg's notes thereon which are preserved to us. For it must be remembered that, while our record extends only to October or at most to November 1744, the dreams themselves continued until the day of the vision of the inn in April 1745. But of these we have neither the record nor the interpretations. From what we have, however, we can form some judgment as to Swedenborg's progress in interpretation, and as to his closer approximation to his final state of being fully present in both worlds at the same time.

And now to return to the dreams of Sunday night, April 5th - the night after Swedenborg had partaken of the Holy Supper. After awaking from his second dream which we have described, he fell asleep again several times, and, he writes,

"everything was upon (p) my thoughts, but in such way that

there was such life and such glory in everything that I

cannot describe the least thing; for it was all heavenly;

then clear to me, yet afterwards I could bring nothing out.

In a word, I was in heaven and heard speech which no human

tongue with the life therein

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April

can utter, and the glory consequent thereon, and the inmost

delice." (JD n. 44)

Here Swedenborg had evidently had a glimpse of the spiritual world when separated from his body. But his senses were then asleep. He was still far from being in both words at the same time.

"Outside this, I was awake," Swedenborg continues, "as in a

heavenly ecstasy, which also is indescribable. (Ibid.)

He rose up between nine and ten o'clock on Monday morning, having slept "continuously" from twelve to thirteen hours, which leads him to write:

"To the Highest be praise, honor, worthiness, hallowed be His

name; Holy, holy, Lord God Saboath." (JD n. 45)

On reading these words, one might say that Swedenborg was in a highly emotional state when he wrote them. But to think this would be to ignore the fact that here we are considering not an unthinking man, subject to external emotions, but a learned man engaged in exact studies. His state was not that which is ordinarily understood by the word "emotional"; it was rather the state of one who, within his rational and analytical thought, was yet deeply conscious of the presence of the love of self in all that he did, and of the desire of fame and glory. This man was for the time lifted out of himself, as Plato had been, and in that state was filled with humble adoration of the Deity - but without losing if we suppose, as later we shall show was probably the case, that at this time he was engaged not only in the close study of anatomy but also in the close study of the Word of God.

Continuing his reflections on his dreams on the night of Easter Sunday, Swedenborg further writes:

"How I learned through trial what it means not to love angels

more than God, which had so nearly overturned the whole work;

but, in respect to our Lord, no value should be made of them;

but in respect to their help, since their love is far

inferior." (JD n. 46)

Here we have the first intimation of the thought which Swedenborg afterwards expressed when he said that he had received nothing from any angel or spirit but from the Lord alone when reading the Word. (TCR n. 779)

"I found in myself," says Swedenborg, continuing his

reflections on the Monday following the above recounted

dreams, "like rays of light, that it would be the greatest

happiness to become a martyr, especially in view of the

indescribable grace linked with love to God; makes that one

wishes to endure that torment which is nothing as against the

eternal, and it would be the least thing to sacrifice his

life.

"Had also in my mind and my body like a feeling of an

indescribable happiness, so that if it should be in a higher

degree, the body would be as though dissolved from mere

happiness." (JD nos. 47, 48)

Swedenborg adds that he experienced this sate not only during the night of Easter but also during the whole of the following Monday. On that day he went to Delft, which was then an hour's journey by canal, or less by coach, from The Hague; but for what purpose or whether he stayed there overnight, is not known. He may have gone to see the renowned tile works, or, what is more probable, to secure a peaceful rest in this quiet little town. It has been generally assumed that he stayed overnight, and this seems highly probable in view of what he says of his state during the day - a state which suggests rest rather than travel. (Descript. of Hol. 1743:p. 304)

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His words are:

"It is to be noted that on the same day [Monday, April 6th] I

went to Delft, and the whole day had the grace to be in deep

spiritual thoughts; thoughts so deep and beautiful I had

never been [in], and [this] the whole day, which was the work

of the Spirit whom I found with me." (JD n. 50)

In the evening, however, while sitting in his room, he experienced another kind of temptation, a temptation concerned, not with his own self-love of ambition for fame, but with doubt as to the truth of the Word, a doubt the ground of which was his own learning and his keenly analytical search for the causes of things.

"Between eight and nine in the evening," he writes, and he

emphasizes what he says by heading the paragraph 'N. B. N. B.

N. B.,' "when I was reading God's miracles wrought through

Moses, I thought that something of my own understanding

mingled itself therein, so that I could not have the strong

faith there ought to be. I believed and could not have the

strong faith there ought to be. I believed and did not

believe; thought that for this reason the angels and God

showed themselves before shepherds and not part in the play,

as that it always goes on to ask why he took the wind when he

called together the grasshoppers; why he made Paraoh

obdurate; did not work at once, with other such questions.

This I indeed laughed at in my mind, but yet it worked so

much that my faith was not firm. I looked at the fire and

said to myself, so also I should not believe that the fire

exists, and yet that the outer senses are more fallacious

than what God Himself says, which is veritas itself; ought

rather to believe it than myself. With such thoughts and

many more I passed the hour, or hour and a half, and in my

mind laughed at the tempter." (JDnos. 49-50)

"At ten o'clock I went to bed and was somewhat better.

An half hour later I heard a noise under my head. I thought

that then the tempter went away. At once there came over me

a shuddering so powerful from the head and the whole body;

but [there was] some roaring sound, and this several times.

I found that something holy was over me. Thereupon I fell

asleep and at about twelve, one or two o'clock in the night

there came over me a so powerful shuddering from head to

foot, with a roaring noise as if many winds clashed together,

which shook me, which was indescribable and prostrated me on

my face. Then, while I was prostrated, in that moment I was

wholly awake, and saw that I was cast down. Wondered what it

will mean, and I talked as though I were awake, but yet found

that words were put in my mouth and [said], O Almighty Jesus

Christ, that thou of such great grace deigneth to come to so

great a sinner, make me worthy of this grace. I held my

hands together and prayed; and then a hand came forward which

pressed my hands hard. [Confer Memorabilia n. 81 s. v.

Manus.]

Immediately thereon I continued my prayer and said that Thou

hast promised to take all sinners unto grace, Thou canst not

but keep thy word. At that same moment I sat in His bosom

and saw Him face to face; it was a face of holy mien and all

that cannot be described, and smiling so that I believe that

His face was also such while He lived. He said to me and

asked if I had a health pass. I answered, Lord, that knowest

thou better than I. Well, so do, said He; that is, in my

mind I found it to signify, Love me actually, or do what thou

hast promised. God give me grace thereto. I found that it

stood not in my power. Wakened with shudderings. Came again

into such a state that I was in thoughts, being neither

asleep nor awake. Thought what this might be; is it Christ,

God's Son I saw; but it is sin that I doubt

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thereon; but, as it is commanded that one shall try the

spirits, so I thought over everything and found from that

which had passed on the previous night, that I was purified

by the Holy Spirit the whole night and encompassed and

guarded, and so prepared for this; also that I fell on my

face, and the words I spoke, together with the prayer, came

not from myself, but he words were put in my mouth. I found

that it was God's son Himself who came down with such a

roaring sound, and who prostrated me to the ground of

Himself, and made the prayer; and so said that it was Jesus

Himself. I prayed for grace that I should have doubted

thereon so long; and also that it came into my thought to

request a miracle, which I found was unseemly. Thereupon I

fell to prayer, and prayed only for grace. I did not come

out with more, yet afterwards I added more, and prayed to

receive love, and that it is Jesus Christ's work and not

mine. Meanwhile shudderings often went over me."

(JD nos. 51-56)

This account of the Lord's second appearance to Swedenborg (see above, page 718) is unlike the account of the other appearances in that it is given with details. We note, however, that there is no suggestion that Swedenborg's work was to become theological. The whole incident of this appearance concerns, not Swedenborg's work, but his personal purification. For some days past, Swedenborg had had some temptations as a result of seeing his own unworthiness - and here let me note that the essence of temptation consists in despair arising from the love of good. It was this despair that gave Swedenborg such frequent anguish, for he saw more deeply than is usual, how great in him was the power of the love of self.

After partaking of the Holy Supper on Easter Sunday, he felt comforted, yet anxiety still continued, though there was a change in his temptation inasmuch as it was increased, it gave him strong assurance of final victory, and this was reflected in a dream from which he woke and found himself uttering the words, "Hold your tongue." In subsequent dreams he felt himself to be inaugurated into a new state; and, in fact, to be in heaven and to hear heavenly speech. And when he awoke he found himself to be in a state of heavenly ecstasy. In this state, after recording his dream, he was led to write, Holy, Holy, Lord God Zabaoth, and he felt such exaltation that he was willing to be a martyr.

The next night, after a day of peculiar spiritual delight followed by temptation caused by learned doubts, he experienced a closer approach to the spiritual world, inasmuch as the shuddering caused by his dream actually prostrated his body. He then prayed "as if he were awake," the words being put into his mouth; and soon he felt a hand pressing his, saw the Lord's face and heard His voice, uttering words which were evidently a continuation of his own thoughts during the temptation. "Hast thou a health pass?"

This vision, which lasted but a shorter time (JD n. 65), was plainly in a dream, but afterwards Swedenborg came into a state which was neither sleep nor wakefulness. That is to say, he was conscious of his material surroundings, and yet they were unnoticed, his whole thought mind being filled with an indescribable joy as though in the sphere of another world.

Yet, even so, his analytical thought did not forsake him, and he wondered as to whether he had really seen "Christ, God's Son," remember the injunction "to try the spirits." But weighing all these and the preceding circumstances, he concluded that there had been a gradual preparation, and that God had actually appeared to him.

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What shall we say as to the nature of this appearance? Was it a dream or a vision? Did the Lord actually appear? My own conclusion, which is supported by Swedenborg's own words - which lead us to suppose, sometimes that he was awake, and sometimes asleep - in that it was a vision; a seeing of representatives caused by the spiritual world, while the senses were not closed to the world; when the representations and material surroundings blended into one, and both seemed to be on the same plane of sensation.

It may have been an angelic society filled with the Lord's presence that was seen by him, but what to me seems more probable is that his constant reflection on his own unworthiness and on God's grace had brought his mind into a state in which his interiors were opened to the influx of the inmost heaven, and that the Divine of the Lord then presented itself to him in the form of a Man.

Compare with the above, the following teaching in which Swedenborg later describes the way in which the Lord appears:

"When the Lord appears in heaven, which is often the case, He

does not appear girt with the sun but in an angelic form, yet

distinguished from angels by the Divine beaming through the

face; for He is not there in person, for the Lord in person

is constantly encompassed with the sun, but He is in presence

by aspect; for it is a common thing in heaven that they

appear as present in the place where their aspect is fixed or

terminated, although this be very far from the place where

they really are. This presence is called the presence of the

internal sight. I have also seen the Lord outside the sun in

an angelic form a little below the sun, on high; and also

near, in a like form, with a shining face; and once in the

midst of angels as a flaming beam." (HH n. 121)

What, however, is of special importance to us at this time is that in this appearance of the Lord to Swedenborg, there is no suggestion of a Divine Commission to Swedenborg as Revelator. The whole vision concerns Swedenborg's own state of spiritual purity, and makes one with those constant temptations which come to him as he more interiorly is led to see that, of himself, he is nothing but evil. His joys, his ecstasies have nothing to do with any expectation of being a revelator in theology; such an office is absent from his thought. His dreams and ambition have been from the first to lead men to see God in nature, to open up nature's secret shrine and there lay before men the wondrous works of God; that so they might come to worship and love Him.

But, as Swedenborg grows in his studies, he comes more and more actually to see the truth, that wisdom in penetrating into the mysteries of nature, is impossible apart from the adoration of the Deity. In the Principia he introduces this note which runs through all his works with ever increasing volume and fuller setting:

"True philosophy and contempt of the Deity," he says, in

1734, "are two opposites ... for he who deems himself wise,

unless his wisdom extends to the acknowledgment of the Divine

and Infinite; that is, he who deems himself to be wise

without a knowledge and veneration of the Deity, has nothing

whatever of wisdom." (Pr. Pref. P. 4)

In 1739, writing in the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, Swedenborg advances further in stating the requirements of the true philosopher. What chiefly impairs the faculty of reasoning, he says, is

"the vain ambition of glory and the love of self."

(EAK n. 22)

In 1743, in the Epilogue to the Animal Kingdom, this note is again taken up, but more fully dwelt on and with greater emphasis. The heats caused by the

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fires of the body, he says, are exciting powers which operate in the rational mind and extinguish the sacred fire.

"A light still remains, hot on the side of the body, but icy

cold on the side of the soul and the superior mind. We still

continue ... perspicuously to contemplate analyses ... but

these are the mere spectres of truths and inspire phantoms

which look to ultimate ends in self and the love of self....

It is necessary that we extinguish these impure fibres ...

and subject our mind to be illumined by the rays of a

spiritual power. Then first to do truths flow in."

(AK 2:n. 463)

It is in the light of sentiments such as these that we must view Swedenborg's experiences of spiritual joy. He rejoices because he hopes to render genuine service to the learned world in leading it to the knowledge and acknowledgment of God, and because he is led to think that Jesus is with him in this work.

Unknown to Swedenborg himself, this growing recognition of his own evils was a necessary preparation for his final mission of being in both worlds at the same time. The great danger of open communication with spirits is that it weakens the power of free choice which man has by virtue of living in a fixed body and sensitive of the things in a fixed world. Whatever the state of the direct his senses as he will, and to control his speech and actions. Thus, if he feels the incitements of evil passions, he can resist their ultimation by persistently fixing his thought and attention on good objects, e. g., on the Word and its teachings, on the lessons of experience, etc. It is in this way that man has power over the spirits around him, for these spirits cannot act except in accordance with the objects on which the man fixes his attention (see Memorabilia n. 3332, where Swedenborg illustrates the matter by an actual experiment; see also nos. 47 and 68).

When there is open communication with spirits, this power to command is weakened and may even be destroyed, for spirits can then induce appearances, fantasies and delusions on the man, and evil spirits are all too willing thus to rule man's body, and by him again to enter into corporeal delights.

In the case of Swedenborg, who was to be admitted to full intercourse with spirits of all kinds including the most direful, the only protection possible was his complete and absolute realization that the Lord alone is good; that man of himself is evil, and that his only protection from the attempts of evil spirits is to look to the Lord and not to self. It was for the attainment of this state that Swedenborg was permitted to pass through the spiritual experiences that we are now examining. To the man unconscious of any deep-seated evil within himself, these experiences seem like the emotions of a mind made morbid by too much self-introspection. But they are seen in their true light by one who is conscious of the hidden founts of evil concealed within a single evil thought or deed. And such a one can also see how that this state of interior humiliation and confession is not only consistent with truly rational and analytical thought, but is a prerequisite to the existence of such thought. As Swedenborg himself observes, the true philosopher must extinguish the impure fires of evil loves, and subject his mind to be illumined by the rays of a spiritual power. Nor can he do this unless first he has seen the nature of the impure fires within himself.

And now let us return to the night of Monday, April 6th, when Swedenborg had seen the Son of God.

"Afterwards, at dawn," he writes, "I came again into

sleep, and then had ever in my thoughts how that Christ

conjoins Himself with men. There can holy thoughts, but they

were such that they cannot

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be treated of (som ro oytransakelige), for I cannot in the

least bring to the pen what then passed; for I know only that

I was in such thoughts." (JD n. 57)

It will be noted that Swedenborg here describes a state when, though asleep as to the body, he was yet conscious of holy thoughts, and that he remembered these thoughts, or, at any rate, something of their nature.

The next night Saturday then dreamed of seeing his father, who took hold of his arms on which he had half sleeves with ruffles. This he interprets as meaning,

"that I am not among the priesthood, but am and ought to be a

civil servants." There was then some conversation between

him and his father, which he ends by observing it as

noteworthy

"that I did not call him my father but my brother....

Thought that my father was dead, and this one who is my

father must thus be my brother." (JD nos. 58, 59)

"Not to forget," he continues, "it came also in my thoughts that the

Holy Spirit willed to show me to Jesus and present me to him

as a work which he had thus prepared, an that I ought not to

ascribe anything to myself, but all is His, although of grace

He ascribes the same to us.

"So I sang the Psalm I thus chose, 'Jesus r min wn

then bste,' no. 245.* (JD n. 60)

* "Jesus is my Friend, the best one" is Hymn n. 245 in the Psalmbook with musical accompaniment published by Bishop Swedberg in 1695. A copy of this edition was included in Swedenborg's library.

"This have I now learned in the spiritual, that there is

nothing else than to humble oneself, and to ask for nothing

else, and this with all humility, [than] Christ's grace. I

added from my proprium, in order to get love, but this is

presumptuous, for when one has God's grace, one gives himself

up to God's pleasure, and does according to His pleasure.

One is happiest when one is in God's grace. I must, with the

utmost humility pray for forgiveness, before my conscience

could be set in peace. For I was still in a temptation,

before it happened. The Holy Supper taught me this, but I,

after my stupid understanding, passed by the humility which

is the foundation to all." (JD n. 61)

This is the end of Swedenborg's notes for April 6 x 7, and again we remark that there is no suggestion of a theological mission, even when Swedenborg speaks of being a work prepared by the Holy Spirit. All is evidently directed to the pursuit of the search for the soul, and Swedenborg is becoming more conscious that for this work there was need of a mind purified from the love of self.

On the night of Tuesday, April 17th, Swedenborg dreamed during the whole night that he

"went deep down by ladders and other places (rum) but quite

safely and surely so that the deep caused me no danger. Then

came also before me in the dream the verse;

'Nor yet the deep, nor all else more

[Shall draw me from the love of God]'." (JD n. 62)

These lines are a part of the third verse of that hymn "Jesus is my best of Friends," which had been running through Swedenborg's mind during the preceding day, and which, indeed, he had been singing - a hymn which he found in harmony with his thoughts concerning the need of humility and of utter trust in the Lord.

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"Jesus is my best of friends

The like of whom can never be

"And shall I with the multitude

Abandon Him while earth I see?

"No man hath power to sunder me

From Him who holdeth me so dear;

"The will of both, behold 'tis one

Eternal there, for all time here.

"That none may o'er pronounce my doom,

The pages of death were His for me;

"He prayed His Father for my sake

That I may gain eternity.

"Who then is he that will condemn

The man whom He hath chosen hence?

"Or who from Him will lead astray

The man He holds in His defence?

"I know, and knowing surely trust

That neither death nor earthly life

"Can take my Jesus from my side.

Nor angel hosts, nor height nor strife

"Nor yet the deep, nor all else more

That he awaits, or now is near

"Shall draw me from the love of God

Which doth in Jesus Christ appear.

Later in the night, Swedenborg seemed in his dream to be at a meal in the house of a clergyman, together with many other persons.

"I paid for this meal a louis d'or or something like that,

and so more than I ought;* but when I was on the way out I

had with me two silver vessels I had taken from the table.

This made me angry, and I tried to send them back, which it

seemed I also had a plan for. This, I think, signifies that

in the temptation I had paid my due (it was God's grace) and

even more than I ought (God's grace), but that at the same

time I thereby learned much in spiritual matters, this being

signified by the silver vessels, which I wished to send back

to the clergyman, that is, for God's honor to give them back

in some way to the church in general, which seemed to me

likely to take place." (JD n. 63)

* A Louis d'or was equal to about four dollars, whereas, the "ordinary charge for a meal in The Hague at that time was about one guilder (40 cents) or, with wine, about sixty cents. Swedenborg evidently went to an ordinary table d'hote (Descr. Of Holland, 1749, p. 207).

It would seem that in the silver vessels which Swedenborg had taken in compensation for overpayment for the meal, he saw the clear intentions which came to him in his studies.

Later we shall give reasons for supposing that these studies consisted, at any rate in part, of an examination of the Bible with a view of applying thereto the law of correspondences. Here we merely note that this conclusion is supported by the fact that in his dream it was from the house of a clergyman that he secured his silver treasures. These treasures he regarded not only as rewards for his resistance in temptation - a resistance which, while seeming to originate in himself, he yet ascribes to God's grace - but also as means whereby he may be the means of fulfilling the end he had aspired after in his Forerunner on the Infinite, the end, namely, of leading men to the acknowledgment of God, and so

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in some way of contributing "to the church in general."

Yet, Swedenborg by no means felt free from the love of self, and this was signified to him by the dream which next followed. In this dream, he was in a very large company at the house of another clergyman where he had seemed to have been previously.

"When we stepped out, I thought we were so many that we

should overcrowd the clergyman. I did not like our being so

many and that the clergyman would become troubled. This

signified that I had so many ungovernable thoughts - then

this ought not to be - which I could not govern. They are

also likened to those I saw previously, with Poles and

Hussars which wandered about; yet it seemed that they went

away." (JD n. 64)

After describing three dreams, which he wrote out in the afternoon of April 7th, Swedenborg adds many reflections which throw considerable light on the nature of the temptations which assailed him. But before quoting these reflections, we will set forth something of the occurrences of the day.

On Wednesday, April 8th, at the table d'hote dinner, as Swedenborg sat around the table in company with others, he heard one of the diners ask his neighbor

"whether one could be melancholy who had a superabundance of

money. I smiled in my mind, and wished to answer, if it had

been becoming to me in that company, or the question had been

put to me, that one who has every superabundance is not only

subject to melancholy but it is still higher, which is that

of the mind or soul or of the spirit which operates therein.

Wondered that he raised it. This I can testify to, so much

the more, since by God's grace I have bestowed upon me to

superfluity all that I need in earthly measure; can live

richly on my income alone, and carry out what I have in mind,

and yet have a surplus from my revenue, and so I can testify

that the distress and melancholy which comes from lack of the

necessaries of life is in a lower degree and corporeal, but

does not equal the other. But as the power of the spirit is

in the one, I know not whether it is in the other, for it may

seem that the other was strong on behalf of the body yet I do

not go into this."* (JD nos. 76-77)

* The last twenty-one words, from "for it," are crossed out by the Author.

After these reflections at the dinner table, Swedenborg walked home to his lodgings. On the way he passed a bookshop.

"At once thought that may work should do more than that of

another, but at once changed my mind (hirtade mig) by the

thought that the one serves the other, and our Lord has His

many thousand ways to prepare one, so that each and every

book should be left in its worth as a means near or remote

according to each man's understanding. Yet pride will

at once out, which God direct, who has power in His hands."

(JD n. 78)

After these experiences, Swedenborg, having arrived home, the next day writes down his dreams of the preceding night, as recounted above, after which he pens some lengthy reflections as follows:

"I was also in the temptation that thoughts came to me

to which I could not govern; indeed, so severely that I

ceased from any other thought, only for once to give them

rein, to go against the power of

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the spirit, which leads on another path; so severely, that

had God's grace not been stronger, I must have fallen therein

or have become mad. Sometimes I could not get my thoughts to

contemplate Christ whom I had seen, though for a short time

only. The movement and power of the spirit came to me so that

I would rather become mad. By this is signified the [visit]

to the other clergyman. I can compare it to two scales; on

the one lies our will and our evil nature; on the other,

God's power. In temptation our Lord so sets these that

sometimes He allow sit to come to an equal balance, but as

soon as the will weighs downward or the one side, He helps it

up. Thus have I found it, to speak in a worldly manner; from

which it follows that so little is it our own power which

rather draws everything downward and is opposed to

cooperating with the power of the spirit; and thus that it is

only our Lord's work, which He so disposes.

"Then I found that things were brought up in my thoughts

which had been implanted long previously, so that I found

thereby the truth of God's Word, that there is not the least

word or thought God does not know, and if we get not God's

grace we are responsible." (JD nos. 65-67)

Here Swedenborg voices the truth afterwards so abundantly set forth in his theological Writings, that of himself man tends ever downward, but that the Lord perpetually lifts him up.

Continuing his reflections, Swedenborg then writes:

"This I have learned, that it is the only thing in this

state - the other I know not other than in humility to thank

God for His grace, and to pray for it, and that we consider

our own unworthiness and God's endless grace.

"It was marvelous that I could have two thoughts quite

distinct at one an the same time - that for myself, which

wholly and completely occupied the other's thoughts, and with

this the temptation's thoughts, so that nothing was of avail

to drive it away; held me so imprisoned that I knew not

whither to fly, for I bore it with me.

"Afterwards, when there came up before me different

things, I long previously had thought and inrooted, it was as

though it were said to me that I found reasons to excuse

myself, which also was a great temptation, or to attribute to

myself the good I have done, or, better said, which was done

through me. But God's spirit removed this also and put it in

me to find otherwise.

"This last was in such measure (dymhl) stronger than

the former that it penetrated inmostly, and that I had, on

the other hand, stronger evidence of the spirit,* for

sometimes I burst out into sweat. That which came up was not

such that it would condemn me more, for I had the strong

confidence that it was forgiven me, but that I should excuse

myself and make myself free. Every now and then I burst into

tears, not from sorrow but from the inmost gladness that our

Lord willed to do so unworthy a sinner such great grace; for

I found the sum of all this, that it is merely to throw

oneself with humility on our Lord's grace, to find one's own

unworthiness, and to thank God in humility for His grace; for

if there is any glorifying there, which comes to one's own

honor, be it the glorifying of God's grace or of anything

else, it is then impure.

* Swedenborg first wrote "of the soul."

"When I was in my thoughts, which come often before me,

if it should happen, and some one held me for a holy man, and

therefore set value

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on me; nay, as happens in the case of certain simple folks,

they not only venerate but also adore a supposed holy man or

saint; I then found that in the seal in which I then was, I

had rather do that man every ill even to the highest, that

nothing of that sin should rest upon him; and that I with

earnest prayers ought to appease our Lord, that I may have no

part in so damnable a sin which might adhere to me. For

Christ, in whom is all Divinity perfectly, ought alone to be

prayed to, for He taketh the greatest sinner into grace, and

does not consider our unworthiness that we therefore should

address ourselves to other than Him. He is Almighty and the

only Mediator; what He does for the sake of others, such

things are done holily; it is His and not ours.

"I found myself to be more unworthy than others since

our Lord has granted me to go in my thoughts more deeply into

certain matters than any other persons, and that there lies

the very source of the sin - in the thoughts that are brought

into the work; so that my sins come in this way from a deeper

ground than do the sins of many others. Therein found I my

unworthiness and my sins to be greater than those of others.

For 'tis not enough to make oneself out unworthy, which may

consist of a thing which yet the heart is far distant from,

and of dissimulation, but to find the fact that one is; this

is the grace of the spirit.

"Now, while I was in the spirit, and thought, and

sought, as by my thoughts I could get knowledge of it, to

avoid all that was impure. - But yet I noted that on all

occasions that it perched itself forward as it was revolved

in my thought from the ground of self-love. As, for

instance, that when one had not regarded me according to my

own imagination, I always thought, 'If they knew what grace I

had, they would then do otherwise' - which was at once

impure, and had for its foundation self-love. At last I

discovered this, and prayed God for forgiveness; and wished

that others might have the same grace, as perhaps it has had,

or will get. So that I then clearly noted with myself still

that frightful apple, which was not changed, which is the

root and hereditary sin of Adam. Yes, and endless other

roots of sin do I have." (JD nos. 65-75)

Swedenborg then describes his experiences at dinner and when passing the bookshop above referred to. He then continues:

"Had so much of the Lord's grace that, when I wished to

conclude to hold my thoughts in purity, I found myself

possessed of an inner gladness, but nevertheless a pain in my

body, which could not bear the heavenly soul's gladness; for

I humbly left myself in God's grace, to do with me according

to His pleasure. God grant me humility, as I see my frailty,

uncleanness and unworthiness." (JD n. 79)

Now follows a very remarkable passage, which, however, is so heavily crossed off by the author that it is a remarkable evidence of the extreme ability and diligence of the copiest, Doctor F. A. Dahlgren of the Royal Library in Stockholm, that he has been able to read so much of it as he did. This passage, despite its gaps, is clear in showing (as was also shown in the recital of the experience at the table d'hote) that, despite his temptations and his gracious experiences, there was no change in Swedenborg as he was seen by others.

"During all this time," he says, "I was in all my

associations as before, and no one could in the least degree

[perceive] any change in me." He adds that he did not dare

himself to speak of the grace shown him, "for I found that it

could sere no other purpose than either that each one would

think one thing or another concerning me according as he was

against or for; or that no use would be made of

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it." (JD n. 80)
The words "I found" suggest that Swedenborg had spoken of the matter to one or two - perhaps and even probably with his old friend Ambassador Preis, and perhaps also with the clergyman Pambo - with the result recorded. Confer WE nos. 943, 3374, 5392.

He compares himself to a peasant who has been elevated to the place of a king, and can have all his heart's desire, but yet

"wishes to learn that he himself knows nothing," and so

living is this comparison to Swedenborg, that he concludes it

by saying that it troubles him that the peasant "cannot

station himself in this grace." (JD n. 81)
Clearly Swedenborg really considered himself as spiritually a peasant who yet hoped by his trials and temptations to enjoy heavenly grace.

Thus end Swedenborg's reflection on Wednesday, April 8th, when describing his dreams of Tuesday night. This Wednesday, because of the continual temptation which Swedenborg experienced, he calls "a day of prayers" (JD n. 82).

His dreams on Wednesday night reflected the feeling of deep humiliation which he had experienced during the day. Thus, he dreamed of kissing a dog which has belonged to Swab, after which he awoke

"and called on Christ's mercy in that I cherish much pride,

which flatters me." (JD n. 82)

It may be here noted that at several times in these lectures we have had occasion to remark on Swedenborg's desire to excel, and on his eagerness to know how his works were taken. But though he experienced these feelings, he also recognized them as unworthy, and in his writings many times says that he is not influenced by the approval or disapproval of others. Here we have an illustration of his feelings throughout his life which now were concentrated in these days of temptations and doubt thoughts. But now he sees more fully what is involved in this pride in his work, and what true humbleness demands; and so he is troubled on interior grounds.

He next dreamed that a black-clad young woman held his back so firmly

that he could not move; a bystander helped to get her away,

but Swedenborg's arm was still powerless. This, he observes,

"was the temptation on the preceding day, and that I am not

capable of doing any good of myself." (JD n. 83)

Then he dreamed of Saint Peter's in Rome, and of the underlying chapel

"where Peter lies, and he is carried out, and it is said that

still another hides there. It seemed I was free to go in and

out. God led me. Afterwards I saw all that was unclean, and

acknowledged myself to be unclean from head to foot with

uncleanness. Cried on Jesus Christ's mercy. Thus it seemed

that 'I, poor sinful creature' came before me, which also I

read the next day." (JD nos. 84-85)

This refers to a Confession printed in the Hymnbook, page 1020, to which reference has already been made. It reads:

"I, poor sinful creature, who was begotten and born in sin,

and who likewise in all my days have lived a sinful life,

acknowledge from my whole heart before Thee, eternal God

Almighty, my dear Heavenly Father, that I have not loved Thee

above all things, nor my neighbor as myself. Like my fathers

I have, alas! in manifold ways, sinned

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against Thee and Thy holy Commandments, both in thoughts and

in deeds. And I know that on this account I would be worthy

of hell and eternal damnation, wert Thou to judge me as Thy

stern Justice demands and my sins deserve. But Thou, O dear

Heavenly Father, hast promised that Thou wilt show grace and

pity toward all poor sinners who are willing to be converted

and in steadfast faith to fly to Thy incomprehensible mercy

and the merit of the Savior, Jesus Christ. With such Thou

art willing to forgive that in which they have offended

against Thee, and never more impute to them their sins. In

this I, poor sinner, do confide; and I pray unto Thee

confidently that according to Thy promise Thou wilt deign to

be pitiful unto me and gracious, and forgive me all my sins,

for the praise and glory of Thy holy Name."

(Hymnbook p. 1020)

The whole of this Thursday, indeed, Swedenborg was in prayers, songs of praise, reading God's word; fasted

"except in the morning when I was also engaged in other

matters until the same temptation come, in that I was, as it

were, forced to think that which I did not will." (JD n. 86)
Yet, despite the fact that he regarded himself as wholly unworthy and unable to resist his evils during the whole of his life; and despite his comforting thought that God is Almighty and that His power can effect even this;

"yet, there was something that His power can effect even

this; to God's grace, as it behooved, to do with me according

to His pleasure." (JD n. 95)

"This night," he continues, meaning Thursday night, "I

slept quite tranquilly; three or four o'clock in the morning,

I wakened and lay awake, but as in a vision, I could look up

and be awake, when I would, so that I was no otherwise than

awake, yet in the spirit (andanom) was an inner gladness

sensible over the whole body. It seemed, all in an infinite

manner, how that everything concentrated; likewise flow up

and concealed itself in an endlessness, as a center, where

was love itself, and from these extended around and so again

down; this by means of an incomprehensible circle from the

center where was love, round about, and so again thither.

This love in a mortal body, whereof I was then full, was like

the happiness which a chaste man has when he is in actual

love and in ipso actu with his consort, so extreme was the

delight. It was suffused over my whole body, and this for a

long time; which [I experienced] the whole time previously,

especially just before I fell asleep and half an hour after

the sleep, yea, an hour." (JD nos. 87-88; of WLG pt. III)

We may here note that this was especially the case on the night of Sunday, April 5th, being the night preceding that on which the Lord appeared to Swedenborg. His experience of this "wonderful and indescribable circumvolution" was then such that he wrote:

"In short I was in heaven and heard a speech which no human

tongue can utter, with the life that was there, or the glory

and inmost delights that flow from it." (JD n. 44)

It would seem that on both these occasions, and frequently at other times, Swedenborg experienced mentally or sensibly, the effect of that higher circulation of the animal spirit which he had so often described in his works. He was not yet in both worlds simultaneously, for while awake, as it were, as to the body, he was not so awake as to be able to carry on his ordinary intercourse with others. He was in the spirit, and yet sensible of the body. This was a necessary step in that preparation whereby he was gradually brought into a state wherein both body and spirit were fully sensible of their surroundings.

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This, moreover, is implied by Swedenborg's statement that he was in a "vision." This is the first time in the Journal that Swedenborg uses the word "vision." He defines it as being a state when

"I could look up and be awake when I would, so that I was no

otherwise than awake, yet in the spirit was an inner gladness

sensible over the whole body." (JD n. 87)

Later (Sunday night, April 19th), on the occasion of his second vision, he defines it as "neither sleep, nor waking, nor ecstasies." (JD n. 156)

Let us now return to the dream of Thursday night. Swedenborg continues:

"Now, while I was in the spirit, yet awake - for I could lift

up [i. e., open] my eyes and be awake and come again into it

- I then saw and noted that the inner and actual gladness

came therefrom, and in the degree that one could be therein,

in that degree one had happiness; and as soon as one came

into another love which did not concentrate itself thither,

one was then at once out of the road, as to some love to

himself, or which has not concentrated itself there. When

one was thus out, a slight chill came over me, and a kind of

slight shudder, from which, moreover, in that it put me in

pain, I found the source whence my pain has sometimes come,

and found thence whence the great pain comes when the spirit

troubles one, and that at the end one stands in eternal

torment, and gets hell when one unworthily receives Christ in

the Holy Supper; for the spirit is what plagues one [for his]

unworthiness than. In the same condition I was in, I came

still deeper into the spirit, and though I was awake, I could

not govern myself, but there came, as it were, an

overwhelming drive to cast myself on my face, and to put my

hands together and pray what before [I had prayed] concerning

my unworthiness, and with the deepest humility and reverence,

to pray for grace that I, as the greatest sinner, receive the

forgiveness of my sins. I then noticed that I was in the

same condition as on the night before last, but further I

could not see because I was awake." (JD nos. 88-90)

Here evidently Swedenborg came to full wakefulness, and thus sensible of what he had previously experienced. His reference to his state on the preceding Tuesday night, seems to refer to the state of utter humility and dependence on God which he then felt.

"I wondered at this," he continues, "and so it was shown me

in the spirit, that man in this condition is like a man who

goes with his feet up and his head down. And it came before

me why Moses must take off his shoes when he was to go into

the Holy One; and that Christ washed the Apostles' feet, and

answered Peter that when the feet are washed, all is

sufficient. Then, in the spirit, I found that what goes from

the very center, which is love, is the Holy Spirit which is

represented by water, for water or a wave is also mentioned.

In a sum, when one is in the condition to have, not a love

which concentrates itself upon himself, but one which

concentrates itself in the common welfare, which here on

earth or in the moral world, represents love in the

spiritual; and this not for the sake of himself or of society

but for Christ's sake in whom love or the center is; then one

is in the right state. Christ is the ultimate end, the

others are mediate ends, and there they lead directly

thither." (JD nos. 91-92)

In describing the dream that next follows and which was the last dream on the night between Thursday and Friday, Swedenborg makes some observations which throw a pleasing light on his innate courtesy and also give us some picture

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of his conduct at this time, when he was necessarily in contact with many persons far beneath him in rank and learning. Properly to Estimate the import of these observations, it must be borne in mind that Swedenborg, while being a man of some means, as his publishers at least must have known, was also a nobleman, the intimate friend of the Swedish Ambassador, and had been introduced to The Hague Pastor as a distinguished foreigner.

In the dream to which we now refer, Swedenborg was greeted by a friend.

He failed to notice the greeting and thus offended his friend who then

used some harsh words to him. Wishing to excuse himself,

Swedenborg finally said: "I am wont to be [deep] in thoughts

and do not see when some one greets me, so that I may pass my

friends by on the street and not see them. Took and

acquaintance who was there to witness, who said, Yes; and I

said that no one wished (God grant that it become so) to be

more polite and humble than I. This was because of the

former night in that I had been in other thoughts than I

ought to have been in; so may our Lord of his endless grace,

excuse me." (JD n. 93)

We note here Cuno's statement respecting Swedenborg:

"Herr Swedenborg moves very actively in the world, and knows

how to associate with high persons as with low."

(Cuno p. 42; Doc. 2:p. 448)

And speaking of him at a dinner party, Cuno says:

"His deportment was singularly polite and gallant."

(Cuno p. 43; ibid. p. 449)

On the following night, Friday, he dreamed he saw a woman in black who beckoned him into a chamber, but he did not wish to enter. Going out, he then found himself stopped by a ghost, which laid hold of his back but afterwards vanished. Then came an ugly old man in the form of a ghost who did the same thing, but he finally succeeded in escaping. (JD nos. 94-95)
Swedenborg interprets this as signifying his thoughts on the preceding day which had withheld him from entire submission to the Lord.

He the saw a house whose roof came a mighty stream of water.

Some persons tried to stop the opening, others endeavored to

escape; others, to dissipate it into drops; and others to

divert the stream. Of this dream, Swedenborg observes: "It

was, as I think, the power of the Holy Spirit which flowed

into the body and the thoughts. This I, in part, stopped up,

in part avoided, in part turned aside - for the persons

signify my thoughts and will. Afterwards I came out

therefrom and got, like as in my thoughts, to measure in a

certain way, and to divide into parts, that which went out

from the center to the peripheries. It seemed to be heaven,

for afterwards there was a heavenly sheen there. This I can

indeed think about somewhat, but yet dare not assure myself,

for it concerns something that will take place."

(JD nos. 96-97)

One might well suppose that this future thing was the full inspiration which Swedenborg was later to experience, when the stream of water would flow in unchecked by any resistance on his part.

He notes that when troubled by the ghost at his back, he had prayed to

Jesus in his dream and the ghost did not return; yet, when he

woke, he found himself shuddering - and, what should be well

noted, while still awake he heard a dull noise but know not

its source. (JD n. 98)

"Thus," he continues, "when I was awake I fell into thoughts

as to whether this might not be a fantasy. I then noted that

my faith wavered, and so I prayed with folded hands that I

might be strengthened in my

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faith, which also took place. Came also into my thoughts

concerning my worthiness above others; prayed in like manner,

and it at once vanished; so that, if our Lord in the least

take His hand away from one, then he is out of the right path

and out of faith itself. So with me who has so manifestly

experienced it." (JD n. 99)

Swedenborg had slept during the night almost eleven hours, and during the whole of Saturday morning, he says:

"I was in my usual state of internal joy, though with it

there was also a pang which I suppose came from the power of

the spirit and my own unworthiness. Came at last, with God's

help, into the thoughts that one ought to be content with all

that the Lord pleases, for that is His; also that one does

not resist the spirit when one gets from God the assurance

that it is God's grace which had wrought it for our good; for

as we are His, so we must be content with what He pleases to

do with that which is His. Yet one ought to pray thereon to

our Lord, for it does not in the least rest in our power. He

then gave me his grace thereto. I continued on, somewhat,

with my thoughts, and wished to understand why it so happens

- which was a sin - our thoughts should not go in that

direction, but [we ought] to pray our Lord for ability to

control them. It is enough that it so pleases Him. But in

all things one ought to call upon Him, to pray, to thank Him

and with humility to acknowledge our own unworthiness.

"Yet I am weak in body and in thoughts, for it is

something that I know not, save my unworthiness, and that I

am a wretched creature, which torments me; from which I saw

how unworthy I am of the grace received.

"Noted also this; that the stream which fell down, went

through the clothes on one who sat there, when he drew

himself away - perhaps a drop has come on me which presses so

hard. What would it be if the stream [had come upon me?] for

I took the

Creed

'God gives the grace thereto, it is not mine.'"*

(JD nos. 100-3)

* Previous to this, Swedenborg had written the line "God's will be done; I am thine and not mine"; but this he heavily crossed off, doubtless because he copied it in a later page. See JD n. 117.

After this, Swedenborg concludes his notes for the day by observing:

"I found that one can have spiritual torment, even

though, through the spirit, one is assured of having received

forgiveness of his sins, and has hope and confidence to be in

God's grace." (JD n. 104)

I have now adduced so many of Swedenborg's spiritual experiences during these critical days, during the beginning of 1744, that I may now give expression to a thought which has been running through my mind as a result of this study, namely, that in this account of Swedenborg's states we have the most complete and minute description of spiritual temptations that has ever been penned. I use the words "spiritual temptations" advisedly, for, according to the Writings, there is a marked difference between infestation, which is a natural temptation, and temptation proper, which is spiritual. Infestation arises when man is troubled because he wills to do evil and yet acknowledges that he is forbidden to do it by God. The consequent repression, even though voluntary, is felt as painful. Temptation, on the other hand, arises from the fear that the good which one loves may be lost or defiled, and the pain of temptation is proportioned to the love of heaven. Infestation and its pains may be compared to a city possessed by pirates,

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which the inhabitants seek to repossess; but temptation, to a city wherein the inhabitants lead a life of peace and happiness, but which is attacked by pirates whom they repel from love of their city.

Now it will be noted from what has already been adduced respecting Swedenborg's states of anguish, that they arose, not because he loves evils which he tries to resist, but because he loves God and is fearful lest his own corrupt nature deprive him of this love and so of God's grace. This is spiritual temptation, and we need not wonder at Swedenborg now experiencing it. Fro he is now a man of forty-six years of age, and during all this life has lived in an upright and honorable way; but now, from the love of God, he sees more deeply into his own nature, and realizes how far he is from deserving the love of heaven.

This is conspicuously evident in some reflections which he wrote down on Sunday, after describing his dreams of the preceding night. He had slept for eleven hours and had dreamed continually, but did not clearly remember the dreams. One of them concerned the thymus and renal glands, about which he had written in the work now in the press, and he interprets this as meaning

"that as the thymus glad separates the unfit serum from the

blood, and the renal gland afterwards brings back to the

blood that which is purified, so is it also in us

spiritually, as I believe." (JD no. 105)
It may here be noted that something of this spiritual interpretation is given as regards the renal gland, in the Animal Kingdom, where, after setting forth the uses of the kidneys or reins, he adds a footnote calling attention to his doctrine of representatives and correspondences, whereby spiritual truths can be elicited from natural merely by a transportation of terms:
"This symbolism," he concludes, "pervades the living body, and I have chosen simply to indicate it here in order to point out the spiritual meaning of searching the reins." (AK n. 23 = Eng. 1:293 n. u.)

He also dreamed of a preacher who was preaching at persons,

"which signifies," he observes, "that one ought not to preach

or talk or write against any one... Afterwards," he adds, Amy

knees moved as of themselves, which likely signifies that I

have become somewhat humble, as also is the cause, which is

God's grace, wherefore I most humbly give thanks."

(JD nos. 107, 108)

In his comments, he dwells particularly on a dream which we have not yet mentioned, in which his sister Catharine or Caisa, as she was called 95 years younger than himself), pretended to be sick and began screaming, but as soon as her mother appeared she behaved quite differently. (JD no. 106)

"Afterwards, and perhaps from this dream," observes

Swedenborg, "I found with myself that in every single

thought, even that which we think to be almost pure, sticks

an endless mass of sin and impurity, as also in every desire

that comes from the body into the thoughts, they there

originate from very great roots. Though the thought should

seem to be pure, yet, underneath is the fact that one so

thinks because of fear, hypocrisy, and much else, as one can

find to some extent and by reflection; so that no one can

make himself free from sin, and this the less so in that

there is no thought in which much uncleanness or impurity

does not mingle itself. Therefore it is best every hour and

moment to consider oneself deserving of the punishment of

hell, but that God's grace and mercy, which is in Jesus

Christ overlooks it. Nay, I have also noticed that it is our

whole will, which we have received, which is ruled by the

body and brings in thoughts, is opposed to the spirit, that

does this.

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Therefore there is continual strife, and we can in no way

unite ourselves with the spirit in that which is with us by

grace; and thereby we are as dead to all that is good, while

in respect to evil we are our own. For one ought ever to

consider himself guilty of uncountable sins; for the Lord God

knows everything, and we very little of our sins, being those

only which come into our thoughts; but it is only when they

come into deeds that we become convicted of them."

(JD nos. 109-10)

During this Sunday, he thought much concerning the fact

that the will has the most to say in the understanding during

inspiration - and this was represented to him as though with

a kind of spiritual light-writing - that is to say, "the

thoughts then fly in from the body, and in expiration they

are as though driven out or set aright. Thus, even the

thoughts have their alternations of activity, as does the

respiration of the lungs; for inspiration belongs to the will

and expiration to nature. So that our thoughts have their

alternations at every turn of the respiration; for when

wicked thoughts fell in, it was only [necessary] to draw the

breath to oneself and they fell. From this one sees also the

reason why, when in powerful thought, the lungs are held

quiet in equilibrium, more in accordance with nature; and

that the inspirations then proceed faster than the

expirations; otherwise the opposite is the case; also that in

ecstasy one holds the breath, when the thoughts are, as it

were, absent. So in sleep when both inspiration and

expiration belong to nature, that then that is represented

which flows in from above. This, moreover, can be deduced

from the cerebrum, namely, that in inspiration all the inmost

organs with the cerebrum itself, are expanded, and the

thoughts than acquire their origin and flow."

(JD nos. 111-12)

On Sunday night, April 12th, he dreamed of seeing a

great windmill going at a great speed. It then grew dark and

Swedenborg crawled on the ground to avoid being hit by one of

the wings. He actually came under one of them, but it

immediately stopped and he was able by its help to crawl from

under. This means, he says,

"that the day before [i. e., Sunday], I had been in a strife

with my thoughts, signified by the wings, and that sometimes

I knew not whither I was tending; yet, with God's help they

were calmed, and I was thus brought forth safe and sound.

God therefore be honored and praised, who does not look upon

my weakness." (JD n. 113)

In a later dream he was with persons who wanted to make

gold, but must first climb up, which they could not do. Then

he was with two who tired to climb; but the Lord was not with

them, and Swedenborg told them it could not be done.

"I went up ahead," Swedenborg writes; "had a rope and drew;

noticed that under it was something which drew strongly in

the opposite direction. Finally, I saw that it was a man

whom I was able to lift up; and so I felt pleased, and said

that it was as I had said. Signifies, as I think, namely,

that the gold signifies what is good and pleasing to God;

thither one must climb up to get it, and that it is not in

our power howsoever we think ourselves able to do it of our

own power; and that one finds that there is that which pulls

strongly in the opposite direction; fur at last one wins by

God's grace.

"Afterwards I was all along in the same thought, which

became a ruddy light ever brighter, which light signifies

that therein is God's grace, and all amounted to this,

[namely,] actually to do that which is good in accordance

with God's grace and in the faith which God gives, and to

follow it up; that this is making gold, for then one

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gets from our Lord all that is needed and is useful for him.

It was represented very powerfully that what is good ought to

be brought into affect, and that in this lay the gold.

"When I arose [on Monday morning, April 13th], I was in

great fear before our Lord, as though in a chill which made

me shiver at the least hint or thought of that which I was

afraid of. This was God's grace, to show that I must seek

salvation with fear and trembling; and, as I have my creed,

'Thy will be done, I am thine and not mine'; have given

myself from myself to our Lord, so do with me according to

thy pleasure. And in the body also, was likewise something

of discontent, but in the spirit gladness thereat; for 'tis

our Lord's grace which does this. God strengthen me

therein."

Still describing his state on Monday, Swedenborg

continues: "Was continually in a strife with double thoughts,

which strive with each other. I pray Thee, O Almighty God,

that I may receive the grace to be Thine and not mine.

Forgive me if I have said that I am Thine and not mine. This

does not belong to me. I pray for the grace to become Thine,

and that I be not left to myself."

That night he dreamed of his sister Hedwig, the wife of

his fellow Assessor Lars Benzelstierna, with whom, or at any

rate, in the same building, he lived on the occasion of his

first residence in Stockholm. In his dream he did not wish

to have anything to do with her, which he interprets as

meaning "that I ought not to have to do with the Economy of

the Animal Kingdom, but should leave it." (JD nos. 114-19)

We may note here that according to the Prospectus or Plan for 17 proposed Parts of the Animal Kingdom, printed in the first volume of that work, Part III was to treat of the heart, arteries, veins and blood, thus of the subjects already dealt with in the Economy of the Animal Kingdom published some years earlier. Then were to follow parts IV and V on Generation, and Part VI on the Five Senses. Swedenborg had already written the work on Generation, and had the MS. with him, and shortly after the present date he commenced the Part on the Five Senses. From his interpretation of the present dream, it is clear that he had abandoned the idea of repeating his studies on the Blood, as Part III; but whether he still intended to continue the Animal Kingdom with the treatise on Generation is not clear. Probably, for a time, this was his intention, but later on, in London, he determined to publish the treatise on the Five Senses as Part III, as, indeed, he actually did, but the treatise was not complete. It is probable that his interpretation of the dream respecting having nothing to do with his sister Hedwig, was inspired by his current reflections as to the needlessness of publishing a new treatise on the blood.

Furthermore, in his dream, his sister told the children to go out, so that

the adults could play backgammon or cards, which they did in

order to pass the time. Swedenborg interprets this as

meaning "that this is not punishable when one does it right."

(JD n. 119)

Swedenborg then had a further dream but was uncertain as to what it meant.

He then proceeds to describe his state on the Tuesday following these dreams:

"The whole day," he writes, "I was in double thoughts,

which wished to destroy the spiritual by sneering, as it

were, so that I [found] the temptation to be very strong. By

the grace of the spirit I was brought to fix my thoughts on a

tree, thus upon Christ's cross and on Christ crucified. As

often as I did this, the other thoughts fell flat as of

themselves. With the same thought, I drove so strongly upon

it [i. e., the cross] that I seemed to press the tempter down

with

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the cross and to drive him away. Then, for a moment I was

free; afterwards I had to hold my thoughts fixed upon it,

[finding] that as soon as I let it slip out of my thoughts

and my inner vision, I fell into temptation-thoughts. God be

praised who has given me this weapon. God of His grace holds

me therein that I may steadily have my crucified Savior

before my eyes. For I ought not to look upon my Jesus, whom

I have seen; for I am an unworthy sinner; but I ought then to

fall upon my face, and it is Jesus who lifts me up to look

upon Himself. Thus I must look upon the crucified Christ."

(JD nos. 121-22)

On Tuesday night, April 14th, he dreamed of his childish

days in his father's house at Upsala. He was racing

downstairs, hardly touching the steps, but fortunately

arrived at the bottom without injury. Then he heard his

"dear father's" voice, "You alarm me so Emanuel." This

he interprets as meaning that "I used Christ's cross too

boldly yesterday, yet it were God's grace that I came

[through] without danger."

Next in his dream he climbed on a shelf and broke the

neck of a bottle from which then flowed a thick stuff which

covered the floor, meaning "as I think," says Swedenborg,

"that with God's grace and no power of my own, a mass of evil

was uprooted from my thoughts. Sat upon that which was

written, which is what I still have to do." (JD nos. 123-24)

These last somewhat enigmatical words refer, perhaps, to the treatises which were to follow volume II of the Animal Kingdom and the titles which were announced in the first volume of that publication.

In the next dream he appears to be again in his father's house in Upsala.

He hears a bear growling, and, being afraid to remain in the

upper story, descends into one of Doctor Moraeus' rooms [Dr.

Moraeus had been his tutor] and shut the windows,

"which signifies temptation, both from avarice and perhaps

something else; also that I am entering into my anatomical

speculations."

In another dream, a pretty girl had said Ayes" to Doctor Moraeus' proposal,

and he had her permission to take her where he would.

Swedenborg then joked with the girl, telling her she had been

very willing to say yes, etc., etc. The girl then became

larger and more beautiful. This means, says Swedenborg,

"that I should inform myself on the muscles and reflect upon

them."

These dreams seem to have occurred early in the evening (Tuesday, April 14th), for Swedenborg continues his description by saying:

"I had a preternaturally good and long sleep, twelve hours.

When I wakened, I had before my eyes the crucified Jesus and

His cross. The spirit came with its heavenly life, as it

were, ecstatic, so highly, and likewise left it to me to go

still higher and higher therein, so that, had I gone higher I

would have been dissolved by this same actual life of joy.

"Thus it came to me in the spirit that I had gone too

far; that in my thoughts I had embraced Christ on the Cross,

when I kissed His feet, and afterwards removed myself

therefrom and falling on my knees and prayed before Him

crucified. Thought that as often as I do this, the sins of

my weaknesses are forgiven me. It came to me that I might

have the same before my eyes in an idol, but this I found to

be far from the right and to be a great sin."

(JD nos. 125-28)

These references to Christ crucified, which are unique in all Swedenborg's writings, strongly suggest that at this time Swedenborg was in some sort of association with the Moravian Brethren. Other evidence of some association with

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the Moravians is suggested by the fact that in February 1744, Swedenborg had seen in a dream the Moravian's Chapel in London exactly as he later saw it with his bodily eyes (JD n. 202); and by the further fact that when he arrived in London, he took lodging with a Moravian shoemaker with whom he had made the voyage from Holland. It may also be noted that at this time, a certain religious fanaticism appeared among the Moravians, which manifested itself by centering its attention on Christ on the Cross and particularly on His wounds (see McClintock and strong, art. Moravian Brethren, p. 586). If Swedenborg had indeed come in contact with some pious Moravian with such a disposition, it would not be surprising if what he had heard gave some form to the dreams aroused by spirits. It will be noted that in his final reflections concerning this dwelling on the crucified Christ, Swedenborg says he had gone too far, and that the same thing might have been done "in an idol," which - as he concludes - would be "a great sin."

In his dream on Wednesday night, April 15th, he seemed to be climbing by

a ladder out of a depth. At the top he lay down, and two

women, one young and the other a little older, came, and

after he had greeted them, they sat down beside him. "I

kissed the hands of both, and knew not which I should love;

it was my thoughts and ouvrage d'esprit, two sorts; they then

finally came up I took them again and greeted, and again took

them." Later in the day he wrote that this, and most of the

following dreams "must signify otherwise"; and he adds that

the two women meant "that I would rather be in philosophical

studies than in spiritual, which the better showed my

inclination." (JD n. 129)

Later we shall have more to say on the significance of these

words. For the present we pass on to the second dream.

In this dream he came to a place where men were assembled, and separate

in one place was a great crowd of handsome young people who

were joined by others, among them Henning Gyllenborg who came

riding. "I went thither and kissed him and stood by him;

signifies I am again coming to my things of the memory and

imagination, and to greet them back again. Therefore I am

coming again to the superior and inferior faculties."

(JD n. 130)

Later Swedenborg revised this by writing that his kissing

Henning Gyllenborg and seeing so many persons means "that not

only was I pleased at getting to be in the world, but also

wished to boast of my work."

In a third dream, Swedenborg was in his own home where many came. He

knew that he had hidden away a beautiful little woman and a

lad whom he still was hiding. He had but a slight store of

provisions and therefore did not wish to bring out his silver

plate, nor to lead his guests into an inner magnificent

chamber. This means, he adds, "that I have come home to

myself again, and that I have won the knowledge which here is

now written down; and that in time I shall likely come to

make use of it, and set out the silver and bring them into

the beautiful chamber."

In the next dream Swedenborg seems to be accusing a certain

person, but in the end excused him somewhat because he made

admission. "Signifies that I accused but yet excused myself

because I myself admitted everything." (JD nos. 131-32)

In the last dream of that night "it was said Nicolaus or Nicholaus Nicholai;

whether this signifies my new name, I know not. The most

remarkable thing was that I now represented the internal man,

and, as it were, another than myself; also that I greeted my

own thoughts, shamed them, my things of the memory; accused

another; so that now I am changed, in that I represent one

who is opposed to another, and the internal man;

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for I have prayed God that I might not be mine, but that God

may be pleased to let me become His.

"This has now lasted for twenty-one days [i. e., since March

26th]." (JD n. 133)

In his revised interpretation of this dream, Swedenborg says:

"Nicholaus Nicolai was a philosopher who every year sent

loaves to Augustus." (JD n. 134)
Swedenborg appears to have looked up this matter, for the Nicholaus he now refers to is Nicholaus Damascenus, the intimate friend on Herod the Great and of the Emperor Augustus; the latter so appreciated the honeycakes sent him by Nicolaus that he called them after his name, and according to Suidas, they are still so called (see Grotius, Epistolae ad Guil. Grotium, n. 264).

Continuing, Swedenborg writes: "Found it due me again to

excuse myself before our Lord, because in spiritual things I

am a stinking carcase." (Ibid.)

On Friday morning, Swedenborg called on the Swedish Envoy Preis, and at Swedenborg's request, the Envoy called on Pastor Pambo to arrange for Swedenborg again to partake of the Lord's Supper, to which the Pastor of course consented. Preis also invited Swedenborg to eat with him later, and Swedenborg notes that

he met Pastor Pambo there, indeed, that he "went in with him

- which was our Lord's Providence." But he had no appetite

at the subsequent meal.

Later in the day he took the Lord's Supper at Pastor Pambo's,

and it was after this that he wrote out the dreams of the

preceding night.

In the evening, he had some frightful dreams, but he does not

remember them very well. Thus he dreamt that the executioner

roasted the heads that he struck off and put them one after

another into an empty oven which yet was never filled; again,

he dreamed that the Evil one had seized him; and he adds at a

later time, "I was cast, bound all over, into hell."

Nevertheless, he afterwards slept for ten hours.

(JD nos. 135-37, 140)

"Yet," he writes, "I am sure that god shows grace and

compassion with all poor sinners who are willing to turn, and

with steadfast faith to flee to His inconceivable mercy and

to the Savior Jesus Christ's merit. Therefore, I assure

myself of His grace, and leave myself in His protection,

because I surely believe myself to have received forgiveness

of my sins; this is my confidence which God strengthen for

Jesus Christ's sake." (JD n. 139)

During the whole of this Saturday, Swedenborg was

"alternatively in interior anguish and sometimes in despair;

yet I was assured of the forgiveness of my sins. Thus there

stood out at times a mighty struggle until ten o'clock when

with God's help I fell into a sleep. Then it seemed to be

said to me that something will come to be offered from

within. Slept for one and a half hours." (JD n. 140)

On Saturday night he had many dreams. First he was laboring at a

treasure chest which they labored to bring in and succeed

only after shaving it down, "which signifies how one must

work to gain heaven."

Then he seemed to have a poor watch, though he had

costly ones at home, signifying that "I will likely gain

knowledges which are noble, whereupon I may use my time."

Afterwards he seemed to be wound about below with layers

of coverings, signifying "that I am further protected that I

may remain in the right way." (JD nos. 141-43)

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There were also other dreams, the meanings of which were obscure or vague.

The next day was Sunday, April 19th, and Swedenborg went to church - probably with Envoy Preis who was a prominent and active member of the German congregation (see NCL 1914:767). Apparently the sermon he heard was one that strained his reason, for later in the day, after describing his dreams, he continues:

"This day I was somewhat restless in my mind, because my

thoughts flowed in against my will pro and con and I could

not control them. Was at Divine service and found that my

thoughts in matters of faith concerning Christ, His merit,

and the like, even those that are favorable and confirming,

nevertheless cause unrest and bring forward contrary thoughts

which one cannot ward off when one wills to believe from his

understanding and not from the Lord's grace.

Finally it was given me by the Spirit's grace that I received

the faith without reasoning, and assurance concerning it.

Then I saw my thoughts which confirmed it, as beneath me.

Laughed at them in my mind; much more at those which thrust

at them and were opposed. My faith seemed to be far above

the thoughts of my understanding. Then first did I get

peace; God strengthen me therein, for 'tis His work, and so

much the less mine, since my thoughts, yes, the best of them,

destroy rather than promote. Then one laughs at oneself,

both when one thinks in opposition and also when one wishes

to confirm with his understanding that which one believes.

It is therefore the higher part, I know not whether it is the

highest, when a man gets the grace not to mingle his

understanding in matters of faith; although it seems that

with certain ones our Lord admits that assurance from that

which moves the understanding. Blessed are they who believe

and do not see. This I have clearly written in the Prologue

[to the Animal Kingdom], nos. 21, 22. But yet, of myself I

could not have remembered this, or have arrived at it; but

God's grace myself unknowing, effected it. Then afterwards I

found it from the very effect and the change in all my inner

being. For it is God's grace and work, to whom be

everlasting glory;

for from this I see how hard it is for the learned, more than

the unlearned, to come to this faith and thus above

themselves, so that they laugh at themselves; for adoration

of one's own understanding must first of all be plucked up

and cast down, which is God's work and not man's. Equally is

it God's work, to hold oneself in therewith. This faith then

becomes separated from our understanding and lies above it.

"This is pure faith, the other is impure so long as it

mingles itself with our understanding. One ought to take his

understanding captive under the obedience of faith.

Therefore, that one believes, ought to be because He has said

it who is a God over all, the truth itself. This is what is

meant by this, that we ought to be as children. Much of what

I have seen [in my dreams] harmonizes with this, and perhaps

also this, [namely,] that so many heads were roasted and cast

into the oven which was the food of the Evil one."

(JD nos. 148-52)

These last words refer to Swedenborg's frightful dream on

Friday night.

"Moreover," he continues, "that confirmations becloud

faith is seen from the fact that the understanding extends no

further than to probabilities. In these it ever lies like

the trying of a major or minor [proposition]. For the

confirmations from one's own understanding are always subject

to dubitation, which beclouds the light of faith; but thus

the true faith is God's gift alone which one receives if one

lives after God's commandments, and so assiduously prays Him

thereon." (JD n. 153)

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It has seemed to some that passages such as these indicate a growing sympathy on the part of Swedenborg with that faith alone which his father so heartily and constantly condemned as being hjarnetro not a hjartatio.* Yet, though not cast in the same religious setting, the same teaching is given by Swedenborg in his scientific works, as, for instance, in those paragraphs in the Prologue to the Animal Kingdom to which he himself refers, also in the Infinite and elsewhere. Our understanding of Swedenborg's words in the present passage would perhaps be clarified if we knew the nature of the sermon to which he had been listening; but in any case, it is quite clear that he never entertained the idea of a faith contrary to reason when he said that the understanding must be held captive under the obedience of faith.

* Brain faith, not heart faith.

Indeed, properly understood, this latter expression is true. For faith is internal sight, and man must necessarily see a truth before he can confirm it. An enlightened man sees and believes that God is, that He is one, that He governs the least things of the universe; and if he is not able to remove difficulties caused by the natural rational, or advanced by the unbeliever, this should not lessen his faith which he does see. The same teaching is given very frequently in the Writings when speaking of the affirmative and the negative.

Our interpretation of Swedenborg's words will necessarily depend on our estimate of his character. And that at this time, as before, he was a man of exalted rationality and learning, is shown by that very Prologue to which he refers with approval as having been led to write it by God's grace. See above, pages 713seq.

On Sunday night, April 19th, Swedenborg "had an entirely different sleep;

dressed much and afterwards came into shudderings," but more

he could not remember. "On wakening, I held my hands

together. I thought that they were pressed together by a

hand or fingers which, with God's help, signifies that our

Lord has heard my prayers." (JD nos. 154-55)

Here we have the evidence of a somewhat more ultimate sensation of the presence of the spiritual world, in that he actually felt a hand or fingers pressing his own hands. Compare with this, his experience in 1747 - three years later - when his spiritual senses were wholly open; when, in saying the Lord's prayer, he felt his hands folded together and loosened by a manifest force (Mem. N. 81, Index s. v. Manus).

Continuing his dreams on Sunday night, Swedenborg writes:

"Afterwards, in a vision, which is neither sleep nor

waking nor ecstasy, it came to me that King Charles fought

the first time as in vain, afterwards in the second battle

with the Saxons he won the victory and was full with blood.

Afterwards even the Muses have won; which signifies that with

God's grace I have won the strife and that Jesus' blood and

merit helped me and that in my studies I shall win my

object." (JD n. 156)

"I rose up now a whole God up. To God be thanks and

praise. I will not be mine, I am certain, and I believe that

Thou, O God, lets me be Thine all the days of my life, and

takes not Thy Holy Spirit from me, which strengthens and

upholds me." (JD n. 157)

Swedenborg wrote these last words on Monday, and they were the result of the spiritual trials he had experienced during the whole day. As he himself writes:

"This day [Monday], I was in the strongest temptation,

so that when

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I thought of Jesus Christ, godless thoughts at once came

within me which I could not help. As it seemed to me, I

struck myself, but can acknowledge that I have never been in

such lively courage as on this day, and not the least

fainthearted or pained as on the other days, although the

temptation was the strongest, for the reason that our Lord

has given me this strong trust and confidence that He is

helping me for Jesus Christ's sake, and His promise, so that

I then found what this faith had as its effect." (JD n. 158)

"It was also at the presence of this courage that I was

so angry with Satan that I would fight with him with the

weapons of faith. From this, one finds what is the effect of

faith without reasoning or strengthening of one's reasons.

But this is God's grace alone. Had this happened formerly, I

would have become altogether fainthearted. I was yet afraid

that I had offended our Lord with something like the sue of

force to free myself, on account of which, however, I prayed

for forgiveness with what humility I could. This is probably

what Charles XII signifies who was all bloody." (JD n. 159)

No dreams are recorded for Monday night, but on Tuesday night Swedenborg had many dreams. He dreamed of being lost in a dark house, signifying that he had gone astray the preceding day; he finds a dog with him in bed, and fears to be bitten, signifying the thoughts he had had, that he was precluded from thinking on what was holy; he sees a bundle containing a dog with a sucking whelp, signifying his horrible thoughts; something is torn off from a fishing rod, signifying that he will be liberated. Then the word "vision" is used for the third time in this Journal, and again we have evidence of a growing spiritual sensitiveness. He writes:

"In vision it seemed to me as if something were torn to

pieces in the air; likely signifies that my double thoughts

shall be torn asunder.

"When I wakened, there was heard the

words all grace, which signifies that all that had happened

is grace and for my good.

"Afterwards," he continues Swedenborg, putting down his

thoughts on the next day, Wednesday, April 22nd, which, as we

learn, had been exceedingly unpleasant, JD n. 167) "because I

seemed to be so widely separated from God that I still could

not think of Him so livingly, I came into hesitation as to

whether I should not turn my course homeward. Came a lot of

unwoven [?] reasons and a movement of the body; but I took

courage and found that I am come to do the very best and to

advance God's honor; had got talent; all helped to this; the

spirit had been with me from youth for this purpose. I held

myself unworthy to live, if I go on other than the right

path. Thus laughed at the other seductive thoughts."

(JD nos. 163-64)

These words are eloquent of Swedenborg's state of mind at this time. Here he was on an extended leave of absence granted him by his College and the King for the purpose of pursuing studies and giving out books which would redound to the benefit of the learned world and the honor of Sweden. Two of his volumes were being printed and were almost ready for publication. He had with him the MS. of all the continuation which needed but to be revised or rewritten. And then came these terrible temptations, these thoughts of his own unworthiness; the despair of so far overcoming the love of self as to be enabled to have an undimmed vision of the truth which he sought by diligent study to elicit. And with these thoughts must also have come the recollection of the reception that had been accorded his former publication, the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, how little it had been understood, how obscure to the medical reviewers had been those reflections and conclusions which to him, a non-medical man, seemed so clear, so illuminating. And so he thought of giving up his work; of returning home, and

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instead of speculating on the hidden mysteries of nature, devoting his time and labor to those studies in mineralogy which would be understood by the learned, and would be rewarded by renown. And then suddenly came encouragement. His sole wisdom, and so to lead the learned to the acknowledgment of God. And now his conviction as to the justice of the course he had pursued, and the truth of his conclusions, came upon him with renewed force. He reflected on the whole course of his life, how that from his youth he had been prepared for this work, how that he had been given talent, had received a good education, been associated with learned men, was gifted with a fine memory and a rare ability to think abstractly; and, above all, how that the steady purpose of his writings had been to lead men to God by a true philosophy of nature. And so his courage returned, the Lord was with him; all these spiritual trials were but means whereby he might receive a truer and deeper vision, and so might become a true philosopher entertaining, and girded himself anew for the work of completing that cycle of volumes which he hoped would bring to men a knowledge of the city of God in the inmost shrine of nature.

"Thus," writes Swedenborg, continuing his reflections,

"of sensual pleasures, wealth, eminence which I had pursued,

all this I found to be vanity, and that he who is not in

possession thereof but is happily content is more fortunate

than he who is; for I laughed at all confirming reasons, and

so with God's help I made my resolution. God help me."

(JD n. 165)

When he had reached this conclusion, then even as his pen was on the paper

"A hen seemed to cackle as she does immediately after she has

laid an egg." (Ibid.)
This was not a sound heard by him immediately after waking but while he was fully awake and active. But it only "seemed" that he heard it; thus, this hearing was but a faint precursor of the hearing of spirits that was to come later.

The thoughts that Swedenborg had thus been entertaining as to the necessity of continuing those studies whose and was to bring man to faith in God, now lead him to some further reflections as to the nature of faith - reflections which are supplementary to those he had noted down on Sunday after attending Divine service, and explanatory of them.

"Further, I noted," he writes, "faith does indeed

consist in the sure trust one gets from God, but yet it

consists in the work - that one does that which is good to

his neighbor, each and every one according to his talent, and

this ever more; and that one does it from faith that God has

so commanded, and does not reason further about it, but does

love's work under faith's obedience, even though it be

against the body's pleasure and against its persuasions. Thus

a faith without works is no right faith. One must actually

forsake himself." (JS. N. 166)

We learn later (JD n. 167), that on this day, Wednesday, he saw the Lord for the third time, and this during the daytime. He had fallen into frightful thoughts

"that the Evil One has got me - yet with the confidence that

he was outside and would soon let me go. When I was in

damnable thoughts, the worst that could be, at that same time

Jesus Christ as powerfully presented before my inner eyes, an

the Holy Spirit's work came over me, so that therefrom I

could know that the devil was gone." (JD nos. 167-68)

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That night he had many bad dreams about dogs, and when he woke up in the morning, he again fell into the same frightful thoughts as on the preceding day; and every now and then was in infestation and in double thoughts and in conflict.

After dinner, however, "I was in a pleasant mood for the most

part, and thought of God, although I was occupied with

worldly matters. I then journeyed to Leyden." (JD n. 168)

Leiden, the old university town, was three hours journey from The Hague by canal, and Amsterdam by canal via Haarlem, was nine hours from The Hague. (Descr. Of Hol., p. 349)

Why Swedenborg stopped at Leiden is not apparent. Perhaps it as for rest, perhaps to consult some work in connection with his studies, perhaps for the purpose of visiting a friend, perhaps, and more probably, for the presentation of a copy of two volumes of the Animal Kingdom to the University Library.

That these volumes were now published seems evident from a letter which Swedenborg sent from London to Envoy Preis on March 11, 1745, wherein he states that while in The Hague (which city he left for England on May 1st), he had presented the Envoy with volumes I and II of the Animal Kingdom. (NCL 1896:186; LM p. 499)

During his night in Leiden he had some remarkable dreams. First he was fighting with a woman and at last struck here on the forehead with a plate as hard as he could, and then squeezed her face.

"It was my infestations and my conflicts with my thoughts

vanquished."
Then he seemed to hear the words interiorescit integratus

"which signifies that with my infestations I am inwardly

purified." (JD nos. 169-70)

After this

"there was dictated to me the whole night something holy

which ended with sacrarium et sanctuarium. This had been

said by a woman with whom he found himself in bed. He then

loved this woman, and the thought came to his mind "that a

child must be the result." He departed in wonderment. He

adds:

"At the bed was one who lay in wait for it (derefter) but she

went away first." (JD no. 171)

Referring to this dream six months later, Swedenborg observes that

"all the objects of the sciences are represented to me by

means of woman." (JD n. 213)
Two months later, in September, he dreams of the same woman who is now pregnant, and he interprets this as signifying the birth of the third volume of the Animal Kingdom. (JD n. 239)
Moreover, at the end of his Journal, on the back cover page, at any rate, in a general way:

"Truths or virgins of this kind," he says, "deem it shameful

to be given in sale. They deem themselves so precious and

dear to those who cultivate them, that they show indignation

if one offers a price, and more so if one comes to purchase

them. To others, who hold them as vile, they raise their

eyebrows. Wherefore, lest they fall under the censure of the

former, and into contempt by the latter, they would rather

offer themselves freely to those that love them. I, who am

their servant, dare not but do their will lest I be deprived

of their service." (JD n. 286)

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A circumstance which is very apt to mislead the student of this period of Swedenborg's life is the fact that one is apt to consider his words and descriptions by ordinary standards; whereas Swedenborg was at this time in an extraordinary state of elevation of thought and of interior reflection. In such a state, his dreams and sometimes his written words are but the expression of some interior thought, on which alone Swedenborg's mind is intent. To judge his words otherwise is grossly to misunderstand them. We see something of a like kind in some of his scientific works, as when he says:

"Nature has now hardly a covering wherewith to veil herself.

Already she awaits a man of genius trained by experiments,

disciplined by the sciences and arts, and possessed of the

faculty of searching out causes, to whom, in our day as I

think, she will betroth herself ... and join him in covenant

and bed. Would that I might scatter the nuts and head the

bearers of the torches." (Psych. Trans., H. bet. S. and B.,

n. 40, pp. 54-55)

Returning now to the dream in Leyden, Swedenborg writes of it on the following day:

"This signifies the uttermost love for the holy, for all

love has its source therefrom. It is a series. In the body

it is actual ... and pure; thus it signifies the love for

wisdom. The former has been in place of truth, yet, as one

was listening thereon, and it was not done before this one

was away, signifies one ought to be silent thereon, and no

one hear of it, for what to the worldly understanding is

impure, is in itself pure." (JD n. 172)

After this dream he slept a little, and in his dream he saw oil mingled

with some mustard, "which seems to be my life that is to

come, and then it may be joy with some adversity, or that it

signifies a cure for me." (JD n. 173)

On Friday, April 24th, Swedenborg proceeded on his way to Amsterdam in order there to make the necessary financial arrangements for the transfer of funds to London where he intended shortly to travel.

In the evening, Swedenborg experienced a new state which he found it difficult to describe:

"The whole night for about eleven hours," he writes, "I

was neither in sleep nor awake; in a wonderful trance; knew

all that I dreamed; my thoughts were held bound up, which

made me sweat at times. This state of sleep I cannot

describe; through which my double thoughts were, as it were,

separated from each other or split asunder. Among other

things, dreamed that I talked a few times with King Charles

XII, as he talked altogether with me, at which I wondered,

but in broken French which I did not understand.* And also

when I talked to others and I thought he did not hear, he was

besides me, at which I was ashamed that I had spoken.

Signifies that God speaks with me, and that I understand only

the very least thereof, for it is representations, which as

yet I understand right little; and that He hears and notes

all that is said and every thought which one has; and also so

sure is it that no thought escapes which He does not see, and

all to the ground, ten thousand times more than I myself."

(JD nos. 174-75)

* It is well known that although Charles XII understood French, he persistently refused to talk with ambassadors, etc., in any language but Swedish.

This dream suggests that Swedenborg still preserved an exalted idea of

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April

Charles XII, for in dreams the representations of spirits frequently take the forms of persons from the memory of the dreamer according to the latter's ideas concerning those persons.

We note also that this is the first time in the Journal that Swedenborg speaks of representations in speech, and that "as yet" he little understands it. We shall refer to this later, when discussing Swedenborg's work during this period.

In a second dream on this Saturday, April 25th, Swedenborg

saw men and women sitting in a ship to sail off. One showed

him the way home into a beautiful room where also was wine.

Swedenborg interprets this as meaning "perhaps that I shall

send over my work to England; and that I should that day be

led to where I should assume myself - which also happened at

Herr Hinr. Posch." (JD n. 176)

This Herr Posch or rather Bosch, with whom Swedenborg spent

Friday night in social amusement, was a young man of 24 years

who, the year previously, had graduated from the Medical

School in Leiden and had been made a citizen of his native

town Amsterdam where he became city physician. His

graduation treatise on the use and action of the large

intestines (July 1743) may have interested Swedenborg who had

so recently written on the same subject - or, Swedenborg may

have interested him. He was also a man of literary taste and

translated some pieces of poetry from the English.

(Nieuw Biog. Woordenb. IV:234)

As to Swedenborg's going to England, he had already determined on this, and doubtless he interpreted his dream as being perhaps a confirmation of this determination.

On Saturday, April 25th, Swedenborg returned to The Hague. That night he had

"a fine and precious sleep for about eleven hours with

various representations."
In his dreams a married woman pursued him, but he escaped.

"Signifies that the Lord saves me from temptation and

persecutions."
Again a married woman desired him, but she saw he preferred on unmarried one. She grew angry and persecuted him. Yet he got the unmarried one and loved her, which

"perhaps signifies my thoughts." (JD nos. 177-78)

In a third dream in company with a woman, he walked around a

large and beautiful property which she owned. He was to

marry her and loved her "in the usual way which seemed to be

in place of the actual marriage." It was piety, he observes,

and "I think also wisdom which owned the properties."

(JD n. 179)

Lastly, "it was represented in a certain way that I ought not

to contaminate myself with other books which concern

theological matters and the like; for this I have in God's

Word and from the Holy Spirit." (JD n. 180)

Does this indicate that Swedenborg's mind was now turning to theology? I think not. All studies after this period up to the fall of the year, so far as we have a record of them, are on subjects connected with the continuance of his Animal Kingdom. But, as we shall show presently, he had lately been engaged in studying the Word with a view to seeing correspondences and representations therein. In the course of this study, he had made a note of a book, perhaps with the intention of securing and studying it, namely, "Phil. Pinicellus, 'The

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Symbolic World formed in the universality of emblems, explained and illustrated by the erudition and sentiments of sacred and profane writers.' Fol., 2 vols., Colon., 1965," and it was probably in this connection that it was represented to him "in a certain way" that he should not read books of theology but should be content with the Word of God alone. (A Phil. NB. P. 466)

Many years later, in a letter to Doctor Beyer, Swedenborg himself refers to this incident when he says:

"I was forbidden to read writers on dogmatic and systematic

theology before heaven was opened to me, because baseless

opinions and inventions might thereby have easily insinuated

themselves, which afterwards could have been removed with

difficulty; ... and as the Word of God is the source whence

all theology must be derived, I was enabled thereby to

receive instruction from the Lord, who is the Word."

(Doc. 2:p. 260 = LM II:630)

And yet, though Swedenborg did for some time forward continue with his physiological studies, his constant reading and study of the Word had brought to him some wonder and even doubt as to whether he ought to continue with his new study or return to those anatomical works, the publication of which had been the sole object of his long and costly journey. No dreams are recorded for Sunday night and Monday night, but on Tuesday night, April 28th, he has a number. After describing these, he writes:

"All this seems to signify that if I go on with the other

[work] I have set before me, I have borrowed a lot from the

spiritual to go to heaven therewith, which I do not wish to

pay back, if not at last late." (JD n. 186)

No dreams are recorded for Wednesday night, but from what he writes concerning the dreams of the next day, the last of April, it appears that on this Wednesday he had unduly indulged his appetite at the table - perhaps at some farewell meeting with friends. When we consider Swedenborg's character and the positive evidence we have as to his moderation, to say nothing of his spiritual state at this time, we cannot imagine the immoderateness he now refers to was a very serious matter. But Swedenborg did have a good healthy appetite, if we are to take the testimony of Cuno who, writing twenty-five years later when Swedenborg was eight years old, says of him when present at a dinner party:

"This time he ate with such good appetite that I was

much surprised at it. But they could not persuade him to

take more than three glasses of wine at the most, which,

moreover, were half filled with sugar, of which he was more

than ordinarily fond. At desert, talking went on right

pleasantly, and it continued thereafter while we drank tea

and coffee." (Cuno p. 44; Doc. 2:p. 449)

It should be noted, however, that just preceding this passage, Cuno had written:

"For himself Swedenborg lived very frugally. In his own

room, chocolate and zweibach generally constituted his midday

meal, and of this his landlord, landlady and children always

got the greater part. If he had any appetite he went to a

neighboring eating house." (Cuno p. 40; Doc. 2:p. 447)

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However, Swedenborg took his present immoderateness quite seriously, and he sees it signified in a dream which he had that night.

In that dream he saw a man with a pointed sword, and as the

man was somewhat drunk, Swedenborg felt himself in some

danger. Of this dream he writes:

"It signifies that on the preceding day I had drunken

somewhat more than I ought, which is not of the spirit but of

the flesh, and thus sinful." (JD n. 187)

In another dream he saw his brother Eliezer attacked by a

boar, and on drawing nearer, saw him lying between two boards

which were eating his head, and being unable to get any help

he ran by.

"Signified, as I think, that on the preceding day I was

caring for my own skin and had eaten to superfluity, which is

work on the flesh and not of the spirit, fur such is the life

of swine and it is forbidden by Paul." (JD n. 188)

"On the following day," Swedenborg continues - namely,

Thursday, April 30th - "I watched myself somewhat but came

into a tolerably strong temptation that now hereafter I

should so compel my appetite. Came into a wonderful situation

and into chagrin, as it were; but quickly became delivered

therefrom after I had prayed and sung a psalm; especially

since I wish not to be my own but to live as a new man in

Christ." (JD n. 189)

For some days thereafter, including the time of his voyage to London, Swedenborg, for the most part, was in spiritual anguish for several hours without being able to tell the cause.
"However, I seemed to be assured of God's grace. Yet, after midday meals I was in very great enjoyment and in spiritual peace." (JD n. 190)

I might introduce, as bearing on Swedenborg's state during the period which we are now considering, the following from the Memorabilia n. 3904, written in November 1748. Swedenborg is speaking of the difficulty men have in believing that they do not live from themselves. In the spiritual world he met one who had been known to him as learned and zealous defender of the faith. This spirit came to Swedenborg and said, "Now I know nothing and am in such obscurity that I hardly know what truth is." Swedenborg then told him that he had been reduced to this state because in the other life, "one does not love what confirms the knowledges of faith contrary to one's life, but loves rather what confirms the life as against one's knowledges; and when there is such a conflict, it follows that he is in obscurity and in ignorance. Into this state," continues Swedenborg, "I also had been reduced before it was given me to speak with spirits and angels." Compare with this Swedenborg's repeated statement "I am Thine and not mine," and also his statement that before his spiritual eyes were opened, he had not known that his thoughts were known to spirits. (Mem. N. 4390 = AC nos. 5855, 6214)

Now comes a space of all but two weeks, from May 1st to May 13th, when he left for England, without the record of a single dream.

What was Swedenborg doing during these days? Of course there was necessary business to be transacted in connection with his departure, the settling of the expense for printing the Animal Kingdom, etc. But we feel justified in assuming that Swedenborg's active pen was not idle. And here is a suitable place at which to turn back and inquire into the work which Swedenborg was doing from the end of March when he finished the Epilogue to the Animal

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Kingdom to May 13th when he left Holland. As will appear in the sequel, there are several indications that Swedenborg did not resume work on the next volume of the Animal Kingdom until after his arrival in London; and, as we have pointed out above more than once, there are also indications that after finishing the Epilogue of Volume II he devoted his whole attention to the study of correspondences and representations in the Bible.

Whether he wrote the Hieroglyphic Key at this time I cannot say, though I think it probable. The work is a very short one and might easily have been written by Swedenborg's facile pen and active mind in a week. He appears to have commenced it by making a list of triplets (e. g. Motion, Action, Divine Operation; Harmony, Concord, Love; Aura, Rational Mind, Divine Spirit, etc.), and then taken these separately and demonstrated their correspondential relation. This is clear from the fact that although no part of the work is lost, the Index work is written in the Animal Kingdom style, namely, a series of statements followed and confirmed by notes. And that he had the MS. with him in 1744 when he was in London, is shown by the fact that in the Worship and Love of God he quotes from it verbatim, and notes in the MS. itself the passages thus quoted. (See Psych. Trans. Pp. xxiv-v.)

The design of the work is to show that the whole created universe in a complete whole of which God is the Soul; and, consequently, that it contains or is constituted of a series of discrete degrees so related to each by correspondences that the lower degree must be the representation in more ultimate form of its superior degree. These three degrees or classes he calls the class of things natural, that of things animal and rational, and that of things spiritual and theological; or they may be called likeness, types and exemplars. (Psych. Trans. P. 158, HK n. 4)

"Things divine are exemplars, things intellectual, moral and

civil are types and images, while things natural and physical

are likenesses. Thus exemplars, types and likenesses must by

all means represent each other." (Ibid. p. 162, n. 9)
Or "Exemplars are in the spiritual world; images and types are in the animal kingdom; and likenesses in nature."

Here Swedenborg is confessedly pursuing further his thoughts concerning a universal mathesis. Indeed, he formulates an equation on the basis of his correspondences, namely, w:m::e:a = "As the world stands in respect to man, so stand natural effects in respect to rational actions." (Ibid. P. 168 = n. 25)

He notes that

"The Egyptians, moreover, seem to have cultivated this

doctrine, and to have signified these correspondences by

hieroglyphic characters of the utmost diversity, whereby are

expressed not only natural things but also and at the same

time spiritual things. Respecting this science of the

Egyptians, see a complete book by Aristotle."

(Ibid. p. 183 = n. 53)

The book referred to is that pseudo-Aristotelian work, Divine Wisdom according to the Egyptians, from which Swedenborg quotes so frequently in his A Philosopher's Note Book.

That Swedenborg placed great value on this science of correspondences is shown by his statement that in it we have a test whereby to examine whether we have arrived at the truth on any plane.

"There are two modes of proof whereby we may know whether we

have reached the truth. Whether or not it is a physical

truth in the first class is apparent from the second and

third, or the moral

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and theological classes; and whether or not it is a moral

truth is apparent from the physical and theological classes.

All things should conspire together and be in concord, that

is, should confirm the real truth; for when there is a

correspondence, if something be met with that is not true, it

is a sign of error. There is, in addition, another proof, to

wit, when the contents of the three classes are so concordant

that when placed side by side they produce a fourth truth.

As in the present case: In order that the representative

world may be perfect, the providence of God, the wills and

ends of minds, and the conatuses and effects of nature must

be consentient." (Psych. Trans. P. 162 = HK n. 9)

Inasmuch as this little work contains much that is of a theological nature, it will be useful at this point, when our attention is specially directed to the period of Swedenborg's transition from being a rational philosopher to being a theologian, to consider some of the theological questions here dealt with.

Under the heading:

"The course of nature is stopped the instant that the sun is

no longer able to illuminate his orb.

"The course of human life is stopped the instant that the

soul is no longer able to enlighten its man with the

intellect.

"The world will perish the instant that God is no longer able

to illuminate the human race with wisdom."

he writes on the Last Judgment:

"The fact that the human race was destroyed by the flood, was

due to the divine spirit being no longer able to operate; and

that the same will be the cause of the destruction of the

world, is abundantly asserted and proclaimed by the

Evangelists and Apostles. It also follows from the

analogical conclusion just recited, that it is man by whom

God passes over into nature, or by whom nature can ascend to

God. Therefore, as man is, such does the world become; which

will totally perish when the human race is so perverted as to

repel all divine grace and wisdom. That such is the

connection of causes, may also be concluded from the curse

pronounced upon the world and the earth on account of the sin

and guilt of Adam; and, moreover, that happy fortunes,

fertility, and the hope of years, depend on the union and

harmony of our souls and minds with God."

(Ibid. pp. 169, 171 = nos. 27, 29)

He further states:

"That in the Last Judgment each one will recognize in himself

his true quality - his deeds and desserts - is proved to us

by the Sacred Scriptures. The same is also the third term in

the comparison between solar light and divine light which is

wisdom; for God is called the sun of Wisdom; and just as the

sun by its light discovers every quality of an object, so God

by His wisdom, when He shall manifest Himself in all His

glory, will in a moment discover whatsoever in each man is

divine, and whatsoever is diabolical; and each one must needs

actually recognize this quality in himself - his own

conscience being his judge; for, from the state of his own

soul - a state which has been formed in the body - he will

know the most minute particulars; and this the more, seeing

that he is surrounded with the light of wisdom, in the

presence of which nothing whatever can be concealed."

(Ibid. p. 179 = n. 44)

Speaking of the love of God, he observes:

"Would that all possessed this love! It would conjoin minds

(animus and mens); and then, of a surety, heaven would be

transcribed to earth,

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and the kingdom of God be at hand."

(Psych. Trans. P. 176 = RK n. 38)

What he says about the devil seems clearly to imply that by the devil he very definitely means the love of self, as he shows a few months later in the Worship and Love of God. In the present work, he says:

"A like reasoning applies to the good and the evil, the

delightful and the undelightful, the happy and the unhappy;

the one cannot be posited when the other is lacking, for

there would be no relative. From this it follows that evil,

that is, the devil, actually exists, and I venture to say

that without the devil there would be no variety in the

affections of the animus and mind, thus no cupidities,

desires, will, and consequently, no mind such as the human

mind." (Ibid. p. 188 = n. 56)

So in what he says about angels, even though at times it seems to imply that angles were created such.

But Swedenborg's ultimate design in writing this work was to prepare himself to interpret Scripture. As shown especially in the Journal of Dreams he recognized the Word of God as the true source of wisdom. And yet in reading that Word there was much which he could not understand. Indeed, he blames himself for allowing this lack of understanding to weaken his faith. (JD n. 49) But the doctrine of correspondences which he was developing on the basis of seeing that between God and ultimate nature there is an unbroken chain of causes and effects, led him to hope that in this way he may be better able to understand the Word. It is this thought which he expresses in the closing paragraph of the Hieroglyphic Key. There he enumerates the various classes of correspondences, namely,

1. Harmonic "as between light, intelligence, wisdom."

2. Allegorical, formed by similitudes. "In the Scriptures

this species of correspondence occurs quite frequently."

3. Typical, "as in the Jewish Church, and wherein in the

latter Church

4. Fabulous, used by the ancients and poets and also in

dreams.

5. Finally, he concludes; "It is allowable to interpret thus

the Sacred Scripture; for the Spirit speaks naturally and

also spiritually." (Psych. Trans. p. 192 = HK n. 67)

And now, after he had finished the Epilogue to the Animal Kingdom and it remained only to await the setting of the work in type; now, by his temptations, his double thoughts, his dreams, his mind turns not to the continuation of the Animal Kingdom but to the study of the Word and the study of it in the light of these correspondences of which he had been writing, studies in which he entered passages of Scripture under headings such as "Harmonic Correspondences," "Fabulous Correspondences," etc.

We have the evidence of this study in the latter pages of Codex 36 A Philosopher's Note Book, and that he had this Codex with him in The Hague is indicated by the fact that in it he quotes from works which he is not likely to have come across before he arrived in England. (See A Phil. Note book, pp. 433n, 469n, 473n)

The part of Codex 36 which Swedenborg had written in Stockholm (pp. 1-204) contained extracts from various philosophical writers, entered under appropriate headings and invariably supplemented by quotations from the Scriptures. From p. 204 on was clearly written later; for these pages not only contain the quotations from the English books to which we have already referred, but in Swedenborg's index to the volume, they are entered manifestly as an addition to the original index.

That these studies, or rather these classifications of correspondences in

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the Scriptures were written in continuation of the Hieroglyphic Key is indicated by the passages which introduce the studies. It will be recalled that the Hieroglyphic Key ended with a classification of correspondences as Harmonic, Allegorical, Typical and Fabulous; and the passage ended with the words:

"For the spirit speaks naturally and also spiritually."

(HK n. 67)

Now the studies written down in Codex 36 open with almost the

same words: "The spirit speaks of natural things spiritually,

and the natural man of spiritual things naturally.

This passage then continues: "For, in order that the natural

man may understand spiritual subjects, the spirit is wont to

speak naturally of things divine. The spirit understands the

speech that expresses spiritual things naturally; but it is

the more greatly affected, in the degree that we more

perfectly abstract our thoughts from material subjects. To

speak purely spiritually is not human; nor to think purely

spiritually; for there is always an admixture of something

natural or corporeal clinging to the spiritual. Hence it is

clear that angelic speech is a purely spiritual speech, which

is not expressed by words by means of the tongue, or, if

expressed, is not understood.

"From ignorance of the signification of spiritual words,

arise many occult qualities or which involve the universals

of natural words, arise those hosts of controversies and

those sinister interpretations which are especially in

evidence in the interpretation of Sacred Scripture." (A

Phil. NB p. 420)
Following this come lists of Scripture passages under classifications in the same order as is indicated in the Hieroglyphic Key, namely, "Harmonic Correspondence" (p. 421), "Parabolical Correspondence, Allegorical" (p. 431), "Typical Correspondence" (p. 454), "Fabulous Correspondence and the Correspondence of Dreams" (p. 477), to which is added "The Representation of Oracles" (p. 495), and "The Correspondence between Human Actions and Divine" (p. 499).

The study and listing of these correspondences thus was the work in which Swedenborg was engaged while waiting for the printing of the Animal Kingdom and writing the record of his dreams; and it is not surprising that this record itself supports our conclusion, or at any rate, that in the light of this conclusion the implications of some of its passages become more clearly understood.

I do not mean to imply that during this period Swedenborg entirely abandoned his anatomical studies, but only that he did not write - even in draft form - the continuation of his Animal Kingdom. Indeed, there is reason to believe that it was at this time in The Hague that he copied out the 11 pages of extracts from Cassebohm on the Human Ear, and wrote the 12 pages of a short treatise on the Muscles (of the face, probably because of the advice given in a dream of May 14 x 15 = JD n. 126) written in the style of a draft treatise. Both these writings are contained at the end of Codex 58 (the first draft of the Senses), but unlike the other contents, they are separately paged and are preceded by a number of blank leaves. That the treatise on the Muscles was written before the Senses is shown by the fact that it is specifically referred to in the latter work (n. 390). We may add that this treatise is based on a study of Winslow, and more especially of Lancisus' edition of Eustachius.

And now let me consider the passages from the Journal on which these considerations throw light. On April 14th he has a dream, signifying

"that I am entering into my anatomical speculations."

(JD n. 125)

The next night, one dream signifies "my thoughts and ouvrage d'esprit, two sorts"; (JD n. 129)

and another, "that I have come home to myself again, and that

I have won the knowledge which here is now written down; and

that in time I shall likely come to make use of it and set

out the silver

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and bring them into the beautiful chamber"; and still

another, "that I had rather be in philosophical studies then

in spiritual." A dream on April 19 x 20 signifies that "in my

studies I shall win my object." On April 25th he writes: "As

yet I understand right little of representations." And

lastly, his statement on April 29th, that if he went on with

the other work, he would be borrowing and not paying back.

(JD nos. 131, 134, 156, 175, 186)

Swedenborg left for England by boat from Maslius and the Hook of Holland, on Wednesday, May 13th, and arrived in Harwich on Friday, May 4th (O. S. = May 15th N. S.). On the boat he dreamed that his brother Jesper was in prison on

his (Emanuel's) account. Swedenborg there saw some birds

flying toward him, which he killed with a sharp knife. Then

the judges came and released Jesper. "Signified that I was

running wild in my thoughts, which yet, with the spirit's

help, I killed; and that therefore I am declared free."

(JD nos. 191, 192)

Swedenborg stayed overnight at Harwich, and while he slept but a few hours, he had a number of dreams which, he observes, "may have to do with my work here." He dreamed of men finding notes, for which they received but

a few small coins. "I said jokingly that this was

pietasteri. Probably how one is conditioned in England, a

part honest, a part dishonest." (JD nos. 192, 193)

In a second dream, his visit to England seems to have brought back to his mind that copper engraving which he had made in London over thirty years earlier. He writes:

"There were some who admired my copper engravings which were

well done, and wished to see my draft, as though [to see] if

I could draft them as they were executed. Likely signifies

that my works win approbation, and they think that I could

not have done it." (JD no. 194)

In a third dream, he received by post "a small letter" containing a

"large book" with blank paper. On opening it, he found in

its middle many beautiful designs, all else being blank

paper. "I thought the meaning of the letter to be that in

England I should let draw (lta rita) many such designs or

patterns." There was a woman at this left, changed to the

right, and fluttered the leaves of the book. On her thumb

was a miniature painting, "which likely signifies that with

God's help I will carry out in England a number of fine

designs in my work; and that later speculation will turn

itself ad priora which before had been in posterioribus,

which the change of position seems to signify."

(JD no. 195)

A fourth dream found Swedenborg associated with his old fellow Commissioner Bergenstierna. The Commission which this time was not in Sweden but in Sicily, pleased Swedenborg, but he thought he would have to be on his guard against Scorpions.

"Likely signifies something I shall probably get committed to

me after my work is ready, if perchance I come to execute it

in some other place, and perhaps in some other matter." (JD

no. 196)
One wonders whether these words constitute the first inkling on Swedenborg's part that the whole course of his life might be changed.

Swedenborg stayed but a short time in Harwich as he started early the next morning for London. An observant traveler like himself could not but have viewed with interest the quaint little seaport. From the description written by his Cousin Hesselius, some 33 years earlier, we learn that the town is very old,

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irregularly built of flint, with which also all the streets are paved. The houses are mostly of stone, some of wood and wickerwork. The people walk in iron clogs (that is, iron shoes) which clatter on the streets like our horses' shoes" (Hesselius, Dagbok).

Swedenborg must have left Harwich very early in the morning of May 5th, after "a few hours sleep," for he arrived in London via Colchester and Chelmsford - a distance of some 61 miles - in the evening of the same day. He entered London via Whitechapel and Aldgate. Here he lodged at the house of a "pious shoemaker," in whose company he had made the journey from Massluis (JD n. 197). This "pious shoemaker," as we learn from John Wesley's Arminian Magazine, was a John Seniff, a warden and one of the original members of the Moravian church in London. Seniff was returning from a visit to his children in Holland. He was a German of the same age as Swedenborg, almost to a day, and Swedenborg, who had evidently been attracted to him, had asked him as to a suitable lodging in London where he could live retired. It seems that Mr. Seniff took him to his own house, and that he remained there from May 5th to July 9th when he moved to Salisbury Court. (Doc. 3: p. 587)

Why did Swedenborg go to London? We have previously assumed that while he interprets a dream on April 24 x 25 to mean that he should send his work to England, the interpretation itself was suggested by the determination he had already reached to go to England. It is not improbable that he went for the purpose of presenting in person to the Royal Society a copy of the two volumes of the Animal Kingdom which were now in print. These two volumes are now in the Society's library stamped "ex dono auctoris." But whatever the cause of this return to England - over 30 years later than his previous and first visit to that country - the remarkable fact remains that his first arrival in England in May 1710, (1710-12) marks the beginning of his preparation for the office of Revelator, while his second visit (1744-45) marks his actual call to that office. We might add that his third visit (1744-45) marks the time when he wrote and published the first volume of the Arcana Coelestia. Nor need we feel surprised at this when we consider that England, because of its freedom in religion, was the center of the spiritual world (Con. LJ n. 20).

On Sunday, May 6th, he records a dream which he had on his first night in London, but does not know what it signifies. Impressed perhaps by the dream, he then adds a paragraph entitled "Summa Summarum:

(1) It is nothing save grace whereby we become saved.

(2) The grace is in Jesus Christ, who is the throne of

grace.

(3) Love to God in Christ is that whereby salvation is

promoted;

(4) and that one then allows himself to be led by Jesus's

spirit.

(5) All that comes from ourselves is dead and is naught but

sin and deserving of eternal punishment;

(6) for no good can come save from the Lord." (JD no. 198)

The next recorded dream is dated two weeks later, namely, on Saturday night, May 19th; but Swedenborg indicates that some time earlier he not only had dreams but also had been in danger of his life. Writing on Sunday morning, May 20th, he says:

"It happened to me, what some days previously had been

represented to me, that in a single day I should come into

two mortal dangers, as also happened to me, so that if God

had not then been my guardian, I would have lost my life in

two places. The particulars I will not describe."

(JD no. 200)

Despite this assurance, however, Swedenborg appears to have entered some particulars of this dream on a blank page at the end of his Journal in three para-

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graphs headed "die 11 x 12," from which it would appear that it was on this night he had the dream in question; and this is further confirmed by a reference made in a dream one week later, on the night of Saturday, April 19th.

In the paragraphs referred to, Swedenborg says that he seemed to be with Oelreich and two women. Oelreich acted lasciviously. It came to Swedenborg as though he held that he also had done the same, and that his father passed by and saw it but said nothing. He then left Oelreich, and on the road was deep water, though shallow at the side on which Swedenborg walked, and he thought he ought not to go into the deep water. He then seemed to see a rocket bursting and spreading beautiful sparks of fire - "perhaps love for what is high." (JD nos. 283-85)

On the day before the Sunday on which he wrote the above words, Swedenborg had intended going to the Holy Supper on the following day, at the Swedish church in Princes Square, since, as he writes:

"I had previously fallen into many pernicious thoughts, so

that I observed that my body is continually rebelling, which

was represented to me by scum which must be removed." Later

he adds that he had been "so disposed that I had inner rest

and peace in the Lord's dispensation; moreover, during the

whole time felt the powerful work of the Holy Spirit, the

delight and the earthly heaven-kingdom which filled my whole

body."

Concerning the dreams of that night and Sunday morning, Swedenborg writes:

"On the morning toward Sunday, through the spirit it came to

me quite clearly into my mouth that it [the Holy Supper] is

the manna which comes from heaven, so that this was neither

in sleep nor waking, but it came to me quite clearly in my

thought and mouth, which signified Christ in the Lord's

Supper....

"Yet I could not hold myself in control so that I sought

not after the sex, though not in the design to pursue the

effect, especially as I thought in the dream that it was not

so wholly opposed to God's dispensation [see above, page

753]; in company with Professor Oelreich in several places,

whereof I had never been warned, as concerning another thing

I had committed, yet it happened to me what some days

previously had been represented to me, that in a single day I

should come into two moral dangers, as also happened to me,"

etc. (see above, p. 753)

"Yet the inner delight was so strong, especially when I

was by myself alone, I can walk a pure path and have the

right intention; for if I go aside and seek my pleasure in

worldly matters, it disappears. Whether the inner principle,

which is the influx of God's spirit, is always with me, is

best known to God; every least position of exultation is that

whereof it is sensible, for I thought that when I have the

heavenly joy, why should I seek after the worldly, which in

comparison is nothing, inconstant, injurious, strong against

it and destroying it." (JD nos. 199, 200-1)

It was on this Sunday that Swedenborg, for the first time, visited the Moravian Chapel on Fetter Lane, of which his landlord Seniff was one of the foundation members.

"By reason of various dispositions," writes Swedenborg,

"I was led into the church which the Moravian Brethren have,

which declares itself to be the real Lutheran Church, and

feels the work of the Holy Spirit, as they tell each other,

and consider only God's grace and Christ's blood and merit,

and simply go to work. Of this, better

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another time, but fore me it is probably not as yet permitted

to join brotherhood with them. Their church was represented

to me three months ago, as I afterwards saw it, and all who

were there were clothed as priests." (JD no. 202)

We may presume that it was about this time that Swedenborg purchased the history of the Bohemian Church by Arvid Gradin, London 1743, a copy of which was contained in his library. The author Gradin was a Swede who, in 1736 had been sent as Moravian Missionary to Upsala. That Swedenborg was somewhat drawn to the Moravian Church at this time seems evident; but by no means surprising. He was but following in his father's footsteps who, while remaining in the State Church, yet was strongly sympathetic with Spener's pietistic movement. Indeed, one can hardly wonder at this; for, to judge from the expressions in his Journal of Dreams, Swedenborg must have felt some revulsion against the formation of the Swedish State Church, and must have viewed with sympathetic eyes the revival of the practice of charity which was proclaimed by the Moravian Brethren. (Hamilton p. 97)

Save the above, no further record of dreams in May is contained in the Journal; but we are able to some extent to fill in this deficiency from another source. This source is a report of the conversation which Gjörwell, the Librarian of the Royal Library in Stockholm, had with Swedenborg on August 28th, 1764, and which he wrote down on the same day immediately after the interview. Gjörwell's words are:

"The source from which Swedenborg learns is a supernatural

sight and hearing; and the criterion that this source is true

and is a true Revelation is this, that God Himself revealed

Himself before him in May 1744, when he was in London; and

afterwards, during the time of twenty years, God has prepared

him through a thorough knowledge of all physical and moral

virtues in this world to receive this new revelation."

Gjörwell's well known reputation for historical accuracy, leaves no room for doubt that Swedenborg actually said what he reported; and this is further strengthened by the remarkable faithfulness with which Gjörwell reports Swedenborg's recital of his theological doctrines. Of course, it is possible that Swedenborg himself may have made a slip or suffered a lapse of memory and said May instead of April; and that he used the words "twenty years" in a general way, the exact time being nineteen years. This would then make the time of the Lord's appearance April 1745. But, for our part, we see neither necessity nor use in thus attributing two mistakes to Swedenborg; and we take Gjörwell's account to be a statement of the true facts of the case. According to this statement, this was the fourth time the Lord had appeared to Swedenborg;* nor is it surprising that the Lord should have appeared to him several times before revealing to him his ultimate mission in life.

* First in December 1743, second in April (6 x 7) 1744, third in April (22 x 23) 1744.

It would appear that in May, during Swedenborg's first days in London, he first occupied himself with indexing his published anatomical works, in preparation for the continuation of the series. It may be remembered that when the Economy of the Animal Kingdom was published, the first volume contained an index, but not the second volume (see above, p. 590). Swedenborg now prepares an index to the second volume, and also an index to the two published volumes of the Animal Kingdom, both these indexes being contained in pages 1-61 of Codex 38.

It must also have been during these days in May and early in June that Swedenborg copied into his A Philosopher's Note Book those extracts which were

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taken from books recently published in England, and which he was hardly likely to come across in Holland or Sweden. The books in question are:

1. The Elements of all Geometry by Benjamin Martin, London

1739. Swedenborg translated into Latin extracts from this

book, beginning with the most elementary definitions and

ending with conic sections. These quotations were doubtless

made with a view to refreshing his mind as to the geometry of

the modifications of the atmospheres, but why he included

elementary definitions in Algebra is not apparent.

(A Phil. NB pp. 433-54)

2. A Musical Dictionary by James Grassineau, London 1740.

Swedenborg must have consulted this work with a view to his

chapter on the Ear. In his draft work on the Senses, n. 552,

he specifically refers to these extracts. (Ibid. pp. 469-73)

3. A Compleat System of Opticks by Robert Smith, Cambridge

1738. These extracts had in view the Part on Sight.

(Ibid. pp. 473-77)

Swedenborg seems to have commenced a first draft of the continuation of his Animal Kingdom series about June 10th, and as we shall see, the whole draft, consisting of 196 folio pages, was finished early in July (JD n. 212). About the time when he commenced the work, he entered into his Journal of Dreams his experience on the night of June 11th. He writes:

"I had been thinking concerning those who resist the Holy

Spirit, and those who suffer themselves to be ruled by it."

In his dream he saw a man in white with a sword, who

prevailed against all who came against him. Swedenborg had a

long spear; and he was thinking when he would do if the man

came against him, when suddenly the man threw down his sword

and left. Swedenborg noticed that some one was walking in

front of him (Swedenborg) to whom the man with the sword had

surrendered. (JD no. 203)

According to the published plan, Part III of the Animal Kingdom was to be on the Blood and the Heart, a subject which had already been fully treated of in the first volume of the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, and it may be recalled that on April 13th, Swedenborg had a dream which he took to signify that he was not to touch the Economy of the Animal Kingdom but was to leave it alone. (JD n. 119)

Parts IV and V of the Animal Kingdom were to treat of Generation, and Part VI on the Five Senses. It seems, however, that Swedenborg now decided at once to proceed to the Part on the Five Senses - possibly because his recent experiences of sensation, while neither asleep nor awake, had incited him to approach more rapidly to the soul by way of a treatise on the Senses.

The first draft of this treatise is contained in Codex 58, and in the Prologue to this work, Swedenborg himself gives his reasons for omitting Parts III-V. After referring to the promise of his Prospectus, he says that besides the fact that the heart and blood have already been treated of in the Economy, on more deeply considering the matter, he cannot at once approach this subject; for to learn the nature of the blood, the abdominal and thoracic viscera must first be examined, and especially the brain where the blood is resolved and completes its circle of life. Moreover, the blood contains animal spirits and the soul itself, and these also must first be investigated. (Sens. N. 5)

It will be observed that here Swedenborg merely postpones the writing of a Part on the Heart and Blood. In the published work on the Senses which he

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wrote a few weeks later, he definitely indicates that since these subjects have already been treated of in the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, it is not necessary again to take them up. (AK II:n. 469)

As to the Parts on Generation, Swedenborg says in his draft on the Senses (and he repeats it in the published work), that the same reason demands blood but to the animal spirits and the soul.

"Therefore, I do not see how I can unfold the genital members

until I have first told what the brain is, what the fibre,

and what the spirit and the soul." (Sens. n. 6)

First, then, he wishes by the analytical method and by his new doctrines to arrive at a knowledge of the soul, and

"so to clear the steps, that later we may be able to return

and, as it were, come down to these organs."

Moreover, the ends of the genital organs are loves which

descend from the soul and regard the propagation of heavenly

societies. Therefore they are above the sphere of the

inferior organs. Thus we ought to descend to them rather

than ascend to higher things by them. (Sens. nos. 9, 10)

This first draft on the Five Senses cannot be considered as a draft in the sense ordinarily attached to that word. The general order of the draft is sometimes followed in the published work, but properly speaking, the draft is rather a preliminary study in which principles are laid down, which in the finished work were to be amplified and to be established by experimental proofs.

This draft, like some other works that follow, includes some references to dreams and visions which are supplementary to the record in the Journal of Dreams, which latter, from June 1st to July 3rd - being the time when the draft was written - contains only five entries. Therefore, the continuation of our review of the Journal will be combined with a review of Swedenborg's contemporary writing.

The draft work on the Senses opens with the Prologue of which we have already spoken. Then comes a chapter on the External Carotids, in which Swedenborg lays down in extenso the law which determines the quality and quantity of the blood that goes to the organs of sense in the head. Also the use in this respect of the salivary glands, the larynx and the bones of the ear, namely, that the glands draw off the serum, and the larynx and bones introduce a suitable tremor into the carotids. (Ibid. nos. 12-51)

Swedenborg then takes up the senses and sensation in general. Among the uses of the senses, he enumerates:

"That man may know whether what is entering the body is

suitable to it."

"That his body may be allured to the circumfluant world and

united thereto, and especially that the man may be united to

society and the members thereof among whom he is";

"That his understanding may be instructed by the posterior

way, and thus be more nearly united to the soul, and,

finally, to the supreme mind, and receive the operations

thereof; that we may acknowledge, venerate, and finally adore

the supreme creator." (Ibid. nos. 52-66)

He then classifies the senses as lower - touch, taste, and smell; and higher - hearing and sight. The former are of limited extension, while the latter are of wide extension. He analyses the relation between sensation, memory, imagination and intellect, and their mutual inter-relation, and shows how greatly sensations are dependent on the afternoons. He shows that all the senses have

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nerves from both the cerebrum and cerebellum, and, consequently, that all sensations go to both these organs; hence the instinctive affection aroused by sensations. This is aroused by the cerebellum, which sensates equally with the cerebrum, though its sensation is known to the soul only. From this he goes on to show that there can be a purer sensation of spheres from which

"it is evident that from mere influx there can be a sympathy

of minds, by the medium of a purer ethereal atmosphere, and

that this exists in the state after death, when each knows

the thoughts of another. Not so in the imperfect state."

(Sens. no. 66)

This leads Swedenborg to the interpretation of a dream he had early in June, after writing this chapter, which induces him to add in Swedish at the top of the page, the note:

"This matter all the way to page 19 [= nos. 52-66 of the

translation] by no means come first, for it is opposed to the

analytical way. Put this, with other matters, in the

Epilogue or afterwards. I am so admonished in sleep" --

referring evidently to a dream about the middle of June which

is not recorded in the Journal. (Codex 57:14)

On page 20, Swedenborg then commences an "Analysis" on the Sense of Taste. He opens it with the following fine passage:

"From use we may judge structures. The uses of

sensations are better known than others, for they declare

themselves every moment, and within them is the life of the

body. Let us set forth the successive series of their uses,

examine the degrees of the series, unfold the parts of the

degrees, and confirm each part by experience. In this way we

proceed in order and follow nature, and she will introduce us

by the senses into her shrines, especially if we know how

rightly to consult the mistress of the senses, that is to

say, the intellect. So long as we live merely in sensation,

we live as animals. Only a superior faculty, that is, the

human mind, knows how to assent passively and to supply some

addition which shall confirm the fallacies of the senses.

Thus, the senses themselves deceive their intellect and

render a rational intellect irrational. But the higher we

elevate ourselves above the external senses, and even to the

higher sphere of intellect whence the intellect learns to act

intellectually, the nearer we are to a power that is

superior, spiritual, divine; the more are we men, vicarious

deities of the earth; the more do we behold truths naked and

consistent, and [experience] felicities of which the senses

of the body are ignorant, and which those senses extinguish.

We have long been in this state; into such things do the ages

rush; at this day we know little beyond the senses, and we

live in the body or surface. Let us elevate ourselves to

things superior, and to the very truths of things that are

invisible but yet are truer than the visible, in that they

are fallacious and inconstant. In this way we shall draw

nearer to that essence which is spiritual, truly human, a

more perfect state. And we are unwilling to believe that

this is impossible and that throughout the ages we are still

to devote ourselves to sensations. These are the arguments

which animal and corporeal men desire. Corporeal ambition

aspires to having no one mount above oneself. May the

provident fates so carry us along that we return to the

silver and gold ages; and with our mind as leader, let us

strive and struggle by the analytical way. Then is the Deity

present, whose essence is wisdom, and from whom is the

beginning. But let us not for this reason abandon effects,

for it is by these we ought to strive, and they are the

foundation." (Sens. N. 649)

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In the chapter itself, Swedenborg, after giving the uses of taste, goes into details respecting the different classes of papillae in the tongue, and the mode whereby the brain is affected. Incidentally, he relates that

"our sensation of taste is only an affection, wherefore no

idea of it is left in the brain as is the case with the modes

of hearing and the images of sight." (Sens. no. 675)

Next follows a chapter on Smell. Among the uses of this sensation are enumerated that the soul be aware of what slips into the lungs; that the brain may be exhilarated, and perhaps that by this path its spirit may receive ethereal aliment; and that both brain and lungs may be aroused to their alternations of animation. (Ibid. n. 67)

In brutes the exhilaration of the brain is the primary

use of smell. With brutes, moreover, this exhilaration is

for the sake of nourishment, whereas with man it is also for

the sake of the exhilaration of the affections, and that from

delights he may perceive the wonders of God. (Ibid n. 86)

This use is shown by the fact that certain medicines will

relieve headaches, remove pains, even heal deafness and

blindness arising from causes in the brain, "as I have seen

in the practice of Doctor Walth of London, merely by drawing

a subtle spirit through the nostrils." (Ibid. n. 85)

With man, smell is less acute than with brutes in order that

his thought may not be disturbed. "For if we well attend to

profound thoughts, when we draw breath, an abundance of ideas

from the lower side rushes into the sphere of the thought, as

though when the gate is opened and the throne rushes in. But

so long as we hold our breath and expire gently, we remain

profoundly in the tenor of our thought and communicate, as it

were, with the superior faculty or soul. This I have very

frequently observed in myself. To hold the breath is to have

commerce with the soul, but to draw in the breath is to have

commerce with the body. Reason also assents in that the

blood or the grosser spirit of the blood and this from the

body is then attracted into the cortical substance, and this

substance then comes into another state, a state in which the

sense is somewhat corporeal.... this also is the reason why

it is given man to breathe through the palate and so by a

shorter way. In infants and all who live in the body, we

notice full inspirations and not slow. The same is also

confirmed by the ecstatic phenomena of certain persons who,

when in ecstasies, are in commerce with their soul and its

nature." (Ibid. n. 86)

From this Swedenborg concludes that the cultivation of the rational mind detracts from instinct. Senses are given man that the rational mind may be

instructed and this "that the soul may inflow into the mind

... and that we may live not under nature but under the

influx of the superior mind, i. e., of the spirit of God.

Therefore we are born in the utmost infancy and ignorance,

that so we may be enabled to be associated with the Supreme

Being, which can never be effected in brutes." (Ibid. n. 87)

Speaking of the use of smell in promoting the animations of the brain, Swedenborg observes that it expands the cortex, but the latter collapses of itself.

"Thus there is a perpetual battle between life and death.

The soul with the forces of the body ... resuscitates life,

but the body collapses of itself." (Ibid. n. 89)

Following Smell, comes the chapter on Touch. In the course of this chapter, Swedenborg gives a somewhat detailed description of the theoretical origin of the corporeal fibre. The papillae of the skin, he holds, are the

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extremities of the nerves formed organically to receive

sensations. The nerve cannot simply come to an end and let

its juice escape through the skin. There must be a circle and

thus a return of the nerve fibre; and this return commences

at the papillae by a fibre of exceeding fineness called the

corporeal fibre. This corporeal fibre attracts nourishment

from the ether and perhaps also from an air of utmost purity,

as shown by cases of animals living for long periods without

material food, and by the vegetable and mineral kingdoms

where attraction of things from the atmosphere is very

manifest. This nourishment is then carried to the brain for

the production of animal spirit. Their path to the brain is

obscure but is probably by way of arterial nervous coats.

(Sens. nos. 712, 713, 714, 715)

The pores by which the corporeal fibre takes ethereal

aliment must not, however, be confused with the ordinary

sweat pores. These are hermaphroditic and can give off sweat

and can also receive aerial nourishment which passes into the

veins for the feeding of the red blood. (Ibid. nos. 727-28)

It was probably after finishing the chapter on Touch and before commencing the chapter on the Ear that Swedenborg had the dream entered in his Journal as of June 15 x 16, that is to say, on Saturday night and Sunday morning:

"A representation of my former life was laid before m," he

writes, "and how that afterwards I went where deeps on all

sides, and that I turned around. I then came into a very

fine grove, everywhere beset with most beautiful fig trees in

fine growth and arrangement. On one, withered figs seemed to

be left over. The grove was enclosed with canals, though not

on the side where I was. I wanted to go over a bridge which

was high earth with grass upon it, but I did not venture

because of the danger. Saw some piece therefrom a large and

very handsome palace with wings was also open; there I seemed

to wish to have my room. Signifies that on Sunday I should

be in the spiritual, which signifies the beautiful grove.

The palace is likely my design of my work which aims at the

grove whither I aim to look therewith. (JD. nos. 204-5)

Swedenborg opens the chapter on the Ear with the statement that to understand this organ, we must know the science of sound; and this science

must be not merely a factual science but a science derived

from principles. Then, "as rational men we can act the part

of angels, in whose company we can be when we have explored

truths and are in the same. This is the way to heaven, to

the primeval state, to perfection. But a superior power must

come to meet us, which is to be consulted. This power leads

us into truths, while the senses lead only to fallacies."

(Sens. n. 97)

Following this, Swedenborg then enters into a long consideration of the nature of air vesicles or particles, and air vibrations.

He then lays down the principle that no particular sound can be heard unless there is a general sound; illustrated in the sounding board of a musical instrument and in the human cranium. Then, passing on to the laws of sound, he applies these to the human ear, adding a special passage on the uses of the Eustachian tube. (Ibid. n. 119)

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After finishing the chapter on the Ear - on or about June 19th - and while he was thinking concerning the writing of the next chapter on the Eye and Sight, Swedenborg had a dream which he interprets as applying to the subject of his thoughts. The dream itself is unrecorded, but Swedenborg notes its occurrence and gives the interpretation of it in the opening paragraph of his chapter on the Eye. There we read:

"It is to be observed that according to an admonition of

the night, I ought to go back to my Principia Philosphica and

consider the levity, gravity and activity inscribed on the

pure; and it was said that thus it is given me to fly

wheresoever I may wish." (Sens. N. 262)

It is noteworthy that, as in his previous dreams so in this, his interpretation hinges on the continuance of his philosophical labors in the investigation of the human soul. Despite the fact that he had had so many dreams which he took to be indicates from the Lord having direct application not only to his personal life but also to the studies he was pursuing; despite the fact that the Lord had now appeared to him three times; he yet has no idea of abandoning his philosophical studies, and still less of abandoning them for theology, but continues to regard his dreams as bearing on his literary work, and as encouraging assurances that he will be enlightened in the pursuit of that work, and that it will be given him to fly wheresoever he may wish.

Following his "admonition of the night," Swedenborg opens the chapter on the Eye with an exposition of his Principia doctrine of the atmospheres, and in this exposition we have his own interpretation of the Principia doctrine respecting the number and nature of the atmospheres:

"We can never be admitted into the knowledge of things,"

he says, "unless we consider that there are as many

atmospheres prior in order as there are sensations,

consequently, three natural atmospheres, to which is to be

added a supreme; namely, the aerial, the ethereal, the

celestial. Also a spiritual universal which is supreme.

Unless there is a correspondence of the world of the universe

with the microcosm,* we can never make broad progress into

causes." (Ibid. n. 264)

* The MS. has macrocosm.

Later he adds that the nature of the modifications of these

atmospheres can be understood only from their effects, as

shown in the organs constructed for them, and the

modifications themselves can be explored only by means of the

doctrines of forms, order and series, and influx. Explaining

the use of these doctrines, he continues that "the doctrine

of order teaches that the more perfect modifications are in

the superior degree; the doctrine of forms, the nature of the

more perfect form of fluxion resultant therefrom; and the

doctrine of influxes, how the inferior form acquires its

power of acting from the superior." He concludes, therefore,

that for this work a "corpuscular science" or philosophy is

required. (Ibid. nos. 265-66)

He then continues:

"This is set forth in my philosophical principia where

the forms of the parts of each atmosphere are given and

delineated. This was done for the present use, and now comes

the application. I omit the delineations since these are

available." (Ibid. n. 267)

Swedenborg then summarizes his doctrine of forms, namely, the angular, circular, spiral, vortical (ether), celestial (the beginning of nature), the spiritual (which rules the whole universe), and the purely infinite. He then describes in some detail the modifications to which spiral forms are subject, all of which "are delineated, described, and shown in my philosophical principia." (Ibid. nos. 268, 279)

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He then takes up the modifications of ether which produce sight and also magnetism, and he again refers to his Principia for the delineations of them. (Sens. Nos. 281-82, 284)

Coming then to animal forms, he states that the blood concurs with the circular form, the purer blood with the spiral, the animal spirit with the vortical, and "the first essence of the body" with the celestial, "so that the human soul is of a celestial form which is endowed with all the principles of nature and is ruled immediately by the spiritual form." (Ibid nos. 315-18)

He then shows that sensations are modifications produced on the fibres by the atmospheres. These modifications cause changes of state whence come memory, imagination and abstract ideas. In this way there is an ascent from the material world to the intellectual.

It was soon after commencing the chapter on Sight that Swedenborg dreamed for a second time of the palace which he had seen in his dream of Sunday morning, and where he wished to have a lodging. This second dream is recorded in the Journal as of the night of Wednesday, June 20th. There we read:

"It seemed that there was a deliberation as to whether I

should be admitted into the society there, or into a council

thereof. My father came out and said to me that what I had

written concerning Providence was the finest; I remembered

that it was only a small work.

"One night thereafter [i. e., on the night of Thursday,

June 21st], I was found in the church, but naked, only with

my shirt, which is likely to be that I am not yet clothed and

prepared as I should be." (JD. n. 206)

We note that the "work on Providence" here referred to may possibly be the lost work on "Divine Providence, Predestination, Fate, Fortune and Human Prudence" which was written in 1741 but the manuscript of which is now lost (see above, page 648). But what militates against this supposition is that Swedenborg's father had died nine years previously, and it seems unlikely that he would approve even in a dream a work of which he had had no earthly knowledge. The reference is more probably to what Swedenborg had written concerning Providence in his work on the Infinite, published in 1734 (see nos. 77, 79) and which Bishop Swedberg must certainly have seen; for he did not die until the end of July 1735, a full year after Swedenborg's return to Sweden. See above, page 441.

We shall hear further concerning the Palace of Swedenborg's dreams and the society there into which he hoped to be initiated. For the present, it is sufficient to note that, even now there was no thought of entering into theology. The palace and entrance into it was that state of perception into the mysteries of the human body which he was to strive further to attain, and from which he could have ever before him a view of the grove and its surrounding canals - the body with its blood wherein dwells the noble palace of the mind.

In passing, we may remark that the fact that so few entries are made in the Journal during the time when Swedenborg was writing the draft and also the finished work on the Senses, indicates that his time was fully occupied in his anatomical work - a work which, unlike the compilation of passages from Scripture illustrating correspondences, drew his mind to philosophy rather than to theology. Hence fewer dreams, or, at any rate, fewer reflections as to their significance and as to Swedenborg's own spiritual state; for, as shown in the draft work on The Senses, Swedenborg had other dreams than those recorded in the Journal.

Before approaching the Eye in detail, Swedenborg gives two short chapters on Light and Colors. Light he compares to sound, the one being a modification

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of the ether, the other of the air. Therefore, light originates from a subject

whose motion sets up a modification of the ether. The solar

ocean sets up a motion of the celestial ether, and this is

communicated to the ether; therefore, the sun has a kind of

animation. From this is light in the ether and heat in the

air. So flame operates on the ether to produce light.

Colors he derives, not directly from the sun, but from the

form of the particles which receive the rays of light, and in

confirmation of this, he refers to the experiments of

scientists, particularly of Newton.

(Sens. nos. 342-43, 345-46, 349, 351, 356, 358)

Coming then to the eye proper, Swedenborg enters into great detail as to the uses of the humors of the eye, its muscle, tunics, arteries and nerves. The latter particularly are treated of in great detail, and Swedenborg gives the particular use of each of the nerves going to the eye. This treatment displays in an illuminating way Swedenborg's vast knowledge of the details of anatomy, and his ability to set these details forth in a simple manner adapted to the study of the matter in hand. He dwells thus on the nerves because they are the means by which the pressures of the ether upon the eye are finally conveyed to the brain there to produce changes of state whence come sensation and perception.

He then enters into a long study of the eyes of insects based on the observations of Leeuwenhoek and Swammerdam. From the fact that the eyes are so considerable a part in insects, he concludes that, while in brutes there is a species of imagination or a compounding of ideas,

"in insects there is no imagination but only an action of

rays which affect the brain immediately. Therefore, the mass

of this sensory is enlarged to so great an extent and

constitutes the external brain. In other animals effects

spring from a higher principle, but in insects they spring

merely from the eye. This is the reason for their many eyes

and for the exquisite operation of the rays, differently than

in other brutes and in man who is endowed with intellect."

(Ibid. n. 434)

After completing this chapter on the Eye and Sight, Swedenborg makes an estimate of the number of arks which would be required for the printed work. According to this estimate, the work on the Senses would fill 30 arks or (taking an ark to equal 4 pages) 120 pages. This includes the Epilogue to which Swedenborg gave 3 arks. But the Epilogue had not been written at the time this estimation was made, and when written this alone fills 75 folio MS. pages, which in print would equal at least 20 arks or 80 pages. It is not surprising, therefore, that when the work came to be published, the chapters on Touch and Taste - which is all that the published work contained - occupy not the 32 pages assigned to them in the estimate, but over 160 pages!

With a view to the rewriting of the Senses for the press, and particularly the chapter on the Eye, Swedenborg now enters upon a study of Desaguiliers' work A Course of Experimental Philosophy, and especially of Robert Smith's A Compleat Course of Opticks, published in Cambridge in 1738. The results of these studies are contained on 6 pages of his manuscript following the chapter on the Eye and Sight, wherein Swedenborg makes numerous citations from the work sin question followed by his own comments. Some of the citations from Smith he copied from Codex 36 (A Philosopher's Note Book, pp. 473-77) where he had entered them a few weeks earlier, but others he took from Smith's own work.

We shall examine these notes in some detail, for they will show that, although Swedenborg was at this time enduring spiritual temptations, this did

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not in the slightest degree detract from his eagerness to learn the latest facts of experience relating to the matters on which he was writing, nor his ability to draw from those facts deductions as to their causes.

From Desaguiliers he cites a number of phenomena based on experiments, and then he gives the causes of the phenomena on the basis of his principles. It must be noted, however, that these explanations consist merely of brief notes:

1. In a vessel from which air has been exhausted, a

piece of gold and a feather fall down with equal velocity.

Swedenborg ascribes the cause of this to be the fact that

"there is no air, to the weight of which is adjoined gravity.

It is a sign that the parts of the ether are highly elastic

and almost devoid of gravity. Hence the rule that whether

many parts or few be present, the action is the same."

2. Of the phenomenon that water will rise up in

capillary tubes or between moistened panes of glass when

pressed together, Swedenborg says: The reason is "because the

parts of water are accommodated to vitreous, stony and saline

parts, and creep along these when they are applied together;

and because water slightly coheres, as is evident from its

spiral flux; on account of the application and coherence, it

then rises up in drops in the tiniest pores. The phenomenon

arises likewise by reason of the air and ether. In capillary

tubes, their full force does not act, this force requiring

that there be no reaction from the sides which absorbs the

entire force; and this is the more the case in capillary

tubes where is an abundance of wall which will absorb the

force. This is the cause in the ether and in the air. Thus

the phenomenon arises from two causes."

3. If a glass tube is rubbed briskly with a dry hand,

the tube will attract a feather; and if the finger be held

nearer the tube, the feather will pass alternately between

finger and tube. Moreover, if the fingers moving rapidly are

brought near the tube without touching it, the effluvia will

snap against the fingers, making a crackling noise; and if

this is done in the dark, a light will appear on the finger

ends.

This, says Swedenborg, is because each particle of the glass

is a centre of gyrations of ether and of large compositions

of air. Thus the parts being then in equilibrium, as it

were, in the air, tend to that centre as in the great sphere;

but it is necessary that the air also be in a certain motion.

The effluvia run to the hands which are fibrated; hence we

have a second origin of the gyrations of the ether. Thus the

effluvia, moved thence from centres to centres and the

reverse, and especially set free and broken off, constitute a

second sphere of motion. Hence the representation of fire

which in the air is simultaneously exhibited by a crackling

sound. (Codex 58:122)

Swedenborg makes other citations from Desaguiliers, including Newton's laws of motion, but he makes no further comment.

From Smith's Opticks he makes a number of quotations respecting the laws of reflection and refraction. He then comments:

"From the above, in harmony with experience and the laws

of Robert Smith, Newton, Hook, Descartes and others, it

follows:

1. That every point [or rays of light] of an object pierces

the whole aperture of the pupil; for it enters everywhere,

although it converges into one point of the retina.

2. Consequently, as many as are the points of an object, so

many are designated in the retina. Thus the whole picture is

represented

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there.

3. A beautiful picture is likewise represented in a dead eye

or one taken out of living subjects, after the opaque

coverings have been removed.

4. That the rays should reach all the way to the retina; if

[they rest] in the vitreous humor, as in the case of the

aged, the sight is dull and obscure.

5. That four refractions occur, to wit, from the air into the

cornea; from the cornea to the aqueous humor; from the

aqueous humor into the crystalline lens; and from this into

the retina - unless perhaps there is a fifth refraction

through the coverings of the vitreous humor.

6. But I do not think it has yet been observed what the

difference is between the refractions from the one medium

into the other ...; for, according to experience and Newton

(Optics p. 245), the refractions differ according to the

humors and their densities; the refraction for air into water

and into glass is very different.

7. According to the experience, the waves which are refracted

into the middle of the retina from the point opposite to the

cornea and the pupil are more lucid and distinct than the

others, which come in from the side.

8. From the laws, it is thus apparent why the pupil opens or

constricts, why the crystalline lens is deeply infused into

the vitreous humor according to divers causes, [to wit,]

distances, the fixation of the light in the tiniest objects,

the intensity of the light, etc.

9. Each eye has its own corresponding points. If the point

of the object falls into corresponding points, the point of

the image is seen as simple; if not, it is seen as double,

for it is then conducted through the optic axes, as smith

calls them, in another way. That is to say, the eyes know

this correspondence, and therefore accurately accommodate

themselves, the one to the other. The appearance is

different if you press one eye with the finger, for then the

points incident into the retina do not coincide."

(Cod. 58:124)

After numerous citations of experiments on the colors of the rainbow, Swedenborg makes the following comment:

"Colors 1. draw their origins from the solar rays, within

each of which is an image of the sun;

2. which rays must first be broken up, whether by a prism or

by glass globes or by water bubbles, in order that a dullness

of the rays may be obtained, and so a suitable commingling of

light with shade, which is effected by the first refractions.

3. This is the fundamental plane, as it were, of colors; for

these inconstant colors refer themselves to the plane thus

shaded as to their base, just as permanent colors refer

themselves to a black and white plane.

4. The transmitted rays then give forth colors according to

the greater or lesser shade of this plane;

5. for the plane is darkened according to the obliquities of

the refraction, being darker as it is more oblique.

6. This comes about from the oblique incidence into globes

of glass or water and from the transitions of the light

through the interstices.

7. Thus it is the ratio of light and shade, but also the

figure of light and shade which they form by trajection, that

produces colors.

8. Thus we have red if the circle of light, as it were,

surrounds the shade, and the more lucid the circle the more

intense the red.

9. The color is blue or green if a shady circle surrounds

the light; and so forth, according to the ratio of light and

shade and according to the figure of the parts, which either

transmit the light or refract it.

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10. Therefore, in glass globes and prisms it appears that

the more oblique the incidence, the more the light approaches

to blue and green, and so forth.

11. The parts of a translucent body must be considered as

spherical, and thus we know the nature of the interstices.

12. All can be depicted and reckoned by calculation and then

geometrically demonstrated.

"On the Eye and its Rays: The pupil is opened and

constricted, and the crystalline lens is removed or drawn

away according to the distance, the intensity of the light,

the breadth of the subject, when one desires to grasp the

whole of it; thus, according to the distinction of the sight,

the cooperation of the brain, the state of the eye and of the

optic nerve, and many other causes;

2. as if we wish an image to penetrate to the retina sharply

or obtusely, it is terminated there with its points or

truncated bases; for each ray forms a single pyramid or cone

which terminates in one point of the retina, either finely or

broadly.

3. Hence a removal of the vitreous lens, and perhaps also a

different and more oblique application of it, in order that

its incidence may be into points corresponding to points in

the other eye.

4. The first shaded plane of refraction or reflection cannot

distinctly present the differences of light and shade, for

there are concurrent rays refracted or reflected from other

points. Thus, this less lucid plane alone [is not enough];

but they present it more or less shaded in a series. Hence a

second refraction or reflection distinguishes them.

Therefore, for the presentation of colors there are required

at least two reflections or refractions. The first is

according to the shaded plane in series according to

obliquity, and, consequently according to the emersions of

the parts and interstices in the surface, and the figures and

so the modifications of the light and shade from the plane

where is the paper. Hence the ratio and the configuration.

5. For a regular ratio or configuration of light and shade

in the least parts raises up a general idea, and so the color

is a confused idea of an infinitude of modifications. Hence

results a like affection.

6. The soul perceives the distinctions; and therefore she

knows their harmony or disharmony, and in this way affects,

and by this affection her inferior faculty is affected.

6[a]. Black and white planes and those midway between black

and white are constant and fixed; therefore they produce the

same effect as the shaded planes in prisms and glass globes,

but with a difference. Therefore it is the reflection and

refraction from those planes that are permanent, and

therefore these colors are constant and differ in many

respects from colors which have a shaded plane for their

base." (Cod. 58:124s)

Swedenborg concludes these notes by some remarks on "Ideas from Sight and Touch." As to the formation of Ideas, he says:

"1. They are impressed on the memory, whatever their nature.

"2. They are combined with imagination.

"3. Hence is formed a superior idea.

"4. Thus an idea resulting from one or other of the senses

must refer itself to an idea belonging to the memory, in

order that by composition it may be able to form another idea

or one compounded from simple ideas.

"5. From ideas of the utmost diversity, a single compound

idea can result; it is merely form.

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"6. Thus diverse languages which express things yet from one

like idea.

"7. Nay, if the languages were opposed, thus if great were

called small, beautiful ugly, near remote, much little, truth

falsity, good evil, white black; and if such a language were

formed as would be contrary to another, provided only that

the auditor knew which language was being used, it would in

like manner form an idea if there were two, and a contrary

idea if there were one. Hence the origin of ideas is now

apparent."

The above note was written in connection with a curious history, quoted by Smith in his Opticks, of a young man who had been born blind and had recovered his sight, when it was found that at first he could form no ideas from sight but only from touch.

It had been Swedenborg's first intention to conclude The Five Senses with the chapter on Sight, and to proceed to the preparation for the press of his work on the Brain. For immediately after the notes which we have just reviewed, he wrote the heading, "The Motion of the Brain." But he changed his mind and decided to write an "Epilogue on the Senses or Sensation in General." (Cod. 58:129)
Just prior to this, on the night of June 26th, the Journal records a dream in which he dreamed of battles with the Danes; of a bird in a cage; and of Eric Benezlius who looked tired and old. No interpretation of this dream is given. (JD nos. 207-8)

In the Epilogue or last chapter on The Five Senses, Swedenborg commences with the statement that the origin of all external sensation is the contact of the macrocosm with the microcosm that the soul may become conscious of the things outside its own little world. This contact or touch is with the tunic of the medullary fibre; the animal spirit within that fibre is excited by the will. Hence sensation is fundamentally from without, while action is from within. (Sens. Nos. 450, 451)

Touch, taste and smell arise from the touch of passive forces, while hearing and sight arise from the touch of active forces. This leads Swedenborg to observe that there is a limit to the division of compounds into their units, and beyond this limit they pass off into forms of a higher but, he adds,

"this will be said in the Notes not in the Text."

(Ibid. Nos. 453-54)

In each contact or touch "there must be many differences, and thus a form of differences." In this connection, Swedenborg treats of the doctrine of the simultaneous and successive. (Ibid. n. 455).

These differences contained in every touch are carried along the sensory fibres to the cortical gland, their conveyance being made possible by the infilling spirit within them; they are communicated also to every contiguous fibre, and so to the whole cerebrum and cerebellum; but each cortical gland receives them differently according to its state. Then, by virtue of the perception of the soul which dwells organically in the cortex, dead modification becomes living sensation. (Ibid. nos. 461-64)

The changes of state thus produced in the cortex either harmonize with it or distort it. Hence arise affections grateful or ungrateful according as they agree with the soul; which is perceived not by the rational mind but the soul. The soul, however, does not perceive the actual changes of state but only the resultant affection. (Ibid. nos. 468-70)

After dwelling at some length on the degrees of sensations, Swedenborg then comes to the subject of ideas. All ideas, he says, arise from images of sight, or from what has respect to such images; when produced in the cortical gland they remain as ideas of the memory; and when reproduced they are said to

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be recollected. These are material or childish ideas, but they are the basis of intellectual ideas which have to do with good and evil, truth and falsity. (Sens. N. 484)

Hearing in itself does not produce an idea, but ideas flow into the resultant modifications, as shown by words of various languages which convey the same idea. Here Swedenborg refers to those born blind. These, he says

"learn their ideas from touch, and at the same time from

sound if they be not deaf; but this greatly differs from

ideas received by sight." (Ibid. nos. 483-86)

The Harmony between priors and posteriors, Swedenborg continues, is coestablished, not preestablished. Thus we must learn what sounds mean, what the phenomena of nature mean. From the soul comes merely concurring affection, provided opposite affections do not beset the mind. Thus, the memory must be instructed by experience and by the laws of the sciences, and then all inferior affections must be removed, that the soul may then flow in and call forth ideas,

"or rather, that those things may then flow in and call forth

ideas, true, and that nothing else may act actively; but that

one may suffer the soul to flow into those ideas and reduce

them into order; for there is no truth save from above, and

then from the Supreme. But the soul should be in such a

state that the affection of the spirit may flow into it, and

this is not possible without spiritual renovation.

Affections [then] flow in order into the inferior affections,

and then there is preestablished harmony and a state of

integrity." (Ibid. n. 487)

To understand this, however, new doctrines are required, which shall reduce posteriors into true order; but not

"unless the affections of the Divine Spirit are received by

the soul and thus by the intellect. For to receive

affections which point out whether a form is truly harmonic,

is a different thing than to receive light whereby the

faculty is constantly enlightened, that it may form its ideas

and thus arrange them in accordance with the ends which it

proposes to itself, or the loves of the body. The latter is

possible with every one; but to be affected in accordance

with superior loves and, consequently, with truths, cannot

come about unless supreme affections, when flowing in, are

received by the next inferior faculties." (Ibid. n. 489)

Swedenborg then passes on to the definition of truth.

"Ideas," he says, "are what form truths, and the form of

truths gives goodness whence come affections." The ideas,

however, must be suitably arranged. First come sensual ideas

which form material ideas; then comes experience by which

ideas are compounded, whence come the sciences. Ideas again

compounded have respect to spiritual truths. (Ibid. n. 490)

Truth thus formed affect the man by reason either of

pure harmony or the love which is set as an end. Truths

which affect by reason of pure or bare harmonies are the

sensations of beauty or harmony in the universe, in gardens,

palaces, faces, music, etc. So also with the truths of

philosophy and the sciences, the foretelling of the future

from the present, inductions, etc. "These truths, being for

the sake of no other end than truth, are bare harmonies, nor

can they supply any other affection than a species of

gladness or delectation such as the organs have from harmonic

objects of the senses. These are simple and natural

goodnesses. But truths which have regard to some love as an

end affect differently. They arouse some affection of those

truths. Thus, in the body they arouse the affection of

pleasure for the sake of

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the love of the body; in the animus they arouse allurement

for the sake of the love of the body and the possession of

riches ...; in the mind they arouse affections for the sake

of the love of self, which is called ambition. All these are

called goodnesses and are believed to be happinesses. The

real truths of goodness are to explore whether they are truly

good and what is the best. To inquire into these, an

intellectual characteristic, not a natural. All that higher,

and this so continually that they appear to be opposed, as it

were. Avarice which is a goodness of the imagination

destroys all pleasures of the body; ambition or the love of

self which is of the rational mind destroys all avarice;

spiritual love or love of the Deity destroys al ambition,

especially when it is pure and does not love God for the love

of it sown felicity. Thus, these loves are wholly repugnant;

the reason of their repugnance being our mode of living,

sensating and learning from posteriors to priors."

(Sens. N. 491)

On the other hand, animals, he continues, are better

aware of the harmonies of things arising from the senses, for

they harmonically correspond with each other. This is

because they refer themselves not to any intellect but to a

quasi-visual imagination and hence to the nature of their

soul. In insects, this is still more perfectly the case, for

with them sight, smell and hearing run into one and the same

membrane before coming to the brain. In other creatures the

images of sight flow into the brain before flowing into the

membrane, while the other senses flow almost simultaneously

into both. Thus, their affections are more natural, and

those which depend on sight flow first into the brain and are

subject to the judgment of reason. "But," continues

Swedenborg, "these matters are very profound and have need of

many things for the searching of them out. Therefore here

they are expounded merely in outline. But these matters are

obscure - perhaps not true." And then, quite suddenly, while

he was writing these words, there appeared before his eyes a

fly - not before his spiritual eyes, while yet his natural

eyes were looking on the paper on which he was writing. "I

saw a fly," he writes, and he underscores these words and

those that follow. "I saw a fly; it went away; I drew back."

And then, commencing a new line, he writes: "It was repeated

concerning truths, according to admonitions, as I suppose.

The fly returned, I being unwilling, and I could hardly bear

it." (Ibid. nos. 492-93)

What shall we say of these words? Are they the expressions of a disordered mind? or are they descriptive of actualities? To say that they are the ravings of a disordered mind is to ignore the philosophical reasoning that immediately precedes them, and the logical setting in which that reasoning is presented; to ignore also the continuation of that reasoning which follows immediately afterwards. To say that they are descriptive of actuality involves merely that something unique came within the range of Swedenborg's experience; it involves that which must necessarily be expected in the case of a man who was being prepared to be in the spiritual world and at the same time in the natural, to be in a state which no mortal man had ever previous experienced.

The evidence can lead but to one conclusion - the conclusion that Swedenborg had actually experienced for the first time the concurrent sensations of two worlds. His profound reflection had led him to the consideration of the nature of human ideas from the lowest to the highest. Then he came to the consideration of the sensations of insects and of higher animal creatures. And then, while impressed with the profundity of the matter he was considering, suddenly

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the lowest sensual ideas came visibly before him in the form of a fly (see Memorabilia n. 4304). A state of confusion followed, and he knew not whether what he had written was true or not. "Perhaps not true" were his written words - words that are at once belied by all that follows where the old line of reasoning is at once resumed and pursued to its logical conclusion. Nay, such was the confusion, the obscurity, the he "could hardly bear it."

Meanwhile, there was something more than the vision of a fly. There were at the same time "admonitions," as he supposed, which impelled him to pursue his reflections as to the nature of truths. Perhaps they were visions; perhaps, and to us more probably, they were interior illuminations, he knew not whence (confer above, page 714), bringing conviction as to the truth of what he had written and was still to write.

It is not unlikely that Swedenborg saw the fly while he was at his work late at night; that after retiring to bed, he had a dream or vision in which the fly returned, and he experienced severe temptations, but which also he perceived signified an admonition that he should continue with his treatment concerning truths; and that, consequently, on the morning of the next day, he continued his labors, which had been so suddenly interrupted.*

* This supposition is supported by the fact that the words "I saw a fly" are written in the same pen as the preceding words. But what follows, to wit, "It went away ... and I could hardly bear it," was evidently written with a new pen. Moreover, when Swedenborg resumes his treatment on truths, he commences a fresh numbering of his paragraphs, and in some respects repeats what he has previously written.

Certain it is, that in the MS., immediately after these strange words concerning the fly sight of which he could hardly bear, Swedenborg resumes his line of reasoning concerning truth as though there had been no interruption.

He now shows that truths formed in the mind are necessarily regarded as means to some end. Hence truths are not denied but deductions are made from them which favor the end desired, as, for instance, Swedenborg adds, doubtless having his own temptations in mind,

"if, from truths concluded, I should wish to capture either

fame or use." According to the end in view, so truths

affect, but this affection arises from reflection.

(Sens. N. 498)

Here Swedenborg intended to end his second writing concerning truths, for, turning the pages of his manuscript, he wrote the heading:

"1. Hitherto the inferior sphere of the animal kingdom

has been treated of, and its threefold blood, that is to say,

its body properly so called. For the body is a machine of

effects and phenomena, by virtue whereof we live upon the

earth in the lowest region of the atmosphere, that is, of our

universe." (Cod. 58:146)
After writing a few more words, however, he crossed both heading and paragraph out and resumed his treatment on truths, but now as regards their relation to loves.

"As the love is," he writes, "and the more strongly it rules,

such is the affection arising therefrom." Loves are various,

and the higher always fights against the lower, e. g.,

ambition against avarice, love of the common good against the

love of self; "love of the Deity

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frequently fights with the love of society in things natural

but not so in thing spiritual. Wherefore, the love of

society and of the glory of the Deity are consociated

together, the former being the next degree of the latter; for

it is enjoined on man as self, and the neighbor as himself.

This is truly human. Thus, the love of self is put off and

the man is on the path to true love. The purest love is that

he love the Deity, not for the sake of himself and his own

happiness, but for the sake of the Deity. Whether such

supremely pure love is possible in the body save by the

immediate operation of God, I know not."

(Sens. nos. 499-500)

As inferior loves recede, so the superior can flow in,

and the grace of the Deity draw near. The inferior then are

to be repelled as enemies. The result is obtained materially

by divers means, "by combats with ourselves, by removals, by

true intuitions of things, by prayers, by the grace of the

Deity. There are in addition the spiritual temptations, the

immediate grace of the Deity, and an infinitude of other

means.... Hence come all the affections which flow into our

intellectual sensations, and it is the truths of goodnesses

that precede, and the goodnesses of truths that complete the

matter. In a word, intellectual truths result either from

affections of the body ... or from spiritual affections; for

the intellect is the centre of these affections."

(Ibid. nos. 501-2)

"The intellectual regarded in itself is merely the

supreme sensitive. It results from the faculty of calling

forth ideas according to natural order. Its quality is

learned from the external senses, sensation and knowledge

being according to the forms of the objects that come to it.

Affection, on the other hand, is spiritual, and as the

affection is such is the spirituality which is within. This

must flow in, in order for the existence of any form.

According to affections, the state is changed and man becomes

a man.... Thus, as the state is, such are the resultant

affections or actions.... Therefore, without a spiritual

change of state, heavenly life is not possible."

(Ibid. n. 503)

"Furthermore," Swedenborg continues, these points must

be carefully noted after more diligent exploration." (Ibid.)
He then classes affections as natural, spiritual, and moral or mixed. Natural affection has harmony as its foundation; spiritual affection has use or love; and moral affection regards simply natural or moral uses, without open regard to the love within the use. If the inferior affections flow into the superior, then the latter are passive or reactive. This is the case in infancy. On the other hand, the more the inferior affections are quiescent, the more the superior are active. This is the state in old age, and from this comes common sense. (Ibid. 504-14)

Then he proceeds to present a summary view of his doctrine concerning sensation and affection, a summary which, in his Index, he describes as being Amore accurate." (Ibid. Latin p. 229)

Much that has previously been said is here repeated, and it will suffice to note only such points as are now.

Thus, Swedenborg defines science as knowing; intelligence, as the regard of ends in every series; and wisdom as the choice of the best, and the willing and doing of it; and superior wisdom as the loving of the best. In attaining to this,

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"all that is left to our understanding is to remove and

disperse the inferior loves which are sensible to us, lest

they obstruct the superior and supreme mind from flowing in"

- here we have the doctrine so fully developed later, of

shunning evils rather than doing goods. (Sens. n. 539)

He classifies loves in an ascending series as follows:

1. Love of the world, being the love of all that delights the

body.

2. Love of the body merely for the sake of its delights. To

this love belong pride, revenge, anger, gladness, and

especially avarice which is the complex of all, for it

regards only the pleasures of the imagination.

3. Love of self, whence comes ambition. This love regards no

one as superior to itself.

4. The love of society. Here the natural bond is the bond of

country, parents, friends, etc.; the moral bond, the bond of

honor and justice; the spiritual bond, the bond of religion.

5. The love of heavenly society as the kingdom of God on

earth.

6. The love of God. (Ibid. nos. 542-48)

Swedenborg ends this treatment on Loves, by showing that all good and truth is from God. But, he continues,

we cannot receive it unless the impediments of inferior loves

are removed. "It hen flows in from grace and not from our

own merit. For we cannot remove the impediments without a

superior power ... and, consequently, by Providence.

Therefore, everything is of grace. This the reader will see

confirmed, nay, demonstrated in our Psychological

Transactions. I would venture to say demonstrated because I

know how to demonstrate it to the faith even of unbelievers."

(Ibid. n. 551)

Here we have a further echo of the note first sounded in The Infinite, see above, pages 422 seq.

From this summary concerning affections, Swedenborg then passes on to an inquiry as to how harmonies and disharmonies actually reach the cortex of the brain by way of the fibres, illustrating the matter by some notes on Musical Harmony which he had copied out in Codex 36 from Grassineau's Musical Dictionary, published in London in 1740. The vibrations in the fibres caused by sensations are variously harmonic or disharmonic, and this quality is extended to the changes of state in the cortex itself. A discordant modification, if long maintained, produces interior determinations in the cortical gland which confirm the perverse state. Prior to this, however, there is a combat between exterior and interior modifications, and the question is one of victory for the one or for the other. (Ibid. nos. 567-68)

"From this," Swedenborg continues, "it is apparent how

in the rational mind the interior man fights with the

exterior. The exterior man exists from the senses even to

the imagination, inclusively, and the interior from the soul.

The rational mind is the centre. The imagination from the

senses is continually driving persuasions into the sphere of

the rational mind, but the soul reacts The general state of

the rational mind is being perpetually perverted by the

imagination and disturbed beyond its own determination or

form. But by means of faith which flows into the mind from

the Divine spirit through the soul, the mind resists. Thus,

the question is perpetually a question of victory. If the

imagination or sensation or the life of the body conquers,

the state of the mind is perverted so that the soul can no

longer react and restore it. If, on the other hand, by the

aid of the supreme mind, the soul carries the victory, then

it destroys

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states induced by the imagination, and as often extinguishes

them as though by death, or causes them to fall back into a

suitable, harmonic, or more perfect state. That there is

such action and reaction in our rational mind, will be

demonstrated in our psychology; and that this state is in the

inmost parts of the cerebrum, this also will be confirmed in

the Part on the cortical substance, where it will be

specifically treated of. But to demonstrate all this, is a

work of wide compass, that is to say, it must be constructed

on a broad foundation, nay, a temple is to be raised up, for

these things will adorn the interiors of our temple. Praise

be to God.' (Sens. n. 569)

The above was written on the evening of Sunday, July 1st. On that same night he seems to have had a dream which he interpreted as usual to have some bearing on the work in which he was engaged. For immediately following the passage we last quoted, comes a paragraph which, judging from the writing, was written at a later time (probably the morning of July 2nd) when he resumed the writing of The Senses, the paragraph namely:

"This was represented by gold which I was carrying, and

which, though not very easily, would open the door where

within lay much gold upon a table, to wit, that it may give

me the entrance to spiritual things." (Ibid. n. 570)

It seems likely that this dream concerned that grove of which he had dreamed on the night between Saturday and Sunday, June 15 x 16. In that dream

he had desired to enter that grove but desisted on account of

the danger. In the grove itself, he had seen a large and

beautiful palace, and it then came to his mind the desire to

dwell in one of the wings of that palace where he could view

the grove (see above, page 781). (JD nos. 204-5)

The same palace is probably involved in a dream which he had four days later (June 20 x 21), when he perceived a deliberation to be going on as to whether he should be admitted into the society there (see above, p. 783).

And now he is carrying gold that will open the gate and admit him to the spiritual gold within the palace. Can we doubt but that this palace is the spiritual mind, or, in a broader sense, the spiritual world, that is, that world of interior thought to which Swedenborg was gradually advancing? It is quite evident that he himself did not entertain the idea that he was being prepared to be a Revelator of the truths of theology, but it is certain that he entertained the hope and prospect of entering so interiorly into the mysteries of the human body that he would be able to see therein the operations of the kingdom of God, and, seeing, would be able to lead men to the worship and love of God.

This conclusion is confirmed by the Journal, which records a dream or vision seen by Swedenborg on this same Sunday night of July 1st; and we note in passing that the account of this dream is written in the same style of hand as the paragraph concerning the gold on the table, of which we have just spoken. The dream is headed:

"July 1 x 2" and it reads:

"Something very wonderful happened to me. I came into

powerful shudderings, such as when Christ had done me the

divine grace,* the one after the other, and so to the number

of ten or fifteen after each other. I expected that I should

be thrown on my face, as at the former time, but this did not

happen. With the last shuddering, I was

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 796

[1744
July

lifted up, and I felt with my hands a back. Took [my hand]

over the whole back and also beneath on the breast. At once

it lay itself down and I saw in front also a face, but this

quite obscurely. I then stood on [my] knees. I thought as

to whether I should so lay myself down alongside, but this

did not happen, just as if it were not permitted. The

shudderings all went from the body below up to the head.

This was in a vision when I was neither waking nor sleeping,

for I had all my thoughts together. It was the inner man

separated from the outer which felt this. When I was wholly

awake, many like shudderings came over me. It must have been

a holy angel, since I was not thrown down on my face. What

this signifies, our Lord knows best. It seemed it had before

been said to me that I should have something for obedience,

or something else. God's grace is shown to the inner and

outer man with me. To God alone be praise and honor.

"From what followed afterwards** and something else I

note that it will signify that I should discover truths

concerning the internal sensations, but on the back and

obscurely in front; for before it came I thought it was said

to me to be an annunciation of what I have hitherto worked in

this. Moreover, afterwards it seemed to me that I came to

exchange my poor styvers into better coin, when there was

given me some little god; yet beside it were also coppers."

(JD nos. 209-11)

* See the dreams of April 6 x 7, Journal of Dreams n. 54. See above, page 741.

** This perhaps referred to the vision of the gold that was to open the door. See above, page 794.

Such, then, were the dreams or visions of Sunday night. With these in mind, it must have been with much encouragement that on Monday he continued his writing concerning Sensation in General. But he did not then resume his consideration of the internal and external man. Instead he resumed the subject of modifications.

Modifications or sensations, he says, do not proceed along

the fibres in straight lines but spirally. Among other

illustrations, he cites the case of long ropes hanging down

mines which, when moved, transmit the motion in a spiral, as

Swedenborg himself had often observed. In the cortex, these

modifications are singular in the cortical gland itself,

general in the whole gland, and most general as among many

glands. The singulars, when active, are perceived as

thought; this excites the general modification whence comes

visual imagination, and this again excites the most general

modifications whence comes "a certain kind of internal

speech." This is the reason why thought cannot exist without

arousing visual images and expressing itself in a kind of

speech. (Sens. nos. 580-82)

In this connection, Swedenborg speaks very definitely about

the organic form of the soul, saying that each cortical gland

is composed of its own brain with cortex and medulla; and

these again of their brains, which latter are the organic

seat of the soul. (Ibid. n. 585)

Returning to the affections, Swedenborg then says that,

according to the nature of the interior sensory, such is the

affection aroused by objects. Thus, the imagination

according to its nature sees whether an object is pleasing;

the understanding, according to its induced order, that is,

according to its loves, sees whether it is good or evil, and

according to its ends, whether it is true or false; and the

soul does this according to universal ends. If the

affections are excited by the imagination, then the

understanding consents; if by the understanding, then the

soul consents. (Ibid. nos. 586-89)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 797

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Affections are more sensible according as they spring from

more corporeal sensations. Thus, touch and taste are more

sensible than sight; but they more affect the soul according

as they spring from sensations less corporeal. Thus, from an

interior affection one will suffer pain even to death. But

all this depends upon the order and arrangement of the

rational mind in respect to good and evil, that is, according

to its principles as coming from without or from within; for

the soul is affected according to the principles and loves of

its rational mind which has the choice of good and evil.

Moreover, according to the states in the inmost sensories,

such are all the fibres and so into all the body. (Compare

with this the theological doctrine that the whole quality of

a man is the quality of his ruling love.) "But," Swedenborg

here adds, "this is a matter of deeper investigation;

nevertheless, I aim at it thus far"; and a little later he

adds further: "But I confess these things are still obscure;

I await clearer light." (Sens. nos. 587-89)

Turning then to the connection of sensations with more and more interior affections, Swedenborg continues:

"There is a true preestablished harmony of these

affections, but a natural harmony, in that the nexus of all,

even to the soul, is coestablished. Thus, without a

preestablished nexus of the one affection with the other,

there is not a pure correspondence and thus harmony; but with

it, there is. Therefore there is a continual influx which is

to be explained by physical laws. This, moreover, comes with

the field of demonstration, nay, God willing, it shall so

come. It was because of this that those marvels happened to

me on the night between July 1st and 2nd." (Ibid. n. 592)
We understand this to refer to the fact that on that night Swedenborg had felt a sensation of the inner man separated from the outer, and this, that he might be enabled to see the nature of the influx of the one into the other.

Here we must note that following on in the MS., we have now two paragraphs which are omitted from the printed Latin edition. They deal with the subject of speech, to the effect that being artificial, it does not flow into the inmost sensory with natural harmony (except as regards intonation, accentuation, onomatopoeia, etc., all of which is imitated by music), for in speech considered as sound, there is nothing intellectual, which latter must be the result of rational form. These paragraphs are crossed off by the Author. But more important are the words following the paragraphs, the words, namely:

"(This that I have written were wonderfully foreannounced to

me; see the dream of July 1 x 2.) I wrote July 2nd."

(Cod. 58:174-75)

Swedenborg then proceeds to rewrite the crossed off paragraphs in fuller forms, coming finally to the conclusion that

"speech exists for the sake of the intellect ... and thus of

the choice of good and evil, both moral and spiritual.

Therefore, it is proper to man, a sign that the human soul is

a spiritual entity which has need of intellect and choice,

and also of divine influx in order to be prepared for some

celestial and spiritual state, that by love it may be

conjoined to the Supreme. This is a sufficiently manifest

sign of a future state. For this reason, sound arouses

nothing spiritual from itself, unless previously it has been

understood spiritually by means of cultivation."

(Sens. n. 595)

He then shows how words come to result first in imaginations

and then in ideas impressed on the cortical glands, and so on

the memory, which latter as regards imaginations is to be

called "the superior

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 798

[1744
July

human memory," and as regards ideas, "the supreme human

memory." And after dwelling at length on this subject, he

again refers to his dream of July 1 x 2. (Sens. nos. 602-16)

Swedenborg then commenced the final chapter of his Epilogue

which he heads: "On the Intellect and its Operation" - a

chapter which he concludes with the statement: "The primary

end of the intellect given to us, is that from natural life

we may ascend by degrees into moral, and from moral into

spiritual; thus, finally, to heavenly felicity which is the

continuation of spiritual life." (Ibid. n. 641)

We have dwelt at length on this draft work on The Five Senses, in order to show more fully the state of Swedenborg's natural and rational mind during this important stage of his preparation for his unique mission. Even New Churchmen have supposed that during this period of his career, his mind was temporarily in a more or less disturbed condition. But the facts of the case belie such a conclusion, for these facts show that in the work on The Senses, Swedenborg pursued the same method of induction, the same logical sequence of rational thought, and the same doctrines though more greatly developed, that had distinguished his previous work. What is written in the Journal of Dreams brings no change in his rational and philosophic method of thought and exposition, but only a great realization of the need of searching into the human heart, of removing therefrom the obstacles to the influx of heaven, and of acknowledging the lord alone as the Source of Wisdom.

That Swedenborg finished his draft on The Senses on July 3rd or 4th (more probably the 4th) is shown by the next entry in the Journal, being the account of a dream which he had on the night of July 3rd:

"Took, as it were, leave with a special tenderness to

her, kissing her. Then another was seen a piece therefrom.

The effect was, when I was waking, that I was in continual

heat of love. Yet it was said and, as it were, complained,

that it is not understood; which signifies that I have

concluded what I wrote concerning the Senses in general, and

the operation of the interior faculties, which, as it is

projected, cannot be comprehended; and that I now come to the

other part which is the brain." (JD n. 212)

After finishing The Senses, Swedenborg did not at once turn to writing on the brain. First he prepared a copious table of contents to his just completed Epilogue, and then he turned to the study of his MS. on the brain which he had brought with him from Stockholm with a view of preparing it for publication as Part IV of the Animal Kingdom.

While engaged in this work, he had a dream on the night of Saturday, July 7th, which he thus records in his Journal:

"Saw how from an oblong globe the whole concentrated

itself upward; for the lowest of the globe there was, as it

were, a tongue which afterwards so spread out from itself.

Signifies, as I believe, that the inmost was the sanctuary,*

and as the centre of the lower standing globe, and that such

in great part shall be thought out, as the tongue showed;

believe that I am destined thereto, which was unmistakably

the signification of the sanctuary which I had had to do

with; which was confirmed by the fact that all the objects of

he sciences presented themselves to me by means of women; and

also that it was deliberated whether I should be admitted to

the society where my father was,"**

* This refers to the dream of April 23 x 24 in Leyden when, after hearing the word Sanctuary, Swedenborg seemed to be in bed with a woman.

** The Society seen in the dream of June 20 x 21.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 799

[1744
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"Came also upon sure thoughts that God's Son was love,

who, in order to do good for the human race, took upon itself

their sins, yea, even to the hardest punishment; for if it

was justice, mercy must come by love." (JD n. 214)

Swedenborg appears to have interpreted this dream as an assurance of success in his work - that he would be able to use a speech or tongue which would proceed from the consideration of inmost things and thence of outward, and this as a result of close conjunction with the sciences or experience.

On Saturday, July 7th, Swedenborg, who had been living at the house of the pious shoemaker Seniff, chose for his lodging the house of Brockmer on Salisbury Court, Fleet Street. On the evening of the next day, he dreamed of being with "the King" and with "his princes" with whom he became acquainted. This could not refer to the King of Sweden who was childless; possibly it refers to the King of England, George II, who had three sons, two of whom were then living. This King is well spoken of in the Writings (see AR nos. 341, 761) Swedenborg interpreted the dream as signifying that
"I am coming into acquaintance with God's children, for the day before I looked out for myself a new lodging." (JD n. 215)

The "God's children" here spoken of are undoubtedly the Moravians. In the beginning, these aspired after a pious and upright life and had no desire necessarily to separate from the established church.

The spirit of fanaticism which developed itself in 1745 had

not yet made its appearance, and the Moravians of Lord

manifested that revolt against a cold ecclesiasticism which

in the beginning so strongly attracted John Wesley. Later

on, we shall see other indications that Swedenborg attended

the Fetter Lane Chapel, at any rate, at times.

John Paul Brockmer, Swedenborg's new landlord, was a

"Servant" or Elder of the Moravian Church in Fetter Lane,

whose duty it was to stand at the door and welcome newcomers;

and also to carry around the viands at the love feasts.

After finishing the draft on The Senses, Swedenborg turned to his MS. on his last Brain which he had written in Stockholm shortly before his departure. He appears to have gone over the first five chapters* on the Brain in general., the Cranium and the Dura Mater, with a view to making some changes and additions. These additions** and directions for rearrangements are contained in Codex 58 immediately following the work on The Senses.

* This is indicated by notes which, judging from the style of writing, were added to the MS. on pages XXI verso, XXIX and LXVII verso; no such notes appear after chapter V.

** With the exception of long passages crossed off by the Author, all these additions are translated in Tafel's Brain, volume 1.

He commences with a Preface which, as he notes, is to be "placed immediately before the first chapter." Here Swedenborg shows there are three spheres in every universe, kingdom and body, the spheres of end, cause and effect. The body, of which he has already treated in his preceding Parts, is the sphere of effects; the brain is the sphere of causes - being the cause of actions in the body, and of life in the blood; and the cortical gland is the sphere of ends.

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[1744
July

In the investigation of these spheres,

"we must proceed by the analytical way" whereby certain

doctrines are learned by which we may then descend from above

downward, or, "as it were, from heaven to our atmosphere and

earth." (Br. I:n. 1 note, p. 3)

The cortical gland, the sphere of ends, is not divided

into its regions, but again into spheres which are quasi-

celestial, for they represent the heaven of their world; to

wit, an inmost sphere or the very shrine and sanctuary where

resides the soul as the exemplar of her own universe animated

by herself. She is, as it were, the deity of her microcosm,

and therefore she inhabits this inmost heaven from which is

an ascent to the supreme mind or the heavenly sphere of the

universe which is represented in her.

"The next or second sphere of celestial things or

principles is where our inmost sensation resides with the

intellect, the rational mind and its will. This is, as it

were, the outer threshold and subordinate court of the soul,

whereby she has empire over her subjects and rules the

peripheries. And the third sphere is where resides interior

visual sense with its imagination, with the first memory and

with the inferior mind or animus and the determination of the

will into act. By these spheres the soul is in the utmost

safety in its centres, engirded or wrapped about as though by

walls or organic tunics." But, continues Swedenborg, we can

approach these interior spheres only means of the body and

brain. Let us, therefore, take a view of the things below,

and let us elaborate new doctrines. "This is the analytic

ladder by which it is our intention to ascend, knowing

certain that no other way is given to ascend to Olympus to

human minds." (Ibid. nos. 6-7)

Proceeding then to plan the work, he notes that chapter 1, which as originally written dealt solely with the motion of the brain, is now to treat of its "fabric and motion and of its function in general." He then adds:

"The anatomical experience in chapter VII, p. LXXIII of the

first projection must be premised, also perhaps the

experience concerning its Motion in chapter I, and also

concerning the cortical and medullary substance in general as

given in my written and published works. Obs: I have been

commanded." (Cod. 58:p 202)

These last words, which occur in the MS. more than once, evidently refer to a dream he had had the previous night. They clearly indicate how that he interprets his dreams as bearing on the philosophical work he has in hand.

Swedenborg himself gives the reasons why he wishes to add to chapter I on the Motion of the Brain, a treatment of its fabric:

"All that is known of the brain," he says, "is that it

is the common sensory and common motory; what the use of its

several membranes and ventricles is, is entirely unknown, and

these can be reached only by a study of its fabric and its

motion." (Ibid. p. 204; phot. p. 64)

Therefore he now proceeds to draft additions to chapter I concerning the fabric and function of the cerebrum. Both these drafts display a real and intimate knowledge of the anatomy of the brain and body. The first of them describes the poles, axes, and determinations of the brain; the second enumerates its functions, as follows:

1. The common voluntary motory.

2. The common sensory.

3. An illustrious chemical laboratory, that a spiritual

nature may be implanted in the blood that so the latter may

act as viceregent of the soul.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 801

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4. The common animatory which, with the assistance of the

lungs, imparts expansion and constriction to every part of

the body. Thus, it is the intermediary whereby life of the

soul is communicated to the body.

5. The common weaver of the body so that it shall wholly

correspond to the intuition of ends in the soul. (Br. I:n.

104 seq.)

6. "The physical world is entirely subject to the spiritual

world and nature; there is nothing so imperceptible which

does not proceed into an effect from the decision of a

spiritual form and essence, and how much more from Divine

decisions. This it owes to the infinite perfection of the

supreme form which is capable of undergoing in an instant, an

infinitude of states and mutations, and thus of bringing in

all that which is in agreement with the succession of ends.

This is seen plainly in the organism of our body where is no

organ and no part of an organ which does not form some

peculiar use. Thus the brain acts as the mediate cause of

all these effects, and ought, therefore, deservedly to be

called the common former of the body and its organs, and

their disposer and governor, to the end that the several

things which are of the soul may be represented in all things

that are of the body. For the soul cannot inflow into the

body save by means of the brain which, in respect to effects

is called the efficient, and in respect to principles, is

called the mediant." (Cod. 58:p. 211)

7. The common regulator of the situation and state of the

inmost sensory, for if injured, the intellectual faculty

suffers.

8. "The regulator also of the internal sight and of its

memory and recollection which furnishes material ideas to the

intellect for discussion, that ideas may exist abstracted

from the terms of matter." It is thus the regulator of

affections springing from the imagination, and so of

allurements and lusts of animus, which "result partly from

the world and body and partly from one's own ideas and partly

from the concourse of the intellectual mind. For the

internal sight depends on the common state of the cortical

substances and their faculty of mutations." (Ibid. p. 212)

9. As conjoining the blood vessels and blood of the body with

the fibres and spirit of the cortex, it is the uniting medium

of the determinations of the body and of the soul.

10. And therefore is the director of its own blood and its

vessels as also it is the director of its fibres; therefore

the two brains and their hemispheres and lobes all act on the

blood vessels.

11. It also acts the part of an emuctory and purger,

otherwise it would be choked up with phlegm.

12. Being able to awaken the keenness of its senses, internal

and external, and also to put them to sleep, and so of

determining or not determining the will into act, it induces

wakefulness and sleep on its body, and at the same time on

the sensory and motory organs; therefore the division of the

cortex into lobes, clusters and tori giving freedom of

expansion and constriction to each cortical gland.

13. Therefore "all commerce between soul and body is

instituted by means of the cerebrum, to wit, between the soul

when it actuates inmost sensation and judgment. But when it

performs natural necessities, this is done in the cerebellum,

nay, and in the cerebrum when its will is laid in sleep.

"I concluded that the above points concerning the functions

of the brain should be premised, and this in order that at

the very threshold those uses may be seen which will come to

be confirmed and demonstrated specifically and particularly

by an investigation of its fabric. Without the uses

premised, particular confirmations and demonstrations will

appear somewhat obscure, just as will particular ideas

without a general and universal notion, and the images of

ocular sight without a general and universal light."

(Ibid. p. 215)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 802

[1744
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Swedenborg was not quite satisfied with the above, for immediately afterwards he writes:

"The following order is to be observed in designating the

functions of the cerebrum, for I have been better informed

with respect to these matters also."
He then arranges these functions in a different order, and also adds to them (see Brain I:n. 60 seq.) But without much comment:

1. The common supporter and regulator of the internal

sensories or organic substances of the supreme sphere.

2. The common moderator of their states and operations.

3. The common bond between the organs of the senses of the

body and the sensories of the soul.

4. The common vehicle of external sensations all the way to

the soul.

5. Thus it is called the common sensory.

6. The efficient cause and common determinator into effects

of the power of the soul, the conatus of the rational mind

and the active forces of the animus; and, therefore, the

common voluntary motory.

7. Here Swedenborg interpolates some remarkable statements

concerning the lobes of the cerebrum which, while they have

been confirmed by later investigations, the facts of

Swedenborg's day only faintly indicated:

"The highest court of the cerebrum," he says, "is

between the uppermost protuberances or in the vertex where is

the highest lobe. The middle court adjoined to the former is

the middle lobe; and the lowest court is the third lobe. All

sensations rise up thitherwards, and the sensories of the

highest court are in the utmost state of expansion, intension

and wakefulness; the others also, in their order, but they

are subordinate to the highest.... These sensories extend

backward hardly beyond the great fissure.

"Where the faculty of perceiving resides, there also

resides the faculty of willing and determining ... and so

likewise the internal motory; for there is granted the most

perfect ability of expansion and animation....

"The royal road of the sensations of the body to the

soul resident in her sensories is through the corpora striata

... for these corpora distribute every mode universally, and

especially to the vertex where is the strongest internal

intuition." These corpora are therefore the Mercury of

Olympus announcing to the soul the occurrences to the body,

and brining to the body the mandates of the soul. For this

reason they are adjoined to the cerebrum. (Br. I:nos. 66-67)

And now Swedenborg adds that remarkable passage on the

localization of brain functions - a passage which, though not

devoid of anatomical foundation, seems yet to be largely the

result of keen reasoning:

"In this way also the order seems to be so disposed," he

says, "that the corpora striata effect what the cerebrum

determines and the rational mind commands; nay, in such way

that on the highest lobes depend immediately the muscles and

the actions which are in the ultimates of the body, that is

to say, in the soles; on the middle lobe the muscles which

belong to the abdomen and thorax, and on the third lobe those

which belong to the face and head; for they seem to

correspond with each other in inverse order. Therefore it is

a function of the corpora striata to carry the sensations of

the cerebrum to the courts of the cerebrum, and the function

of the cerebrum to carry them to the soul."

(Cod. 58: p. 217)

Here, for the first and only time, Swedenborg gives forth a doctrine of motory localizations in the frontal lobes of the brain - unsuspected until over one hundred years later, but which modern investigations have shown to be essentially correct. "When did Swedenborg get all this? asks Marin Ramstrm

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in his Brochure on Swedenborg's Investigations in Natural Science (Upsala 1910), page 37. He answers his own question by showing that Swedenborg was guided by a study of cerebral diseases much more extended than is indicated merely by the anatomical citations which he adduces in his writings; and also by a careful consideration of certain facts brought out by Vieussens. But, with all this, as Doctor Ramstrm justly observes:

"Swedenborg had to collect his facts from many widely

scattered sources, from a chaos of erroneous observations,

false interpretations and curious conceptions. It was from

the study of these that he drew those conclusions by which he

arrived at almost the same result as that to which our own

day has attained," and which stamp his work as "in truth a

work of genius" (Ibid. p. 49).

And now to turn again to Swedenborg's enumeration of the functions of the cerebrum.

8. As the laboratory of spirit for the blood, the cerebrum is

an illustrious gland. This chemical function is allotted to

that part of the cerebrum posterior to the fissure of

Sylvius, where, consequently, there is found to be a more

restricted ability to animate freely. "It is not to be

denied, however," he adds, "that sensations also reach thus

far, but they do not come so much to the consciousness of our

mind as anteriorly in the courts themselves."

9. By means of the cerebrum, the soul designates and weaves

the whole of the its body; therefore, the cerebrum first

represents to itself the idea of its soul after whose form,

nature and intuition of ends, the body is formed as her

image. Thus the external man is likened to the internal not

as type to type but as type to idea.

10. The cerebrum unites first determinations or fibres with

ultimate determinations or vessels.

11. And because it sends the spirit of the blood back to the

fibres, it institutes what may be called the circle of life.

Here Swedenborg speaks very specifically of the corporeal

fibre as contributing to the spirit its elementary or

corporeal nature, while the soul contributes its life.

12. Thus the cerebrum claims to itself the right over its own

blood and blood vessels.

13. It supplies the juice which runs between the fibres and

fascicles.

14. It arouses all below it into an animatory motion.

15. Therefore, it is the seat of wakefulness and sleep.

16. From all which it appears that it is the cerebrum which

institutes commission between the soul and body. To explore

this communion, therefore, demands an exploration of the

cerebrum. It demands also that we know what the soul is, and

what the chain and bond of uses. (Br. I:nos. 71-80)

Continuing then his draft for chapter I, Swedenborg takes up these two subjects. Of what he writes on the soul, we need merely mention that he calls it the "supreme essence," the "inferior essence" being the animal spirit, and the "third essence" the blood. Each essence has its own determinations, namely, the simplest fibres, the medullary fibre and the blood vessels. Those essences derive their incorporature from the inert elements of the world, and if these elements be taken away, there remains nothing but a form derived from the determinations of the soul,

"that is to say, the verimost esse of the body under a like

form as that which is apprehended by the senses when it was

united with its terrestrial elements, but purified of its

purely corporeal parts." (Ibid. nos. 84s, 83)

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Swedenborg then adds that the soul is the deity of her microcosm where she constructs all things to her ends, where she alone lives, and where she was a species of omnipresence, omniscience, omnipotence and providence. To her, the rational mind which is properly human is adjoined as a quasi-goddess or queen who administers part of the empire, not from the necessity of love and justice, but from the understanding of truth and the affection of good. But, he concludes:

"as the body is to its soul, so the soul is to the Deity of

the universe, to whom alone and without limit belongs

omnipresence, omniscience, omnipotence, providence," etc.

(Cod. 58:p. 223)

It was after writing this passage that Swedenborg had the dream recorded in the Journal as of the night between Saturday and Sunday, July 14 x 15.

He dreamed he was talking with his Aunt Brita,* then a woman

of 75 who, it seemed, had given birth to a son, at which

Swedenborg wondered as she had long been a widow. The child

died, however, and she took Swedenborg in a costly carriage

to Count Horn.** A meal was being prepared there, but

Swedenborg left, intending to return. He then found himself

flying, and he came to a beautiful city, but noted he was

flying in the wrong direction; he therefore turned back.

"Signifies my work on the internal senses and the brain which

is likened to Brita Behm's child. That I drove in a costly

carriage to Count Horn, as President in the Chancery College

and the first Minister of the Kingdom; for to another city,

perhaps to the soul too far." (JD nos. 216-217)

* She was still living. Died in 1755, aged 85.

** Count Horn died in 1742.

The meaning of these last words is not clear, but they probably have some connection with the following note which Swedenborg entered in the margin of the last paragraph of what he had written concerning the soul:

"It must be observed that this matter is not to be inserted

in the chapter or thesis [i. e., chapter I of the Brain], for

to do this is premature; but it must be reserved. Thus I

seem to have been commanded." (Cod. 58:p. 223)
As connected with the above dream, we interpret this to mean that in treating thus early of the soul, i. e., in flying to a beautiful city, Swedenborg had gone too far; and, perhaps, that he must first partake of Count Horn's meal, i. e., acquire further knowledge of the investigation.

Swedenborg continued the draft of the proposed chapter I of the Brain by a long disquisition on "The Chain and Bond of Uses." In reality, this is a third restatement of the functions of the brain, but differs from what has preceded in that it commences from the soul and at every step traces the operations of the soul. (Br. I:nos. 84s)

He commences with the statement that the soul is in the

cerebrum as in its heaven or Olympus, although it is also

essentially everywhere.... But in the cerebrum is formed its

court, as it were, and palace. "Here it establishes courts

in myriads of cortical glands, from which it determines

itself by fibres for the forming of a body. Its highest or

intellectual court is in the anterior lobes of the cerebrum,

but it also establishes a lower court in the corpora striata

whose office it is to produce actions, that so the soul may

rest, as it were." (Ibid. nos. 84seq.)

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The more they "strive upward to the supreme sphere, the more

do sensations put on a new habit, and further put off finite

limits, and finally become rational, and it is only truth

[and falsity, and good] and evil that is beholden; and they

are affected by moral good or evil and finally by spiritual.

At first sight, this may appear as a paradox, but this comes

from an obscure notion of the doctrines of order and degrees,

or from an absence of any notion; or because we have imagined

to ourselves no other order or degrees than those existing

between the greatest and the least." (Br. I:n. 98)

These intuitions of truth exist solely by changes of

state; then comes affection and election, and finally the

determinations of the will. These latter "exist by the

living expansions and contractions of the cortical

substances, that is to say, the particular animations of

those fibres which correspond to the motor fibres of the

muscles.... Thence the spirit of the fibres is remanded into

the muscles, and, by aid of the blood which reacts, the

muscles operate their constriction and expansion."

(Ibid. n. 99)

Thus, by a perpetual circle, the phenomena of the world

penetrate to the inmost sensorium or soul, and from this flow

out into actions; thus, from the physical world to the moral

world which is constituted by human society. All that comes

in from the world, "if it flows into the imagination alone,

reverts into the same world; but if it flows into the

intellectual sphere, it reverts into the moral world; if it

flows in from the moral world, it reverts into the spiritual

world. For this reason, this circle emulates a perpetual

spiral which perpetually bends itself upward and becomes

transcendent. But these points are too sublime to be here

set forth even to the comprehension of the public."

(Ibid. n. 100)

Here Swedenborg sets forth with sufficient clearness the creation by the means of the human cerebrum, of the moral world and of the spiritual, being the worlds of moral ideas and affections, and of spiritual. And if we behold the world around - even the uncivilized - we shall see the creations or productions of man as the material representations of his moral and spiritual world - representations which continue after death.

Swedenborg then shows that, since the human will acting from

free choice, perverts order, therefore, to the cerebrum is

adjoined a cerebellum which acts not from previous knowledge

but from the necessity of order, love and justice. And that

the cerebellum may restore order, the cerebrum is given the

power of inducing sleep. (Ibid. n. 101)

In a final summing up, Swedenborg concludes that "it is the cerebrum by which the commerce between soul and body is instituted."

This ends the drafts for chapter I of the proposed Part IV of the Animal Kingdom on the human brain. We have dwelt at some length on these drafts in order to show how that Swedenborg contemporaneously with the Journal of Dreams was able clearly to formulate logical, rational and sublime concepts based on a wide scientific knowledge which was ever marshaled in orderly sequence before the sight of his mind. Indeed, as indicated by Doctor Ramstrm's Brochure above referred to, it was at this time that he gave forth illuminating principles concerning the brain as the organ of the mind, which have astonished the scholars of a later age - to say nothing of those psychological principles to which these scholars have given little attention.

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Moreover, in Swedenborg's development of these principles, we see how he is being gradually prepared, not only to see into the spiritual world, but rationally to understand the nature of that world. Not only was the physical gap between the two worlds to be removed, but Swedenborg, as of himself, was constructing a rational bridge between them.

After finishing the revision of chapter I of the Brain, Swedenborg next takes up his proposed third chapter on the Dura Mater. In the Stockholm MS., this had been treated of mainly with a consideration of its being the seat of a double motion, namely, that of the heart and that of the brain. He now deals with it more comprehensively. But it is not necessary for our purpose to review this treatment.

The additions to the Brain were finished about July 18th, and Swedenborg commenced preparing The Five Senses for the press on July 31st. What he engaged in, in the interval, is not apparent, perhaps in rest and recreation, perhaps in study, perhaps in continuing his Scripture Doctrine of Correspondences and Representations or in completing his Index to his published anatomical works. In the Journal of Dreams, however, we have a record of some of his dreams during this period.

On the night of Friday, July 20th, children were represented

to him. On the following day, Saturday, he had secluded

himself and had been engaged in thinking during the day

concerning martyrs, perhaps led to this thought by his

association with the Moravian Brethren to whom Huss was the

great martyr, and who, moreover, seem at this time to have

begun to dwell on the wounds of Christ.

That night, in his dream, he saw a congregation where each

individual had a little crown on his head; and two who stood

in front were with very large glorious crowns. One of them

talked with gladness; which was half French, half German.

"Signified those who had got martyrs' crowns ... but who the

two were, whether it was Huss, I know not." After this he

dreamt that a little child took Swedenborg to himself,

wishing to love him, but Swedenborg seemed at last to refuse

him. "Signified that one must be as children before our

Lord; into which thoughts I afterwards fell because children

have now represented themselves to me two times as well as

last night. It is that one ought not so to bother himself

about the spiritual as though it came through one's own

strength; nor yet about the worldly, but, like a child, cast

all care upon our Lord." (JD nos. 220, 219-20)

Again he dreamt:

"Made my way into a congregation; thought to go out in

time, but it was all filled, yet made my way forward. Came

on an empty bench with a cloth upon it, which I wished to

cover myself with. Signified that I wish to come into the

congregation by my own care, and that I wish to keep myself

unknown to others, which also I had done the day before. But

the case ought to be left to our Lord.

"When I woke, I came in a vision to see much gold before

me and the air full. Signifies that our Lord who disposes

everything, gives me for my spiritual and worldly matters all

that I need, when I as a child cast my care on Him."

(JD nos. 221-22)

In his dream of the following evening, Sunday, July 22nd, Swedenborg

"seemed to take a very high flying, but in such a circle that

I came down aright, when I became tired. Saw a fine salon on

the walls a costly carpet of an entire piece. Signified that

the day before, had in mind and heart, all that we let Christ

have care for us in spiritual and worldly matters, is

everything. (JD n. 223)

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"Saw that a lad ran off with one of my shirts, and I ran

after him. Seems to be that I did not wash my feet."

(JD n. 224) See WE nos. 3327, 4949.

This is the first mention by Swedenborg of feet-washing - a ceremony used by the Moravians but not compulsory. It is possible that on that Sunday Swedenborg had set feet-washing at Fetter Lane, though not himself joining in. But we shall refer to this matter later.

On the night of the following Tuesday, Swedenborg, in his

dream, was having a pleasant time in company, which he then

left in order to travel, thinking to return. Then he met one

who said he had cut out a bed curtain for him. Swedenborg was

uncertain what this meant, "whether I with my work shall take

another way, and it is being prepared for another work, I

know not. It is all obscure to me." (JD n. 225)

This was on Tuesday. In a dream on the night of the

following Saturday, July 29th,* Swedenborg saw his father in

fine vesture in front of a congregation, who talked with him

in a friendly manner and wanted to take him to an inner room

to a person who seemed to be sleeping. Swedenborg Awen

softly away, being afraid to wake him up. It was, that I

then began to read the Bible in the evenings, and that on

Saturday evening I was afraid, not to have prepared myself as

I ought." (JD n. 226)

* In the Journal, this dream was originally dated 28 x 29, but Swedenborg altered this to 27 x 28. Nevertheless, the original figures are correct as shown by the context. Swedenborg seems to have thought that July had only 30 days, as shown by a subsequent date, "30 Juli x 1 Aug."

On Monday, July 30th, Swedenborg was reading in the Book of Revelation about he persecution of the woman with the man-child by the dragon (Rev. XII), and the desire came to him that he might be the means of slaying this dragon who sought to destroy the man-child. This wish was simply a continuation in fuller form of that wish which had animated him to the writing of The Infinite, a wish which he again expresses in his Preface to the Animal Kingdom, when he says

that he writes "only for those who never believe anything

save what they grasp by the intellect," and this in the hope

that thus an approach to faith in God will then be open to

them (see above, p. 713).
It was here in the learned world that doubt and denial showed itself, and it was the thought of this that had led Swedenborg to write out early in 1734 his thoughts on Faith in Christ (see above, p. 411). This hope has animated him throughout his work, and now, when reading concerning the persecution of the woman by the dragon, the hope glows within him that by his labors he may serve as an instrument to attack this dragon of infidelity.

On that night he had a dream which is then described in the Journal:

"Saw a great beast with wings; at times it seemed like a

human being, yet with a great gape. He dared not touch me.

I went after him with a sword but had no ability or strength

in my arms to strike him. Finally, HI saw him stand before m

with a gun, and he shot out something like poison which yet

did not hurt me, for I was protected. Then, immediately

afterwards* I stuck my sword in his open throat, yet with no

great strength. I went higher up; thought it said that he

was killed. I had thought during the day before concerning

the woman and the dragon in the Apocalypse, and I had wished

I could get to be an instrument to kill the dragon; which yet

stands not in any way in my power but in God's alone."

(JD n. 227)

*The words between the daggers are a later addition.

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The next day, Thursday, July 31st, Swedenborg commenced writing the finished text of Part III of the Animal Kingdom. On the Senses. As published by him in the following January -- 3 months before April 15th - the title-page reads:

"On the Skin, the Sense of Touch and Taste, and on Organic

Forms in general";
but that he commenced the work with the intention of treating of all five senses, is shown in the Prologue where he states that he will now treat of "touch, taste, smell, hearing and sight"; not to speak of passing references in the work itself to chapters on smell, etc. He adds that he will follow this work by a treatise on the Brain, and then on the Fibre, and so will ascend

"by degrees to the supreme sphere whence we may deduce

principles and where we may speak of the soul with greater

certainty and definiteness."

On the night following the commencement of his work, he

"was long in holy shudderings, yet at the same time in a

powerful sleep; thought if something holy should be seen. It

seems that I was thrown on my face, but cannot be assured of

this. Afterwards I was taken away therefrom, and found under

my back one whom I thought to be an acquaintance. Was

annoyed that he had taken me from it; also said when he went

from me that he ought not to do so any more. The shudderings

afterwards continued, but I saw nothing further. It was that

a holy thing had come to me, and so moved me that I was led

to this my work; I had commenced in the day to write on the

Senses; and that I wished that it might not draw me from the

more important work." (JD n. 228)

These last words suggest that Swedenborg, in the meantime, had been engaged in working on the Correspondences and Representations in the Bible.

Swedenborg continues, that after this he dreamed that he was

writing for a procession of horses, and there came a great

number of large and beautiful horses of a light yellow color;

later there came to him pairs of beautiful fat horses with

fine harness. The former, he writes, "signify my work which

I have now commenced, the latter, the work on the brain; so

that I now find I have God's permission thereto, who, I

think, gives me support therein. (JD n. 229)

A few days later, on Saturday night, August 4th, he had a dream of which he writes:

"Signifies that I had been in error against my God daily with

thoughts which clung to me, wherefrom no human being but god

alone can help me; and also that boasted before H. concerning

my work." (JD n. 231)

On Saturday he had intended going to Communion on the

following day, but by this dream he "found that no human

being but God alone can forgive one's sins," and therefore

refrained. He adds: "Therefore it is given me also to remark

concerning the confession [? before the Holy Supper].

(Ibid.)

Naturally, Swedenborg did not proceed so rapidly with the finished work on The Senses as he had with the draft. In a week's time, he had written some 25 printed pages, ending with a description of the corpus reticulare Malpighii, but this he probably rewrote, for on August 8th he had a dream which he interpreted to mean that he had not rightly arranged his treatment of this subject.

In the latter part of August, when writing on the subject of the Skin, Swedenborg was greatly troubled, and felt imprisoned by his sins which had prevented him from going to God's table some three weeks previously, and which he

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[1744
September

thought had not been forgiven him; but on the night of the 26th, he dreamed

that his feet were completely white, "which signifies that my

sins are forgiven and also much else; that I was welcome back

again." (JD n. 233)
By the feet being white is evidently meant that they were washed clean; that the washing of feet had been in Swedenborg's mind has already been seen, and we shall again refer to it when treating of The Word Explained.

The next night, Monday, August 27 x 28, he had a remarkable experience in his dream, in that he actually tasted wine, of which he says:

"it was the most delicious I could taste. It came [to me]

without knowing it, that it was heavenly nectar."

Do we here have a further opening of Swedenborg's spiritual senses so that he experienced a spiritual sphere as an actual taste in his mouth? At any rate, he interprets the dream as signifying,

"how that I am getting help for my work from a higher hand,

so that I am only used as an instrument; wherefore,"

Swedenborg continues, "I also had with me one in my train

whose occupation I said was to sweep clean; also signifies

me." (JD n. 235)

On the night of Saturday, September 1st, he had a dream which he writes signifies either

"that the day before I wished to boast of one of my visits,

or that the spirits around me are flattering." (JD n. 236)
Here we may note that this reference which Swedenborg makes to his having boasted of his work before H.; and, as we shall see later, his attendance at the Harveian lecture at the College of Physicians; all indicate that besides being occupied in literary work, Swedenborg had also social duties. His position and rank would naturally bring him into contact with the leading members of the Swedish Colony in London and also with the Swedish Ambassador. This would account in part for the long time which Swedenborg took in the writing of the first part of his clean copy of the work on The Senses. He commenced this work on July 31st, and it was not till September 15th (48 days later) that he had finished the first section of the first chapter, namely, 68 printed quarto pages.

To resume: on this Saturday [Sept. 1st], feeling that his

sins had been forgiven, he determined to partake of the

communion on the next day, but, he writes, after another

dream in which he saw a friend who had left the King of

Sweden with whom he had been in high favor, and joined the

Danes and been killed, "I hear now, at once, and also he

inspired me, that I ought not to take myself away from

Christ's church, and thither to take the Lord's Supper, and

that I will then again become spiritually dead."

Whether by "Christ's church" is meant the Swedish church or

the Moravian, is not clear. But Swedenborg himself is in

obscurity as to this dream, for he adds:

"Further I could not understand, so that under this, lies a

great mystery. I held myself away therefrom; was enkindled

by the Holy Spirit, which is usual when I set myself

according to command." (JD n. 237)

Swedenborg finished the first chapter of his new work on Saturday, September 15th. The latter part of the chapter treats of the offices of the pores of the skin in providing aliment from the air and ether. This aliment, however, is provided with infinite variety according to the states

1. in the body, depending on its lower sensations and the

condition of its organs;

2. in the animus, according to what he hears and sees, and

what he reflects over and desires;

3. in the rational mind, according as it is affected by the

animus, or by itself or by the soul, whence it experiences

desires or loves.

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These states and their changes, which either inspire life or threaten death, are at once reflected in the state of papillary constitution of the skin, so that

"at every least affection of the body, the animus and the

mind, it either expands or constricts, stretches or draws

together, hardens or relaxes, and consequently sharpens its

sense or dulls it.... Hence the infinite varieties of

perspirations, attractions, evacuations.

(AK nos. 451-53 = Eng. II:nos. 513-15, 517)

Here, it will be observed, Swedenborg gives the mechanism whereby is explained the truth of his later doctrinal statement, that men impregnate their blood with things which correspond to the affections of their love; for what man's spirit loves, his blood craves and attracts. (DLW n. 420)

Summing up his conclusions, Swedenborg wrote:

"The lowest sphere or that of the body subsists from and is

nourished by aliments drawn from the bosom of the earth; and

the supreme sphere solely by ethereal and celestial food,

amply and largely supplied through the most delicate mouths

of the skin; and the mediate sphere by both. Thus, the

grosser, inferior and more lowly part of us is constantly

nourished from the earth, and the purer, superior and more

excellent part from heaven, though while it remains joined to

the body, it is ignorant of the dainties on which it feeds.

From these connections," Swedenborg concludes, "when

carefully examined by the mind, the knowledge of many arcana

of nature emerges to the light of our intellect, though as

yet obscurely." (AK n. 457 = Eng. II:n. 519)

These words were written on Saturday, September 1th, and that night Swedenborg dreamed that he saw

"the kings in France and Poland who proposed things sublime;

afterwards, a little girl who sang for me when I was going

out. Signifies that what I had written was well pleasing -

which was the last of the first chapter on the senses of

touch,* namely, the first selection of that chapter.*"

(JD n. 238)

* The "First chapter" on Touch is divided into sections, as follows: 1. The Skin and the Sense of Touch (pp. 1-56). 2. Touch (pp. 47-68). 3. Organic Forms in general (pp. 69-115). 4. Specifically concerning Touch (pp. 116-36). 5. The Use of Touch (pp. 136-44). The reference in the text to "the last of the first chapter" refers not to the whole chapter but to the first section thereof; for the third section on Organic Forms was not finished until September 29th (JD n. 243).

On Sunday, September 16th, Swedenborg commenced the second section of his chapter on touch. Here he dwells on the universality of that sense, but shows that part of it of which we are conscious, is due to the cerebrum, and that part of which we are unconscious, e. g., in the viscera, is due to the cerebellum.

After dinner on this same Sunday, Swedenborg slept, and in his dream

he saw a woman dressed in white. She was quite stout as

though pregnant. He wished to buy from her something to

drink, but she said she had nothing left. However, another

person yielded his right to get a glass from her which was

concealed in the folds of her sleeve. "He thought it to be

chocolate but it was wine. I thought I would not take it if

it were chocolate; but hen I suddenly woke. Seemed to myself

then, as also once or twice before, to have a very strong

sensation of the odor of wine. I wondered most at her snow-

white

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 811

[1744
September

clothing. I cannot well know what this signifies, whether it

was the woman I had when it was said "sanctuarium," because I

did not see her face, and that she was now with child, which

may signify that I am now in the work of writing correctly

and of giving birth to what I have in hand. For I found

myself that day very enlightened in the matters which I had

in hand. (JD n. 239)

The word sanctuarium here refers to the dream which Swedenborg had had in Leyden - five months previously - on the night of April 23rd (N. S. April 12th), when something holy was dictated to him, ending with the words "sacrarium et sanctuarium." He then seemed to be with a woman, who had said "sanctuarium," and the thought came to him that the result might be a child, and he departed in wonderment (see above, page 764).

Here it is necessary to bear in mind that by the women in Swedenborg's dreams, Swedenborg himself clearly recognized, were meant the sciences. This dream of Sunday afternoon appeared then to him to signify that at last, by means of the sciences, he had a prospect of bringing forth the birth of a new philosophy which should lead to the unfolding of the arcana of nature, the knowledge of the soul, and so to the worship and love of God.

Two days later, on the night of September 18th, he dreamed of

meeting a great black ox which seemed desirous of goring him.

"I was afraid," he writes, "but it was said to me that thou

shalt come through. Wakened. Something stands before me

when I have got through the first chapter on the sense of

touch." (JD n. 241)

It was probably a day or two after this dream that Swedenborg commenced the long section, 47 quarto printed pages, on Organic Forms, which he finished on September 29th. This chapter is, in effect, a treatise on Swedenborg's doctrine of degrees as applied to the organic forms of the body. Every such form, he says, consists of unities which are the simples of that form and which give it its peculiar nature. These unities are then compounded and recompounded, and so are determined to use through three degrees. But each such compound organic form is perfect so far as its parts on every plane act distinctly and yet unanimously; and the whole is perfect according as all the organic forms are in distinct but harmonious variety. He then shows that the law of the formation of organic forms is that the material from which comes from without but the selection of this material and its determination into use, comes from within.

Swedenborg concludes the chapter by a passage which, as we shall see, is specially mentioned in the Journal of Dreams, where he applies this principle to the formation of the mind. In this case, the material from which, consists of objects which in the brain become material ideas, being purified on the way In the centres or cortex, these are digested, and some are chosen for use and others rejected, being what is good and what is evil.

"Such," Swedenborg concludes, "is the influx of sensations

into our intellect; such is the influx of the things which

flow in; and such is the influx of the will into actions.

Of, if influx is predicated of sensations, then relatively

efflux is predicated of actions."

(AK n. 486 = Eng. II:n. 547)

As already stated, this chapter was commenced on September 16th and finished on the 29th. Meanwhile, on Sunday, September 23rd, Swedenborg had a remarkable experience, being in fact his first experience of hearing spirits while still fully awake. And here we note first that Swedenborg's actual introduction into the spiritual world was chiefly during the time when he was writing on the Five Senses; and second, that the order of his introduction seems to have

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September

followed the order of the senses. First came touch, as manifested in the many shudderings which Swedenborg experienced. Then, on August 27th, taste, being the taste of "heavenly nectar." Then, on Sunday afternoon, September 16th, smell, in that, after waking from his sleep, Swedenborg perceived a strong order of wine. And now we come to the manifestation of the presence of spirits to the senses of hearing and sight.* This was on Sunday, September 23rd, when Swedenborg was awake though engaged in deep thought:

"Before I slept, I was strongly in thoughts concerning that

which I had in hand to write; then it was said to me, Shut

thy mouth or I strike thee! Saw then one sitting on a piece

of ice, and I was afraid. Came as though in a vision. I

kept my thoughts in and came into a usual shuddering - which

was that I should not keep in therewith so long, especially

on Sundays on perhaps in the evenings." (JD n. 242)

* We note, however, that previously, at the end of June, Swedenborg had already seen with his spiritual eyes (see above, p. 790), and previous to this, he had seen lights (see above, p. 710).

That Swedenborg now actually and for the first time heard a spirit speaking while he was in bodily wakefulness, there can be no doubt, and that it was an evil spirit seems indicated by its words and by what is said about the piece of ice. Swedenborg's words about working on Sundays and at night supply perhaps Swedenborg's reflection as to why this phenomenon had occurred, but, being an after reflection, it does not account for his being "afraid." Moreover, Swedenborg had also been greatly troubled on a previous occasion when he saw a fly (see above, pages 790-91). The explanation of his fear seems rather to be supplied by himself when in August 1748 he wrote in his Memorabilia:

"Before my mind was opened so that I could speak with

spirits ... there were formerly with me such documents of

experience that I now wonder that yet I had not come into

persuasion respecting the Lord's government by means of

spirits. Not only were there dreams from some years,

informing me concerning matters on which I was writing, but

there were also changes of state while I was writing, a

certain extraordinary light in what was being written.

Later, moreover, there were many visions, when my eyes were

closed, and a light given miraculously and spirits sensibly

[felt] many times as manifestly to the sensation as to the

sense of the body; infestations from evil spirits effected in

various ways, in temptations, also afterwards when things

were being written to which evil spirits were averse so that

I was obsessed almost to horror; fiery lights seen; speech in

the early morning; besides much else; until a spirit

addressed me in a few words I greatly wondered that he

perceived my thoughts; and I greatly wondered afterwards when

it was opened to me that I should speak with spirits." And

in the margin to this passage, Swedenborg adds: "Once, after

some months when I had been speaking with spirits, I

perceived that had I been remitted into my pristine state, I

might have fallen into the opinion that they had been

fantasies." (Mem. N. 2951)

Writing in the same work more than a year later, Swedenborg gives us a further particular as to his first hearing a spirit speak. He says:

"Before it was opened to me to speak with spirits, I had been

in the opinion that no spirit or angel could ever understand

and perceive my thoughts, these being within me.... Then it

once happened

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[1744
September

that a spirit knew what I was thinking, for he spoke with me

in a few words, at which I was amazed, especially at the fact

that spirits could know my thoughts." (Mem. N. 4390)

In the light of these two passages, we can see the cause of Swedenborg being afraid on this Sunday evening, September 23rd, when, for the first time, he heard a spirit speaking. He was afraid and also amazed because he realized that his thoughts were not concealed within himself but were known to spirits.

Swedenborg had been "strongly in thoughts" concerning the interior nature of human organic forms; that their perfection came from their simples or unities, and that these

"derive their origins from heaven, as it were"; involving

that all perfection came from the Lord.

(AK n. 471 = Eng. II:n. 532)

All unknown to Swedenborg, the spirits around him knew his thoughts and were bitterly averse to them, and suddenly, when in his room he was thinking most deeply, he heard the voice of one of them say

"Shut thy mouth or I strike thee." (JD n. 242)
Swedenborg was afraid; not afraid merely because he had heard a voice, but afraid because for the first time he then realized that his thoughts were known to spirits. Often before he had felt the obscurities brought to his mind by evil spirits; they had even caused him dull pains in the head; often before also had he reflected on the fact that truth is hated by the evil; but never before had he known that spirits could actually read his thoughts; and that those thoughts could rouse up the hatred and opposition of the evil among them. The spirit who addressed Swedenborg spoke but a "few words," but to Swedenborg, conscious of the nature of the thoughts from which he was so curtly ordered to desist, those words were full of meaning, "Shut thy mouth or I strike thee."

Exactly one week after he had first heard a spirit speaking, came what appears to be the last stage in Swedenborg's preparation for being present in both worlds at the same time. He learned that at last he was to be admitted

to that beautiful palace first seen by him in a dream on

Sunday, June 17th. He had longed to dwell in a wing of this

palace, and hoped to attain his longing by his work on The

Senses (see above, page 783). I now quote from the Journal

of Dreams:

"[September] 29 x 30th which was Saturday to Sunday. I

saw a gable of the most beautiful palace that could ever be

seen; a sheen on the midst of it like the sun. It was said

to me that in the society it had concluded (skulle vara

beslutit) that I become a member as though an immortal (som

vara immortale [membrum]), which no one had been save one who

was dead and lived. Others said that there were many. I

came into thoughts as to whether it were not the most

important thing to be with God and so to live. Thus, this

looked to that which I had brought to an end concerning

organic forms in general, and especially the end [see above,

page 810]. Afterwards, some one said that he wished to visit

me at ten o'clock. He knew not where I lived. I answered

then, as I thought, that I lived in the gable of that palace;

which signified that what, with God's help, I had written

concerning [organic] forms was such that it would lead me

still further to see what is more glorious."

(JD nos. 243-44)

There are several considerations which lead me to think that in this passage is the first testimony that marks the time when Swedenborg commenced actually to be in both worlds at the same time.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 814

[1744
September

1. Swedenborg had heard a spirit speaking a week earlier, but the statement already quoted from the Memorabilia that Swedenborg wondered when a spirit first spike with him, and greatly wondered afterwards when it was granted him to speak with spirits, indicates that there was some interval between his first hearing a spirit, and his first speech with spirits. (Mem. N. 2951)

2. The statement in the Journal that the society in the Palace had concluded that he was to become a member, "which no one had been save one who was dead and lived"; and his further statement that he thought he was living in the palace, is the first intimation in all his writings of his being consciously present in both worlds.

3. Three days later, Swedenborg, for the first time, speaks of spirits as distinct individuals.

"From [October] 3rd to the 6th," he writes, "have

noticed at different times that there are spirits of all

sorts. The one spirit which is Christ's is the only one

which has with it all beatitude; by the others one is enticed

in a thousand ways to go in with them, but unhappy is he who

does it. Came before me one time and another Koran and

Dathan, who brought strange fire upon the altar, and it would

not deliver; so that it is a fire that is brought in other

than that which comes from Christ. I saw also as a fire

which came to me, therefore it behooves to distinguish the

spirits, which is a thing one cannot do save through Christ

Himself and His Spirit." (JD n. 247)

4. Two weeks after Swedenborg was chosen as a member of the society of the palace, namely, on the night between Saturday and Sunday, October 13 x 14, it was said to Swedenborg, whether in a dream is not stated,

"that now for fourteen days I have begun to look much

handsomer and to be like an angel." Swedenborg adds: "God

grant it be so; God stand by me in this and take not His

grace from me." (JD n. 268)

5. Early in October, Swedenborg abruptly ceases preparing his work on The Senses for the printer, and leaves it far from finished; nor does he ever afterwards occupy himself with physiological studies.

6. On October 27th, he ceases making entries in his Journal of Dreams; nor does he again mention any dreams or any dealings with spirits until the autumn of 1745 in his Word Explained.

From the above I conclude that on Saturday night, September 29th, or more probably Sunday morning, September 30th, Swedenborg entered at last into that state which distinguishes him from other men, and which was necessary for a revelation to men of the spiritual world and its realities. Doubtless the ability to be in both worlds at the same time was at first only occasional, and it was only gradually that Swedenborg became accustomed to it. Doubtless also he remained a passive observer, and sometimes hardly distinguished between tings sensated in dreams, in visions, and in full wakefulness. It was only after April 1745 that he became present among spirits as a familiar; for the writes that the Lord appeared to him one night during that month and

"on that same night the world of spirits, hell and heaven

were opened to me with full conviction";
see Introduction to The Word Explained, p. 114.

The conclusion seems inevitably to follow from the above, that Swedenborg was actively admitted into the spiritual world in 1744, as stated several times in the Writings, and yet, according to their equally direct testimony, it was not until April 1745 that he came fully into that state which distinguished him from that time to the day of his death.

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[1744
September

Another incident occurred on the night between September 29th and 30th which marks that night with peculiar significance:

"Afterwards," says Swedenborg, that is, after he had become

an inhabitant of the palace gable, "I was with women but

would not touch them since I had had formerly to do with the

holier ones, wherewith much came upon me which I left in

God's pleasure because I am as an instrument wherewith he

does after his pleasure; but would wish to be with the former

ones, yet not my will but God's. God grant me herein not to

have made a mistake; this I do not think." (JD n. 245)

Some light is thrown on the words "much came upon me" by what Swedenborg entered in his Journal on October 6th, three days later. There he says:

"In what frightful danger I had been the night of 29 x

30 was represented to me thereafter in the dream, wherein I

was on a piece of ice, which afterward hardly bore me; came

further on to a frightfully big abyss. A person on the other

side could not come to help me, for I went backward; but God

through Christ is the only one who helped me herein, who is

as my Lord and Master, whose slave I am; honor be and thanks,

without which none can come to God." (JD n. 248)

The nature of this "frightful danger" which Swedenborg experienced in the night when he was proposed as an "immortal," is not told. It was merely represented by Swedenborg on a block of ice going backward toward a great and frightful abyss, from which Christ alone could save him - referring probably to Swedenborg's natural mind now open to the attacks of evil spirits. Yet, we can learn something of this danger when we consider the extraordinary state into which Swedenborg had been intromitted. Writing of this state in his Memorabilia some four years later, he says:

"The spirits were with me as though they were in the world,

and not as with other men; for with me they were not only

like me as to the animus and memory, but also as to

sensation, so that they thought themselves to be, as it were,

wholly in the world, or to have returned into the world....

With me the state had been so produced by the Lord that I

could be possessed by spirits and still they would not in the

least injure me.... He who is in faith can be such, but

never others, for they would at once perish." (Mem. n. 3963)

In the light of these words, it seems probable that the danger to which Swedenborg was exposed consisted in the direct influx of evil spirits stirring up affections of self-intelligence and the loves of the sciences born therefrom, and presenting them under the appearance of women. Perhaps also spirits then attempted to get possession of Swedenborg's body and so to obsess him. Swedenborg, however, was in his "double thought" and saw that evils flowed in from hell and were not to be appropriated by man as his own; saw also, more deeply than others, the inner nature of human intelligence and its loves. Therefore, despite the powerful influx, despite the great temptation and the frightful danger, he looked on these women as apart from himself, as coming from the evil one, and so did not wish to touch them. He had been with the "holier ones" - the verities who had enlightened him in his work - and though "much befell him, he left all to God's good pleasure."

It would seem that this danger is also referred to in an entry in the Journal of Dreams made a week later, namely, on Sunday, October 7th, and which Swedenborg emphasizes by "N. B.":

"I came afterwards into thoughts and in the information that

all love, for what thing soever it may be, as to my works I

have in hand, when one loves them, and not as a medium to the

one only love which is to God and Christ Jesus, were a

meretricious love. Wherefore also in

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[1744
October

God's Word such love is always likened to whoredom. It is

also that which befell me. But when one has love for god as

the foremost love, then one has no other love thereto than

the love the man finds thereby to advance the love to God....

From this it is found how quickly and easily a human being is

seduced by evil spirits which represent themselves according

to each and every one's love; for loves are represented with

spirits, likewise in actuality as women." (JD nos. 250-52)

Meanwhile, Swedenborg was continuing with his work on The Senses. From Sunday, September 30th - being the Sunday of which we have so often spoken - to October 3rd, he wrote the last two sections of the chapter on Touch, being the sections on the Sense of Touch specifically, and on the use of that Sense.

Here he dwells mainly on the mechanism of touch, showing that the unities of that sense are the papillae, but the unities of the papillae are the simple fibres. The form of the papillae gives us the conscious sensation of touch, but the change of state in the simple fibres or unities within gives the power of sensation. These thoughts concerning unities entered into a dream which Swedenborg had on the afternoon on October 3rd, after he had finished the first chapter of the Third Part of his Animal Kingdom on the Sense of Touch. (AK nos. 500, 504 = Eng. II:561, 565)

"I came into a little nap in the afternoon of October

3rd," he writes in his Journal. "It was represented how that

everything consisted inmostly in unities, the reason of the

cause, of the end, so that our thoughts, considered also as

their unities, carry within them no other end or reason than

that which comes in from the Spirit of God or of the body.

If from the body, all is sin from the inmost, for we aim at

nothing else than that which strives against the spiritual.

What it is that rules, we ourselves can note if one reflects

from our loves which always accompany." (JD n. 246)

The second chapter of Part III of the Animal Kingdom was on the Sense of Taste. This was finished on Saturday, October 6th, and it proved to be the last of Swedenborg's physiological writings. The determination to stop at this chapter must have been arrived at later, for during the course of the work, Swedenborg promises to write succeeding volumes on the brain (AK II:n. 507u), (n. 514g) and generation (n. 469) besides the chapters on Smell, Hearing and Sight (n. 485f, 523s). Indeed, eight pages from the very end of the work as published, Swedenborg states that it is his intention to treat of Smell "in the next following chapter" (n. 590q). It is not improbable that after finishing the chapter on Taste, he laid the work aside with a view to writing a work of an entirely different nature, and that during the writing of this work - led perhaps by some admonition or by some spiritual experience or by the development of his spiritual experiences - he gradually abandoned the design on continuing it.

This work, then, marks the conclusion of Swedenborg's physiological studies and writings. It must be noted, however, that though, taking only the works he himself published, Swedenborg did not complete the pain laid down in the first volume of the Animal Kingdom, yet, when we include the works he left in MS., that plan is fully carried out, and there is not any phase of human physiology that Swedenborg intended to write that he has not actually written on in detail. At the time of which we are not speaking, he had with him a whole series of works which were to be included in the Animal Kingdom series, but, as we observed, he abandoned every idea of publishing them. For him their use had already been performed in the fashioning of his mind; for us, most though not all of these writings have been made readily available.

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[1744
October

Swedenborg commenced the Worship and Love of God on Sunday, October 7th. This we learn from an entry in the Journal of Dreams dated October 6 x 7, and written on Sunday, October 7th:

"Was very much and yet graciously [concerned]," he

writes, "how that a black veil or skin was shining which was

drawn over [me], yet had no consistency. It was said not to

hold, for it was folded together; and it was promised to

enlighten me better; was seen also, as it were, an inner

light. Will myself do this on Sundays. It was that I had

gone with my intellect and imagination into something which

was likened to the black veil, which does not hold good.

Again I saw an abyss, which is the danger I am in with my

thoughts. For the rest, something was told about my book;

one said that it would be a divine book on the worship and

love of God. I think there was also something concerning

spirits; me thought I had something thereon in my De

Infinito; but no answer was made to this." (JD nos. 249-50)

Swedenborg then continues with some reflections which we have

previously quoted on his love for the works he has in hand,

that they should be loved only as means.

In undertaking the Worship and Love of God, Swedenborg was taking a new departure. The book was to be not scientific and physiological but a work entering upon the field of theology; a "divine book," that is, a book on Divinity. As he himself intimated in a conversation with Robsham, he was troubled at times lest he should thus be rashly venturing to enter by philosophy upon a field where revelation alone was to be consulted. Before him was a black but shining veil which was drawn over him and yet did not hold but was folded together, giving promise that he would succeed. Hence his reflections that his works should be loved only as a means to the attaining of "love to God and Christ Jesus." (Doc. I;34-35) and so Swedenborg commenced the Worship and Love of God.

This work was wholly different from any other that Swedenborg had written. It is pure reasoning clothed in the form of poetic imagery without the citation of any experimental experience. Indeed, he interprets a dream as meaning

"I ought not to take from the wares of others." (JD n. 278)
And so, throughout the whole of the Worship and Love of God there is no mention of any other work - even of his own, although the doctrines enunciated in his former works are abundantly in evidence. Consequently, as in the case of the Epilogue to the Five Senses, the work was written rapidly, the whole first Part, 184 quarto pages, being finished in less than three weeks. We would note, however, that while the text of the work by reason of its poetic imagery differs in style from all others of Swedenborg's writings, this does not hold good of the numerous and lengthy footnotes, these being written in the style and with the logical chain of reasoning which characterizes the Economy of the Animal Kingdom and the Animal Kingdom.

As stated, the work was commenced on October 7th. It was Autumn and the leaves were falling, and this furnished the theme for this opening paragraph:

"Walking once alone in a pleasant grove, to dispel my

distracted thoughts, and seeing that the trees were shedding

their foliage and that the falling leaves were flying about,

from being said I became serious when I recalled the delights

which that grove from Spring even to this season had so often

diffused through my mind." (WLG n. 1)
He then pictures the whole life of the universe as a single year, the changes and seasons whereof he now proposes to contemplate.

After this short Introduction follows chapter I on the origin of the world, where Swedenborg presents summarily and in poetic language that doctrine of creation which in the Principia he gives in such full detail. Here, however, he commences with the natural the natural sun as having been already created.

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[1744
October

That night, October 7th, he dreamed he was in a mist and was in fear

because it seemed there were soldiers in the neighborhood,

who may have been Swedes or enemies. Finally he came into a

room. On asking for water, he was told the water was stale

and muddy. He then asked for milk and woke up. This he

interprets as signifying "that I was on an erroneous path and

followed my understanding into a fog; then one is afraid,

even of his own people, as though they were enemies. But

when one walks on the right way, one is afraid of no one.

The water means that it [my understanding] is still muddy;

the milk, that it should be still further strengthened."

(JD n. 253)

Then in "a vision" he saw a man in a black cape which was then taken off

and the man disappeared. "Which means that the former

blackness disappeared. When one walks only in such way that

one relies solely on God and Christ and not on himself, or

does not set before him as his arm, flesh, his own

understanding. For the rest, one found that we are soldiers,

to fight continually against Satan. When one has God's

spirit and life, then is it daily a victory, but contrariwise

it is daily a defeat; one falls from the one to the other;

for one ought not to despair but to rely on God's grace." On

the previous night, Swedenborg adds, he seemed to have been

offered a military commission, but he wished to remain an

assessor, "which signifies that I did not understand what it

means to be a soldier and to fight against Satan; for God

sends angels with him to fight for him. This is the black

mantle which is drawn off, and God himself has been pleased

to enlighten me." (JD nos. 254-55)

In these dreams on Sunday night there seems to be reflected a state of doubt and hesitation in Swedenborg's mind as to the wisdom of leaving his former studies and entering upon an entirely different kind of work; a state which, as we shall see, is clearly set forth by Swedenborg himself two days later. Not that any such state is reflected in what he had written, but in his own mind he wondered whether he were pursuing the right way.

In the second chapter, Swedenborg describes the birth and growth upon the earth of a paradise wherein the flowers represented in beautiful images the sun and the stars; and in one of his learned notes he affirms that this had its origin in the ether by the cooperation of the solar rays flowing through the air. (WLG n. 20n)

He follows this with a chapter on the creation of animals in paradise from the lowest insects in order, to warm-blooded animals both mild and savage, a creation, he says, which was ether, which is "the active force of nature" whereby the vegetable kingdom was brought into being, but from a force from the spiritual sun. (Ibid. n. 13n)

There can be no doubt but that Swedenborg here teaches that different subjects of the vegetable kingdom brought forth not only their own seeds but also seeds which would develop into beings of the animate world (Ibid. n. 25r).

The virgin earth, he says, "represented a new egg, but

an egg crowned with new eggs gathered together at its

surface, or with new seeds of its future triple kingdom.

These seeds or beginnings lay as yet unseparated in their

rudiments, the one being wrapped in the other" (n. 15).
Yet it may be doubted whether he is here laying down a scientific or philosophic doctrine as to the actual mode of creation; for his words can be interpreted in harmony with the teaching in Divine Love and Wisdom, n. 65,

"that in ultimates lie concealed the beginnings of all uses

which are from life.... Thus, the uses of all created things

ascend in order from ultimates to man,"

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[1744
October

and this not continuously but by degrees; in other words, with the teaching that in every kingdom there is a conatus to produce uses for a higher kingdom. There can be no doubt of the general truth that the lower kingdoms furnish the body of the higher, and this is all that Swedenborg affirms in the Worship and Love of God, for, as in the birth of the firstborn, the ovum produced by the central tree required the inbreathing of this spark of life from God (n. 34), so something of the same kind is demanded in the creation of insects, fowl and beasts; whether the basic materia is produced from the earth direct or from the earth by the vegetable kingdom, Swedenborg declares a year later, is not a matter of faith. (Hist. Crea. N. 14) We have also the significant fact that in one of his footnotes, Swedenborg compares creation to the operations of the mind whereby ends are secured. Then from ends by causes effects are produced (n. 28t). We may add that nowhere in the Writings is there any specific teaching as to the actual process of creation.

On Monday night, October 8th, his thoughts during the day were reflected in a dream which he describes in his Journal:

"This night was the most delightful of all because I saw

the kingdom of innocence. Saw beneath me that most beautiful

garden that could be seen where, on each tree in succession

were set white roses. Came afterwards into a long room where

stood beautiful white vessels with milk and bread in them, so

appetizing that nothing more appetizing could be imagined. I

was in company with a woman, whom I did not specially note.

Then I went back. There came to me a beautiful child, little

and innocent, who said to me that she, the woman, has gone

away without taking leave; bade me buy for her a book which

she would take up ... Awoke.

"Besides this, I seemed to be treating at my own cost a

crowd in a house or palace by itself; acquaintances were

there.... It seemed to be costing me a great deal ...

sometimes I did not attend to it there, for I noted that all

was paid for by the lord who owned the property or showed it

to me. It means in the kingdom of innocence, and that I was

treating the other and worldly ones without seeing them.

Whether it signifies my work, that it is not to be like with

them, although I am treating them with it, or something else

[I do not know.] The child was innocence itself; by it I was

much moved and desired to be in such a kingdom where all were

innocence; complained that on waking I cam away therefrom.

What the woman means who went off without leave, I know

not...." (JD nos. 257-60)

Despite these last words, there seems in this dream to be a representation of the two lines of Swedenborg's work - the Senses and its anatomical experiences which he had abruptly left, and the entirely different work on which he was now engaged - the woman who wished a book but left without leave, and the innocent little child, and the appetizing dish of milk and bread.

It was doubtless under the influence of this dream that Swedenborg, on October 9th, wrote the second chapter "On the Brain of the Firstborn or Adam."

In the centre of paradise, a paradise within a paradise, was

the tree of life; and when all was ready, this tree brought

forth an egg into which was breathed the spark of life from

God. This spark immediately began to weave for itself a

body, and Swedenborg describes in the most poetic language

how that all nature contributed to the birth and nurture of

this first-born man; and not only nature, but also the

spiritual minds of heaven which directed the offices of

nature and drove away all that would infest, as, for

instance, any fierce animal which might overleap the bounds

assigned it, which then either fled or fell on their knees as

though to worship their Lord, for, adds Swedenborg, "pure

spiritual essences ... so affect and

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October

astonish minds enslaved to nature that they ignorantly and

impotently forget themselves and adopt habits even contrary

to their own nature" (WLG n. 37)

We note, by the way, that while Swedenborg speaks of the creation of natural animals, he also has in mind the representation of the loves of the animus which are represented by animals. But of this we shall speak later.

In this chapter we have a turning point where two characteristics of the work are manifested. Up to this point, the Worship and Love of God may be considered as a summary and continuation of the Principia. In the latter work, Swedenborg ended with paradise and the mention of man's creation, but nothing specific is said as to the mode in which the vegetable and human kingdoms were created. Now, after devoting years to the study of the animal kingdom, Swedenborg returns to his Principia, and continues the interrupted story even to the birth of the firstborn. With this creation, however, the character of the work changes, and the story of the life of a single man blends into the story of the establishment of the kingdom of heaven from the whole human race. There are abundant evidences to this effect in the many anachronisms with which the work abounds. Thus, in their conversations with the firstborn, the heavenly intelligences speak of Cerberus (n. 81), Morpheus (n. 72) Venus (n. 74), Olympus, etc.; of palaces (passim), ladders, tapers (n. 72), chimney sweeps (n. 74), stage players; of the sciences, the muscles (n. 74) and fibres; of insanity; of the hypocrisy of public speakers wishing to move the crowd; and of the incarnation and crucifixion (n. 78).

The aim of Swedenborg's works had been to investigate nature as the kingdom of the love and wisdom of the Deity, and the crown of the works was to treat of the soul and its state after death, that is to say, of the kingdom of God itself. (A Phi. NB pp. 484, 494)

Of this kingdom, he says in one of his Plans of the Animal Kingdom series:

"The heavenly society is to be compared with a unanimous

body; although the latter consists of an infinitude of parts,

yet these parts are so united that the one sensates what the

other suffers and does. Thus, there is a communion of them

all. In a word, heavenly society is to be compared with a

body over which is a head, this being Christ Himself."

(Ibid. p. 264)

It is of this Grand Body that he now undertakes to write, not by treating of the soul after death but by representing in the life of a single pair the attainment of the End of Providence in the creation of the human race - in seeing in a single man the whole human race, or rather, the human mind as a whole, and the operations upon it of God through His angels, and of the Devil and his crew, and the final establishment of the Kingdom of God. He then studied the human body as a kingdom constructed by the soul that she might descend to earth and then return in human angelic form. He had seen that the mind has two ways open to it, one from the world by which it is aroused to corporeal life, and the other from heaven, whereby it has rational and purely human life. And to the Grand Man of the universe. Here the soul is the Divine end; and this soul makes its descent in the great universe, that it may again ascend as the heavenly society of souls.

We may here add that in his Journal, Swedenborg says:

"On October 9th I was so clear-sighted that I saw to read the

fine print Bible without the least inconvenience."

(JD n. 260)
The Bible referred to was a duodecimo edition translated by Tremellius and Junius, and printed in pearl type. It was this Bible and also Castellio's that Swedenborg used when citing passages on correspondences and representations in A Philosopher's Note Book.

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 821

[1744
October

In the second section of chapter II of the Worship and Love of God, Swedenborg continues to treat of the birth of the firstborn.

This took place at midnight, his life being the progress from

evening to morning. He was at once attended by AGodlike

essences or celestial images" who breathed their virtues into

him. Later on, heavenly intelligences and the sciences

attend him, and still later, the prince of the world and his

crew. (WLG n. 41)

It has usually been thought there here Swedenborg gives evidence of a belief in the prior creation of angels. This, however, is far from being the fact. In his Rational Psychology, written two years earlier, he specifically repudiates the belief in the separate creation of angels.

"The end ... for which the world was created," he says,

"... can be no other than that a society of souls or heaven

may exist, that is, the kingdom of God."

That this may exist, he continues, "it is necessary that its

form of government be most perfect, to wit, souls distinct

among themselves, and among souls every possible variety,

which is to be called harmonic variety. From such harmony

arises consensus and accord, which produces effect and end

such as has ever been previded and provided." He then adds:

"It can indeed be said that God might have created such a

society at once without an earth and things mundane; that is

to say, that he might have filled heaven with souls without

any generation and multiplication on this earth. This,

indeed, cannot be denied. All things are possible with God,

but there are also innumerable things which are impossible to

him, to wit, to be imperfect, mortal, inconstant ... and

since a society of this kind, the form whereof is most

perfect, is by no means possible without every variety from

the most perfect even to the utterly imperfect.... God could

never have immediately created any devil or any soul wherein

is evil ... and, consequently, any man together with vice,

crime and sin, and therefore so such variety as is requisite

in such a society." Evil, however, Swedenborg adds, arose

not from God but from the rebellion of the devil against God.

"Thus," he concludes, "the end of creation is obtained, that

is, the kingdom of God, the seminaries whereof are earthly

societies." See also AK nos. 465-66. (R. Psych. nos. 553-55)

We have, moreover, the direct testimony of the Worship and Love of God itself. There we read that

"the Olympus or heaven of the intelligences" is in the

cortical glands of the brain." (WLG n. 41z)
Moreover, Swedenborg specifically states that when the firstborn spoke with his Intelligences, it means simply that he thought; and also that the wisdoms and intelligences which instruct the firstborn, composed his mind, and are

"the same thing as our mind which consists of understanding

and will." (Nos. 5sp, 53p, 68, 68m)

What Swedenborg describes under the terms Celestial Intelligences, Essences and Wisdoms, are the operations of the soul. In infancy these widely direct and govern their body. Afterwards also from within comes the love of the sciences, which, as in the Journal of Dreams, are represented by maidens; and lastly comes the devil and his crew, that is, the love of self with his five principalities which are the five senses. And when this love is active, then come threatening wild animals by which are represented the lusts and passions of the animus.

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[1744
October

Swedenborg had been studying and developing the science of correspondences and representations. He had written the Hieroglyphic Key; he had studied the correspondences and representations in the Scriptures; and now, after abruptly interrupting his writing on the Five Senses, he essays to present as the fruit of all his studies, published and unpublished, a universal view of the means by which through all vicissitudes the kingdom of God is established from the human race; and to present this, not in a scientific or philosophical treatise, but in the form of a representative picture, wherein the play of the influences of heaven through the soul, and of the world through the senses, their combats, and the final victory of heaven, are set forth in the life of a single pair. Nevertheless, in his numerous footnotes, Swedenborg supplies philosophical considerations from which the reader can gain a clue as to the true meaning of the representative scenes so poetically described.

One may ask why Swedenborg determined thus to change the style of his writing. The answer is supplied in part by the consideration of those studies of correspondences which we have just mentioned; also of his having so long considered his dreams, wherein, as he notes, the sciences were represented by women. It would seem also that with the development of the opening of his spiritual sight, he was becoming accustomed to the consideration of representative pictures. Apart from these considerations, however, it seems to me that the method of presentation which Swedenborg thus adopted for setting forth a universal view of the birth of the kingdom of God from the womb of the human race, is the one which in itself is well adapted to his purpose. How else society! Certainly, however obscure the meaning of the work may have been in the contemporary reader, the writing of it had an important place in the preparation of Swedenborg for his ultimate mission as presenting before his mind the spiritual world and the natural as one and inseparable like mind and body; and as presenting the operations of spiritual forces as the living and essential activities of the human world.

Let us now return to the Worship and Love of God itself. After the

birth of the firstborn and the preliminary offices exercised

by the celestial essences, the latter instituted a curious

paradisaical sport or dance wherein they "insinuated

themselves from the circumferences by continual circuitions

and involutions toward the centre ... where, from being

discreted they could unite together in one continual sport."

In that centre, moreover, "the crowning choir of celestial

beings, from more interior goals and a more universal

rotation ... began new orbs" concentrating into a more

interior centre. (WLG n. 42)

Here Swedenborg presents a picture of the play between the soul and the sense, giving delight to the infant man and initiating him into the uses of the body. This, indeed, is explicitly stated in one of the footnotes (n. 43c).

This passage, written doubtless on October 10th, seems to have been inspired in part by a dream which Swedenborg had on the preceding night, and which he describes in his Journal:

"In a vision [saw] a fire of coal, as it were, which

burned strongly, which signified the fire of love." Later he

was with a woman but was prevented from touching her by the

presence of a woman but was prevented from touching her by

the presence of teeth, "which signified that on the preceding

day I had kept on with my work which is wholly separate from

the other, and a wholly different love; whether it would

prevail, and not be considered as a chattering or plaything

in comparison with the other. When I woke I was then in the

complete resolution to abandon this work, which also would

have been done if afterwards in my dream I had not

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 823

[1744
October

seemed to be sent to a place with a letter. I did not find

the way, yet Hedwig my sister saw the letter; said it was to

Ulrica Adlersteen,* who was found long to have longed for me.

I came thither; also saw Schönström. Afterwards I had

continually before me the senses, how that they go up to the

cerebrum and down, whereby I was strengthened to continue

with the work. God grant it be not against His pleasure,

since I can deduce nothing from the dream without setting

myself into a searching as to whether I wish to abandon it;

to which resolution, however, God helped me. To God alone be

praise and honor. But a child fell on my foot and hurt

itself, and cried out; I wished to help it up and said, Why

such rush? It means without doubt that I wish to rush too

fast in this [work]." (JD nos 261-63)

(Swedenborg had thus far written some 52 quarto pages in

three days.)

* The widow of Swedenborg's cousin Albrecht Schönström who had died in 1740. She was six years younger than Swedenborg.

Here again we see a trace of the doubt in Swedenborg's mind as to whether he should thus enter into theological mysteries from human philosophy; a doubt which seems not wholly to have left him until the day when he received his mission as revelator.

On the next night, October 10th, he had a dream which signified:

"The Moravian Church, that I am there and am not received,

and that I say that I have no knowledge in religion, but that

all is lost, and they who play basset win here and there."

(JD n. 264)
This is not clear, save that it seems to indicate that Swedenborg still preserved some connection with the Moravian congregation at Fetter Lane, though as an outsider. He was still lodging at the house of Mr. Brockmer, a deacon of that church.

Returning now to the Worship and Love of God, Swedenborg

describes the work of the soul in guiding the senses of the

infant, that the storehouse of memory might be formed, and

from memory the beginning of ideas, until at last, when the

infant was a youth (adolescentulus, n. 52), she took her

leave and resigned the kingdom to the rule of the

Intelligences and retired to her own palace, there still to

keep general oversight over the welfare of the kingdom. In a

series of notes, Swedenborg explains that what is meant is

that the ruling of the body is now given over to the

cerebrum, to which is assigned the senses and the muscles and

the lungs, but the soul in the cerebellum still stands guard

over the welfare of he interiors of the body, and during

sleep over its exteriors also. (WLG n. 50)

It would seem not improbable that here something more is involved than the operations of the soul in a single infant; that Swedenborg's teaching involves also that through all the vicissitudes of the human race, while after the fall the conduct of the race has been dominated by the rational mind of man, there had yet been constantly preserved the leading of heaven by the soul, whereby the rationality and liberty of the race has been preserved.

During the writing of this part of his work, Swedenborg was in a peculiar state of happiness and gave his thoughts somewhat free course; and it came to his mind, would punishment change this. The answer came to him in a dream of a man who was scourged and afterwards preached with increased zeal. Swedenborg interpreted this as meaning

"that when one becomes disciplined by our Lord, one then gets

greater zeal and spirit to continue in that to which the

spirit leads one." (JD 265)

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[1744
October

"Afterwards," he continues, "I seemed to say to myself

that the Lord Himself will instruct me; for, as I found, I am

in the position that I know nothing in this matter save that

Christ should be all in all, or God through Christ; so that

we ourselves cannot do the least thing thereto, still less

can strive, for it is best to surrender oneself, grace or no

grace; and, furthermore, it would be most perfect if one

could be entirely passive therein. I saw also in vision how

that beautiful bread was presented me on a plate, which means

a premonition that the Lord Himself will instruct me, when

now I first come into the state that I know nothing, and all

preconceived judgments are taken away from me, which is the

beginning of learning, namely, to become first a child and so

to be nursed up to knowledge, which is now happening with

me." (JD n. 266)

Swedenborg continues the Worship and Love of God with a

discourse by the firstborn, now a young man, with his

intelligences. In this discourse, he acknowledges the

commands of the soul and vows to live according to the maxims

of his auditors. To the one he owes it that he lives and

breathes, to the other, that he is wise and acts with reason

and so that he is a man. He also promises to introduce new

intelligences into the palace. He is then conducted by one

of the intelligences to the throne. (WLG n. 52)

In a footnote, Swedenborg explains that he is here describing the synthetic way followed by the analytic which was the primitive method of learning, the way, namely, of perception from within followed by confirmation from without. (WLG n. 52n)

In a further footnote, he explains that by the firstborn speaking to his intelligences is meant that he thought, and he goes on to show that thought is a more perfect speech and "is heard and understood by celestial minds which are called angels," just as oral speech is heard by men. He had already made a similar statement in his A Philosopher's Note Book, and both statements would seem to be based on his own spiritual experiences during this period of his life. (WLG n. 52p, A Phil. NB p. 420)

After ascending upon the throne, the firstborn, addressing

the surrounding damsels, being his intelligences, then

discourses wisely concerning uses, and how that in uses was

an image of the Deity. As he spake these words, Swedenborg

adds, "he saw himself encompassed with a bright cloud

streaked with purple and flame-colored tints like the morning

dawn. He was in the midst of a choir of celestial beings who

guarded the tree [of the knowledge of good and evil] near

which they were seated lest he should gather any of its

fruits." (WLG n. 53)

What follows to the end of this second Section of the work describes how that the firstborn fell into a vision during which he seemed to be taught by the Deity as to the origin of all goodness and truth.

It was while Swedenborg was writing the latter part of this section on October 13th that it was said to him that for the past fourteen days he had become more beautiful and like an angel (see above, page 813).

The third Section of the Worship and Love of God commences with a discourse by one of the celestial wisdoms concerning the truth that nothing is really man's but only appears to be. It was after writing this, on the night of October 15th, that Swedenborg had a dream which he interpreted as signifying

"that they who themselves wish to strive and to help

themselves to heaven ... labor in vain and with constant

danger; this is easy when one addresses himself to God, since

he has the help in this." (JD n. 269)

824

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 825

[1744
October

In the course of their discourse, the celestial wisdom

observes to the firstborn that man is balanced between two

loves. This causes astonishment in the mind of the firstborn

who knew of only one love, and this leads to a discourse

concerning order and the subordination of nature to life.

The discourse is then illustrated by opening the doors to the

world and allowing "our women servants or ideas" to flow into

the palace.

"The wild beasts were set at liberty, and leave was given to

the ideas to rush from their dens into Olympus by a law of

their own choosing. Instantly, having plucked the lamps from

the ceiling and with their hair uncombed, they rush in crowds

into the palace itself ... according to their fancy.... They

began to investigate with their lamps where were their

mistresses, the wisdoms, for by that light they could not

discern them." Not finding the wisdoms, they said: "Let us

occupy these empty habitations, possibly they are spectres

which fly off into the air at first sight of our light. Let

us enjoy our free will, for we are free; but, they added,

What is wisdom? What is the soul of which they say they are

begotten? Yea, what is life? .... Let us light still more

lamps and examine. But thence arose an altercation, and when

the combat was verging to sedition, the soul, being aroused

from its sacred chamber,... burst into the sacristy and

thrust down that disorderly crew." (WLG nos. 60, 66)

Here Swedenborg plainly indicates the origin of evil as being the allowing of sensual ideas to enter into the palace of the rational mind and to rule there instead of remaining in their lower and subordinate seat as subjects and slaves. He is also alluding to the trend of philosophy and science as he discerned this trend.

This was written on October 18th, and on the evening of that day, Swedenborg attended the Harveian Oration held at the Hall of the Royal College of Physicians in Warwick Street. The annual Oration and the preceding banquet

was established in 1656, shortly before his death, by the

liberality of Doctor Harvey, the discoverer of the

circulation of the blood. Both were held annually at the

College Hall on October 18th. They were notable occasions in

the medical world, and were attended by the most eminent

physicians and by other notable persons including royalty.

(Knight, London, picture in)

That Swedenborg should have been present at one of these lectures indicates that he had influential connections in the city. Nor is this surprising. He was a Swedish nobleman, having a high position in the government service and being a member of the House of Nobles. He was also the son of a bishop, well known in England, and was himself an author of note whose works had been reviewed in the learned journals of Europe. His interest in human anatomy would naturally lead him to wish to attend at so notable an occasion as the Harveian lecture. He himself speaks of a Doctor Walth of London whose acquaintance he made in the early part of his sojourn in London, and it may have been through him that he was numbered among the invited auditors of the lecture in Warwick Street; or, and perhaps more likely, it was through the Swedish Embassy headed by Caspar Joachim von Ringwicht. (Calson, p. 133)

The Orator on the occasion when Swedenborg attended was a Doctor Ambrosius Dawson, who chose as his subject the contribution to medical science made by past members of the Society, all of them being Englishmen.

Listening to this Oration, Swedenborg may have entertained the hope that his name might be mentioned as a distinguished visitor "who was somewhat prominent in the understanding of medicine." This hope was not realized, and Swedenborg

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 826

[1744
October

himself realized that it was somewhat presumptuous. Indeed, he so declares when describing in his Journal a dream which he had that night, wherein a dog which he supposed to be tied up, flew at him and bit him in the leg. He says:

"There came one who held its frightful jaw, so that it could

not do me more injury. It means that the day before I had

heard the Oration at the Medical College, and in my thoughts

I prided myself that they would mention me as one who had a

better understanding of anatomy; yet was I glad that this was

not done. In a vision in the night there followed how that a

twisted foot went from me, which should mean that through the

bite I had become as a twisted foot." (JD n. 270)

Continuing his Worship and Love of God, the firstborn is now

instructed concerning the nature of love, and then that there

is an infinitude of loves. This leads to speech concerning

the love that is opposite to the Love of the Supreme; a love

"which is not love but an enemy who by singular cunning

invents reasons to impose upon the innocent." That the most

perfect order might exist, says the Wisdom, God raised a

fountain of life with its infinite streams, even in the very

nature of the world. "This was the cause of the creation of

several spirits and genii ... which live here; and of one

prince or leader of all" who was made "the God of the world,

and his palace like to a celestial palace." The Supreme

created heaven and the world for the sake of His only

begotten son, and therefore spiritual essences and living

minds are nothing but instrumental causes. It was for this

also that the Emperor of the world was created. But he

became elated at the greatness of his kingdom, and made

rebellion against the only Begotten, and so "the empires or

universes were divided." Hence, "there are two who bear rule

in the universe, viz., the love of the best ... and the love

of the worst." (WLG n. 69)

The wisdom then introduces the firstborn into the court of

this Prince, the residence of those servants of the Prince

who first receive from the external senses all the images and

modes of the visible world and carry them to the wisdoms, and

of those who receive the commands of the wisdoms and carry

them into effect. But this Prince, though seeming humanely

peaceable when chained as a servant, is yet a cunning enemy

and can never entirely discard his inner hatred.

(Nos. 70, 71)

When he has enticed to his side the lower intelligences of

any mind, displaying the ensigns of his power, his chains are

removed, and he arranges his genii, invades the palace, and

casts out its intelligences and wisdoms which fly to the

consecrated house of the soul, and from there see the

disturbance which he arouses. (N. 72)

After this, the Wisdom then continues:

"They say that he then imposes on the vanquished mind a state

of government like that which he had intended to impose on

heaven.... For a subjugated mind he calls his heaven ... and

he is induced to believe that he has invaded heaven itself."

The wisdom then describes the insanities which this Prince

then introduces into the palace, and the diseases which he

introduces into the body. (Ibid.)

It was a commencement of writing this portion of this work that on the night of Friday, October 19th, Swedenborg had a dream wherein, to quote from his Journal,

"I saw the one beast after the other; they there stuck out

their wings. They were dragons. I flew over them away, yet

one of them I struck against. Such dragons signify spurious

loves which show themselves as if they were not dragons

before one gets to see their wings. This I had now in hand

to write upon." (JD n. 271)

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 827

[1744
October

During the next day, Saturday, October 20th, while he was writing concerning the Prince of the World and his spurious loves, to quote the words of the Journal written on the following day, Sunday:

"It was very gracious and remarkable; the preceding day

I found myself to be unworthy of all the grace God is pleased

to show me, because with me, love for myself and pride was so

deeply rooted. Therefore prayed god to take this from me,

because it is not within my power. Found myself in the

evening in an amazing situation, such as I had not found

myself in previously, that I despaired, as it were, of God's

grace, although I yet knew that God was so gracious, and, to

me especially has shown greater grace than to others. It was

an anguish in the soul but not in the mind, so that it was

not sensible save in the mind itself, without any pain in the

body." (JD n. 272)

Here we interrupt our quotation to point out that in these words Swedenborg himself gives us the understanding of those states described in the Journal which, viewed superficially, seem to indicate a mind so perturbed as to be incapable of calm rational thought.

"It was an anguish in the soul but not in the mind, so that

it was not sensible save in the mind itself."

It was a spiritual temptation perceptible in the mind yet without disturbance of the rational function of that mind, and still more without any disturbing effects on the body. Hence, though undergoing severe spiritual temptation, Swedenborg was yet able to pursue his studies, to continue the ordered setting forth of his philosophical inductions, to comfort himself in society as a worthy and honored member, and to conduct his business affairs in his usual methodical manner.

We resume the quotation from the Journal:

"Thereafter I slept. Were seen by me two dogs which followed

chase after me. Long afterwards I at last was rid of them,

and it was said to me in my thoughts, that this amazing pain

was to cure me of them, so that there is such a pain when

shall be taken away a root of that which is so deeply rooted

- which merits being well remembered and having in one's

thoughts. (JD n. 273)

After this, Swedenborg in his dream saw the King of France who was

courteous to all without distinction, and being without a

suite, he labored like other folk. Afterwards the Queen

appeared, who also had no pride. "Signifies," writes

Swedenborg, "that in Christ there cannot be the least pride,

but that he makes himself like others, although he is the

greatest King and does not bother himself about that which is

great; likewise that he takes others' burdens upon himself.

The queen who is wisdom and the same and has no self-love and

does not regard herself as being in herself higher, because

she is a queen." (JD nos. 274-75)

In his continuation of the Worship and Love of God, Swedenborg describes the further discourse by the celestial Wisdom concerning the furies who rush in through the senses, and who, although of countless number,

"have yet only two leaders set over them, one of which is

called the love of self, and the other the love of the world,

whom the Prince himself calls his nobles." Under them are

lesser leaders, all of whom have their own provinces. These

chiefs assign a general government to some supreme being, but

the particular government they ascribe to chance or their own

prudence. (WLG nos. 75-77)

The Wisdom continues that the Deity could have destroyed

these chiefs and their rulers. Indeed, he was about to do so

when "the only

827

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 828

[1744
October

Begotten cast Himself headlong ... amongst the furies of the

devil ... and suffered Himself to be almost torn in pieces

and destroyed by that mad infernal dog; at sight of whom, our

Supreme laid aside his lightnings, lest at the same time he

should devote his only begotten to his most just anger."

Following the entreaty of the only Begotten, the most

holy Parent then promised "that for His sake alone He would

indulge that world so long until it had run through its

ages.... At the same time, He gave power to our Love, of

binding and losing at pleasure that tyrant His enemy."

(WLG n. 78)

Here we have what has been thought to be a picture of the false theology of the Christian Church. As a fact, however, it is a poetic presentation, not of a false theology, but of the teaching of the New Testament. Whether or not this presentation embodied with Swedenborg a false theology depends on Swedenborg's understanding of what he presents. The Writings themselves teach:

"Divine good judges all men to heaven, but Divine Truth

condemns all to hell; for unless the Lord's mercy which is of

Good were eternal, all men whatsoever would have been

condemned"; and that the Lord came into the world from Divine

Love in order that the race might be saved from destruction,

is well known. (AC nos. 2335, 2447)

That this also was the idea that Swedenborg embodied in the poetic imagery of the Worship and Love of God, is indicated by a passage at the end of the first chapter of his Principia, where he read:

"It is therefore agreeable to reason to conclude, that

there would have been no love in God toward man in his

unconnected and discontinuous state, but only justice, had

not the Infinite and Only Begotten for this cause been made

Man, that in Himself as a man, and, consequently, through a

certain connection with Himself, He might restore a

connection with the Infinite in those who are like Him."

(Pr. I:p. 45, Eng.)

To illustrate her discourse, the celestial Wisdom then called

the Prince of the world forth from his den. "He appeared

first as a savage dog, then as a dragon, and finally as fire,

but so long as he was in the presence of the celestial

Wisdom, he was deprived of all power to injure." (WLG n. 810

The celestial Wisdom then relates the services of the Prince

of the world as being to serve as a spiritual nexus "between

the heaven of our mind and the world of the body." With this

and other discourse, Swedenborg then concludes the first Part

of his work, being the end of the "fifth sense."

(Nos. 83-86)

This first part of the work, embracing five Senses in the life of the world, must have been written from October 7th to about Sunday, October 21st. It is undoubtedly a presentation, not only of the doctrine respecting the creation of the kingdoms of nature, but also and more especially of the universal conflict between good and evil; the origin of the conflict and its use in the establishment of the kingdom of God; how the soul descends and gives perception, rationality, freedom; and how the world ascends, as it were, to provide both the vessels for descent and the means for action. That the conflict thus described was not intended to be limited in its historical scope but was meant to include the human race from the beginning to the present day, is seen from the fact that the work of incarnation is spoken of as an accomplished fact, and that the aim of the whole work, as clearly appears in the third Part, is to show the means whereby the Kingdom of God is established from the human race. It is as though Swedenborg, before being introduced into the office of an instrument for the

828

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[1744
October

revelation which was to be the last and crowning means for the establishment of the Kingdom of Heaven, concentrated the whole of his philosophy in an effort to present in a single picture the operations of the Divine into and upon the mind of man that the end of creation might be realized; and this, that, when the time came for him to serve as the instrument whereby these operations might be made more complete, he might see the Divine and before him in living image, and so might serve as its instrument.

By now, Swedenborg had fully determined to abandon the Animal Kingdom, and, after finishing Part I of the Worship and Love of God, he gave the last touches to his unfinished Part III and gave it to the printer. This abandoning the Animal Kingdom was represented to Swedenborg in one of the dreams which he had on the night of October 26th, as follows:

"When I went with my friend through a long passage, a

beautiful girl came and fell into his arms and lamented. I

asked if she knew him. She did not answer. I took her from

him and led her by the arm. This was my other work to which

she addressed herself, from which I took her into this. In

the morning [i. e., the morning Sunday, October 27th], the

market was seen to me in a vision as a Disting*; it was in my

father's house in Upsala, in the salon upstairs in the

entrance way, and for the reset all over. This signifies the

same thing, so that it ought to be done so much the more

surely." (JD nos. 280-81)

* An annual fair of ancient origin held in Upsala every February.

On Saturday, October 27th, he commenced to make for the press a clean copy of the Part I which he had completed. Of the night before, that is, the night between October 26th and 27th, he writes in his Journal:

"It was said to me before that the 27th of October would

come again; then I undertook [copying out] the Worship and

Love of God.* It seemed to be Christ Himself, whom I

associated with as with another without ceremony. He

borrowed a little from another - some five pounds. I was

annoyed that he did not do it from me. I took up two, of

which I seemed to myself to let one fall and then another.

He asked what it is; I said I had found two, one perhaps had

fallen from him. I gave and he took them. In this innocent

way we seemed to live together - which was the state of

innocence.

* As we shall see later, it was at the end of October 1745, and perhaps on the 27th, that Swedenborg commenced the History of Creation, in the first chapter of which he compares the first Part of the Worship and Love of God with the teaching respecting creation given in the beginning of Genesis (Hist. Crea. n. 9).

"Afterwards I was in my room with another who was an

acquaintance or relative, and said that I will show him that

I was better lodged. Thus I went out with him first into a

side room which bore far away chamber within chamber but

belonged not to me. A person in the bed asked what he

wished. I went out with him into my own salon; when I opened

the door, I saw a whole market-place was lodged there; right

before me were many wares. Moreover, there was seen a side

of a large palace, but this was taken down, and then in front

and at the sides, the whole [of it] was seen full of

beautiful vessels, porcelain, as it seemed to me, just set

up; at the side all was in process of being set up; who also

went afterwards into my little chamber which also shone.

This signifies all the work I now take in hand in God's name;

in front concerning the worship, at the side concerning love;

and that I ought not to take the wares of another but my own,

since

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[1744
October

it was in my salon which I hired, my own chamber; and beside

it was the other work [the Animal Kingdom], and the room at

the side was that which did not belong to me. God lead me on

the right way. Christ said that I ought not to undertake

[anything] without him.

"Sat me on a beautiful black horse; there were two. The

horse was spirited; went first off the way but afterwards

turned. It means that which I should undertake, which still

was obscure for me, but comes at last on the right way."

(JD nos. 276-79)

He then dreamed concerning the girl which represented his other work, as told above (see page 828).

"In the morning [that is, the morning of Sunday, October

27th, when Swedenborg commenced the copying of his Worship

and Love of God] when I woke, there again came upon me a

swoon or deliquium such as I had six or seven years ago in

Amsterdam when I began the Economy of the Animal Kingdom, but

much more subtle so that I seemed to be near death; came when

I saw the light; cast me on my face, yet passed gradually

over, because a slight slumber seized me; so that this

deliqium was more interior and deeper, but at once passed

over. It signifies, as then, that my head is steadied and

actually purified from that which would hinder these thoughts

- as also happened the former time (see above, page 455),

because it gave me penetration, especially with the pen; as

also it was represented to me that I seemed to write a fine

style." (JD n. 282)

This is the last entry in the Journal of Dreams, but it carries us well into the state of preparation which culminated in the vision of the following April.

Swedenborg must have finished the copy of Part I of the Worship and Love of God before the end of November when the MS. was given to the printer. A confirmation as to the printing of Part II of the Animal Kingdom, and Part I of the Worship and Love of God is afforded us by an entry on the last page of the Journal of Dreams, from which we learn that on December 21st, Swedenborg exchanged 2,760 Swedish dalers for L60 at Herr Mackey in London.

Both works were published early in 1745, probably in January. Both were also reviewed, though we may doubt whether Swedenborg at this time was much interested in the reviews when they came out in the following September when Swedenborg was engaged exclusively in the study of the Bible.

In its review of Part III of the Animal Kingdom, the Neue Zeitungen von Galehrten Sachen of September 23rd, after noting that the "style of writing and the clearness of his diction" would have revealed the author, even had his name not been given, goes on to say:

"He has the ability to write many pages concerning a matter

on which frequently very little depends, while having nothing

to say, except that he seems to have said something by

expressing a well known thing in an obscure way." The skin,

continues the reviewer, is described "in such a fashion that

one would have had no cause for astonishment had he appended

an entire physiology in notes." The chapter on Organic form

is spoken of as probably being "beyond the comprehension of

most readers." And the review concludes: "to one who wishes

to make a name for himself y all kinds of peculiar theories,

and with little danger of incurring the suspicion that he has

borrowed them from others, Herr Swedenborg's writings will

prove extremely useful." (NP 1933:p. 179)

830

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 831

[1744

The Amsterdam Journal des Scavane of April 1746 merely mentions the work together with the titles of is chapters and the place where it can be bought in Paris.

Part I of the Worship and Love of God was reviewed by only one journal, namely, the Bibliothque Raisonne in its April-June issue of 1745, the review being long though by no means laudatory.

831

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 832

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832

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FAM. = Familjebok, see Nordisk.
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833

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 834

GEN. = Generation, see Swedenborg.
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HAMILTON, A., Anteckingar rrande Sverige, see Familjebok.
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INF. = The Infinite, see Swedenborg.
I. Rep. = Intellectual Repository.
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ITINERARIA = Resebeskrifningar, see Swedenborg.

JD = Journal of Dreams, see Swedenborg.
JEWISH ENCYCLOPEDIA, 1907.

834

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 835

KAHL, Achatius, Observations in Syntaxin Anguarum Hebraicae, etc., London 1824; Predikningar fwer Syenska Kyrkan, 1871; Nya Kyrkan och dess Inflytande p Theologiciens Studium i Swerige, 1847-64 (4 pts in iv.)
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KVS = Kongliga Svenska Veternskapaskademien Handlingar.

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MOTTRAYE, Aubry de la, Resor 1711-1725.

835

LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 836

NATHORST, A. G., Emanuel Swedenborg as a Geologist, Stockholm 1908.
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NJMag. = New Jerusalem Magazine.
NKTid. = Nya Kyrka Tidningar.
NMKNOWL. = New Magazine of Knowledge.
NP = New Philosophy.
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OM JARNET, see Swedenborg.
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PHIL.NB = A Philosopher's Note Book, see Swedenborg.
PSYCH. = Psychologia, see Swedenborg.
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RHYZELIUS, Bishop Andreas, see Jos. Helander.
R.o.Ad.R. PROT. = Sveriges Ridderskaps och Adels

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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 837

Riksdagsprotokoll.
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SAMMLUNG VON NATUR UND MEDICINE ... KUNST UND LITERATUR GESCHICHEN, Breslau 1717-36.
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SC. And PHIL. TR. = Scientific and Philosophical Treatises, Parts I, II, see Swedenborg.
SD = Spiritual Diary, see Swedenborg.
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SEL. SENT. = Select Sentences, see Swedenborg.
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LIFE OF SWEDENBORG p. 838

Mechanical Inventions, Miscellaneous Observations, Om Jrnet, Opera Philosophica et Mineralis, Opera Poetica, Opera Quaedam, A Philosopher's Note Book (SSA 1931), The Principia, Psychologica (SSA 1923), Psychological Transactions (SSA 1920), Rational Psychology (SSA 1950), Resebeskrifningar (Itineraria), De Sale Communi (SSA 1910), Scientific and Philosophical Treatises, Parts I and II (SSA 1905, 1906, 1908), Select Sentences, The Five Senses (SSA 1914), Spiritual Diary (Memorabilia), Tremulation, Underrttelse om Docken, Slysswercken och Saltwercket, 1719, Worship and Love of God.
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TERSMEDEN, Meoarer i frmmande land, Stockholm 1914.
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TOTTIE, Jesper Svedbergs Lif och Verksamhet, Upsala 1885.
TRANSACTIONS, see Lowthorp.
TROLLHTTEN, see Bring.

UNDERRATTELSE OM DOCKEN, SLYSSWERCKEN OCH SALTWERCKET, 1719, see Swedenborg.
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UUH = Upsala Universitets Historia 1877-1914, 5 vols., see Annerstedt.

VERHEYEN, Phil., Corporis Humani Anatomiae, Amsterdam 1731, Naples 1734.

VETENSKAPS SOCIETEEN i UPSALA.
VIEUSSENS, Raymond, Neurographia Universalis, 1716.

WARHOLM, J. M., Skara Stifts Herdaminne, 1871.
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WHEATLEY, H. B., London Past and Present, 1891.
WHISTON, William, New Mathematics: A New Method for discovering the Longitude, London 1714.
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WINSLOW, Jakob B., Exposition Anatomique, Paris 1732.
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YOUNG, A., Travels in France, 1787, 1788, 1789. London 1912.

Zenzen, Nils, Om det Swedenborgska Marmorbordet, 1934 (a pamphlet).

838